Mandibular torus morphology

The morphology of the mandibular torus was examined, and comparisons were made between a Medieval Norse skeletal population from Greenland and a 14th to 17th century Greenland Eskimo skeletal series. Three parameters were analyzed: degree of development (on a 4-point scale), position and length, and surface morphology according to the number of knobs, or lobuli. It was found that the Eskimos have a high frequency of weakly developed tori and no cases of the extreme development, while over 20% of the Norsemen had tori in the “extreme” category. The Norse torus was generally found to be longer than that of the Eskimos, and both groups exhibited a slight asymmetry between the sides, the torus on the left side tending to be longer and more forward in position than the right. A great difference was found in surface morphology. The Norse torus is in general very irregular, while the Eskimo torus is rather smooth. These differences are believed to be genetically determined.     

Why did the frequency of palatine torus increase in the ancient Anatolian populations?

The frequency of the palatine torus varies in various populations from different regions of the world. In this study, the change of frequency of palatine torus is examined using 387 skulls from 12 different ancient Anatolian populations in various periods ranging from the Early Bronze Age to the first quarter of the 20th century.While the frequency of palatine torus is 45% in the Early Bronze Age, this ratio steadily increases to 87% in the Ottoman Period and finally declines to 40% during the recent period. It was determined that the increase in the frequency of the palatine torus is statistically significant across different periods from the Early Bronze Age until the 20th century. Constituting a passageway between Asia and Europe and being located on the crossroads of the most important trade route of the Medieval Period, the Silk Road, Anatolia is known to have been subjected to recurring invasions and migrations since the 11th century A.D. Therefore, it is possible to say that, with the introduction of the Mongoloid influence in Anatolia, genetic flow has had a significant role in the observed increase in the frequency of this trait.     

Uncovering the Genetic History of the Present-Day Greenlandic Population

Because of past limitations in samples and genotyping technologies, important questions about the history of the present-day Greenlandic population remain unanswered. In an effort to answer these questions and in general investigate the genetic history of the Greenlandic population, we analyzed ∼200,000 SNPs from more than 10% of the adult Greenlandic population (n = 4,674). We found that recent gene flow from Europe has had a substantial impact on the population: more than 80% of the Greenlanders have some European ancestry (on average ∼25% of their genome). However, we also found that the amount of recent European gene flow varies across Greenland and is far smaller in the more historically isolated areas in the north and east and in the small villages in the south. Furthermore, we found that there is substantial population structure in the Inuit genetic component of the Greenlanders and that individuals from the east, west, and north can be distinguished from each other. Moreover, the genetic differences in the Inuit ancestry are consistent with a single colonization wave of the island from north to west to south to east. Although it has been speculated that there has been historical admixture between the Norse Vikings who lived in Greenland for a limited period ∼600–1,000 years ago and the Inuit, we found no evidence supporting this hypothesis. Similarly, we found no evidence supporting a previously hypothesized admixture event between the Inuit in East Greenland and the Dorset people, who lived in Greenland before the Inuit.     

The Not-so-Dark Ages: ecology for human growth in medieval and early twentieth century Portugal as inferred from skeletal growth profiles

This study attempts to address the issue of relative living standards in Portuguese medieval and early 20th century periods. Since the growth of children provides a good measure of environmental quality for the overall population, the skeletal growth profiles of medieval Leiria and early 20th century Lisbon were compared. Results show that growth in femur length of medieval children did not differ significantly from that of early 20th century children, but after puberty medieval adolescents seem to have recovered, as they have significantly longer femora as adults. This is suggestive of greater potential for catch-up growth in medieval adolescents. We suggest that this results from distinct child labor practices, which impact differentially on the growth of Leiria and Lisbon adolescents. Work for medieval children and adolescents were related to family activities, and care and attention were provided by family members. Conversely, in early 20th century Lisbon children were more often sent to factories at around 12 years of age as an extra source of family income, where they were exploited for their labor. Since medieval and early 20th century children were stunted at an early age, greater potential for catch-up growth in medieval adolescents results from exhausting work being added to modern adolescent's burdens of disease and poor diet, when they entered the labor market. Although early 20th century Lisbon did not differ in overall unfavorable living conditions from medieval Leiria, after puberty different child labor practices may have placed modern adolescents at greater risk of undernutrition and poor growth.     

Pollen and non-pollen palynomorph evidence of medieval farming activities in southwestern Greenland

Radiocarbon dating, pollen and non-pollen palynomorph analyses from a lake core were used to establish the timing and effects of farming activities around Lake Igaliku, Eastern Settlement, Greenland. The absence of agro-pastoral impact before the medieval colonization by Europeans provides an opportunity to understand the development of farming activity in a pristine landscape. The results show that the first phase of clearance and grazing pressure, without the expansion of the Norse apophyte (native plant, in habitats created by humans) Rumex acetosa type, could have occurred in the 9–10th century a.d. The presence of Norse settlers and livestock is clearly recorded from the 11–12th century a.d. with increasing frequencies of the Norse apophytes Rumex acetosa type and Ranunculus acris type, and coprophilous fungi. This colonization phase is followed by a period of decreasing human impact at the beginning of the 14th century, with a decrease in weeds, apophytes and coprophilous fungi suggesting a reduced grazing pressure. The regrowth of Salix and Betula and the disappearance of anthropogenic indicators except Rumex acetosa type between the 15th and 18th century demonstrate the abandonment of the settlement, until the development of contemporary agriculture in the 20th century.     

Carabelli's trait in contemporary Slovenes and inhabitants of a medieval settlement (Sredisce by the Drava River)

The objectives of this study were to determine the total frequency, expression and asymmetry of Carabelli's trait in permanent dentitions of contemporary Slovenes and a medieval skeletal population from northeastern Slovenia. A total of 254 dental casts from contemporary Slovene children were examined. The population of a medieval settlement (10th-15th centuries), was represented by 94 skeletons. A modification of the method of Alvesalo and associates was used to classify Carabelli's trait on a five-grade scale. The trait was expressed on the upper first molars of 79.7% of the contemporary subjects and 75.8% of the medieval sample. Positive expressions of the trait were found in 10.1% of the contemporary subjects and 15.2% of the medieval sample. While the observed total frequency of the trait in both samples is characteristic of Europeans, the rates of positive expressions are surprisingly low but consistent with data from a recently published worldwide literature survey. Both populations showed a low rate of left-right fluctuating asymmetry of the trait. This finding might reflect a pronounced ability of individuals in the medieval population to buffer unfavourable influences from the environment and a relatively low level of environmental stress in the contemporary population.     

Norse Greenland settlement: reflections on climate change, trade, and the contrasting fates of human settlements in the North Atlantic Islands

Changing economies and patterns of trade, rather than climatic deterioration, could have critically marginalized the Norse Greenland settlements and effectively sealed their fate. Counter-intuitively, the end of Norse Greenland might not be symptomatic of a failure to adapt to environmental change, but a consequence of successful wider economic developments of Norse communities across North Atlantic. Data from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and medieval Iceland is used to explore the interplay of Norse society with climate, environment, settlement, and other circumstances. Long term increases in vulnerability caused by economic change and cumulative climate changes sparked a cascading collapse of integrated interdependent settlement systems, bringing the end of Norse Greenland.     

Comparing Norse animal husbandry practices: paleoethnobotanical analyses from Iceland and Greenland

The popular view of the Norse settlement across the North Atlantic describes colonies with similar subsistence practices being established from the Faroe Islands in the west to L'Anse aux Meadows in the east. The importance of plant resources to the Norse animal husbandry strategies implemented by settlers upon arrival are not well established, nor are the changes these strategies underwent, eventually resulting in different cultural solutions to varying environmental and social factors. This paper compares archaeobotanical samples from two Icelandic archaeological sites, Svalbare and Gj?gur, and one Greenlandic site, G?rden Under Sandet (GUS). Results of this comparison suggest that heathland shrubs were an important fodder resource for caprines in both Iceland and Greenland while apophytes ("weedy taxa") were part of the cattle fodder in Greenland. Further, the results indicate that mucking out of cattle barns to provide fertilizer was likely practiced at the GUS site in the Western Norse settlement of Greenland.     

Mitochondrial DNA variation in the Viking age population of Norway

The medieval Norsemen or Vikings had an important biological and cultural impact on many parts of Europe through raids, colonization and trade, from about AD 793 to 1066. To help understand the genetic affinities of the ancient Norsemen, and their genetic contribution to the gene pool of other Europeans, we analysed DNA markers in Late Iron Age skeletal remains from Norway. DNA was extracted from 80 individuals, and mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms were detected by next-generation sequencing. The sequences of 45 ancient Norwegians were verified as genuine through the identification of damage patterns characteristic of ancient DNA. The ancient Norwegians were genetically similar to previously analysed ancient Icelanders, and to present-day Shetland and Orkney Islanders, Norwegians, Swedes, Scots, English, German and French. The Viking Age population had higher frequencies of K*, U*, V* and I* haplogroups than their modern counterparts, but a lower proportion of T* and H* haplogroups. Three individuals carried haplotypes that are rare in Norway today (U5b1b1, Hg A* and an uncommon variant of H*). Our combined analyses indicate that Norse women were important agents in the overseas expansion and settlement of the Vikings, and that women from the Orkneys and Western Isles contributed to the colonization of Iceland.     

Disequilibrium,Adaptation, and the Norse Settlement of Greenland

There is increasing evidence to suggest that arctic cultures and ecosystems have followed non-linear responses to climate change. Norse Scandinavian farmers introduced agriculture to sub-arctic Greenland in the late tenth century, creating synanthropic landscapes and utilising seasonally abundant marine and terrestrial resources. Using a niche-construction framework and data from recent survey work, studies of diet, and regional-scale climate proxies we examine the potential mismatch between this imported agricultural niche and the constraints of the environment from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries. We argue that landscape modification conformed the Norse to a Scandinavian style of agriculture throughout settlement, structuring and limiting the efficacy of seasonal hunting strategies. Recent climate data provide evidence of sustained cooling from the mid thirteenth century and climate variation from the early fifteenth century. Archaeological evidence suggests that the Norse made incremental adjustments to the changing sub-arctic environment, but were limited by cultural adaptations made in past environments.     

Viking and Medieval Settlement in the Faroes: People,Place and Environment

Apart from the possible, but unproven presence of some Irish hermits, the Norse colonizers of the Faroe Islands arrived in an unsettled landscape around A.D. 800. The archipelago was essentially unwooded and rich in bird and marine life. The area of land suitable for settlement and farming was relatively meagre and concentrated in coastal areas; inland areas were suitable for shielings (summer pasture) and subsequently more extensive grazing (outfield) activities. Reconstruction of the settlement distribution has not been a well-developed aspect of Faroese historical study. Using archaeological and documentary evidence, we are able to present the first comprehensive distribution map of Norse settlement, which emphasizes an overwhelmingly coastal focus of considerable density. Using historical (including place-names), archaeological, and environmental evidence, we examine the nature and organization of the Viking (early Norse) and medieval (later Norse) settlement. Colonization and economic activity in the islands were strongly influenced by topographic and ecological factors. This, along with social organization, was subject to influences which may have derived, at least in part, from experiences in a Norwegian homeland.     

Northern Islands,human error,and environmental degradation: A view of social and ecological change in the Medieval North Atlantic

Between ca. 790 and 1000 AD, Scandinavian settlers occupied the islands of the North Atlantic: Shetland, the Orkneys, the Hebrides, the Faroes, Iceland, and Greenland. These offshore islands initially supported stands of willow, alder, and birch, and a range of non-arboreal species suitable for pasture for the imported Norse domestic animals. Overstocking of domestic animals, fuel collection, ironworking, and construction activity seems to have rapidly depleted the dwarf trees, and several scholars argue that soil erosion and other forms of environmental degradation also resulted from Norse landuse practices in the region. Such degradation of pasture communities may have played a significant role in changing social relationships and late medieval economic decline in the western tier colonies of Iceland and Greenland. This paper presents simple quantified models for Scandinavian environmental impact in the region, and suggests some sociopolitical causes for ultimately maladaptive floral degradation.     

Torus mandibularis among Icelanders

Nine hundred and seventy-six Icelandic schoolchildren (489 ♂ and 487♀) were surveyed for occurrence of torus mandibularis. No sexual dimorphism was observed but there was a statistically significant difference between areas. A highly significant positive association between age and frequency of occurrence and size was also observed. Single tori were more prevalent than multiple ones and also appeared earlier. Symmetrical occurrence predominated, but when unilateral, tori were more often found on the right side. Secular changes in the incidence of torus mandibularis among Icelanders suggest the strong influence of environmental factors.     

Grazing impacts and woodland management in Eriksfjord: Betula, coprophilous fungi and the Norse settlement of Greenland

This paper focuses on the impact of Norse settlement on vegetation and landscape around the head of Tunulliarfik (Eriksfjord) in southern Greenland. Pollen, radiocarbon, microscopic charcoal and fungal spore data are presented from a peat monolith which was collected close to the ruins of a large Norse farm complex (group ?39 at Qinngua in the former Eastern Settlement). Landnám is identified at ca. cal. a.d. 1020 by a small decrease in pollen from Betula, a slight increase in Poaceae, and the appearance of pollen from Norse apophytes (native plants favoured and spread by human activity) and anthropochores (not native and unintentionally introduced by people). Increases in microscopic charcoal and palynological richness are also apparent. This pattern is broadly consistent with that seen in other pollen diagrams from this region. The sequence is unusual for Greenland, however, in that relatively high Betula pollen percentages (average 20% TLP) are recorded throughout the period of settlement, up to the end of the 14th century a.d. before the profile becomes truncated. If these data are primarily representative of the dry land vegetation, then they suggest that birch woodland and scrub may well have persisted close to the farm throughout the Norse period. Given the potential resource value of woodland to the settlers, this may imply that birch was being managed sustainably, as was the case in Iceland during the medieval period. Coprophilous fungal spores typically found on animal dung are abundant during the early phase of settlement, yet subsequently decline in abundance. This may indicate a likely decrease in grazing intensity or livestock numbers over time, possibly in response to climatic deterioration and/or soil erosion that is expected to have placed increased stress on the pastoral farming system.     

Composition of the founding population of Iceland: biological distance and morphological variation in early historic Atlantic Europe

We examined the composition of the founding population of Iceland through the study of morphological traits in skeletons from Iceland, Ireland, Norway, and Greenland. This is the first study to address this issue from the Settlement Period of Iceland and contemporary samples from Ireland. We pose the following questions: 1) Was the founding population of Iceland of mixed or homogeneous origin? 2) Is there evidence for a significant Irish cohort in the founding population, as suggested in medieval Icelandic literature? Analysis of biodistance revealed that both Settlement Age and later samples from Iceland showed a greater degree of phenetic similarity to contemporary Viking Age Norwegians than to samples obtained from early medieval Ireland. Analysis of among‐individual morphological variation showed that the Settlement Age population of Iceland did not exhibit an increase in variation in comparison to other populations in the sample, suggesting a relatively homogenous origin. However, estimation of admixture between the Irish and Norwegian populations indicated that 66% of the Icelandic settlers were of Norwegian origin. Comparison of the Icelandic samples to hybrid samples produced by resampling the Viking Age Norwegian and early medieval Irish samples revealed that the Icelandic samples are much closer to the Norwegian samples than expected, based on a 66:34 mixture of Norwegian and Irish settlers. We conclude that the Settlement Age population of Iceland was predominantly (60–90%) of Norwegian origin. Although this population was relatively homogenous, our results do not preclude significant contributions from Ireland as well as other sources not represented in our analysis. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2003. © 2003 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Palatine torus in the pre-conquest inhabitants of the Canary Islands.

An unusually high frequency of palatine torus in prehistoric Canary Islands skeletal remains is investigated in terms of population origins, evolutionary forces (gene flow and genetic drift) and environmental effects. Palatine torus frequencies (percent presence) are compared between the Canary Islands sample and skeletal samples from proposed ancestral regions, including northwest Africa, northeast Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, southern Europe, northern Europe and western Asia. The frequency of palatine torus is much higher in the Canary Islands sample (23.8%) than in samples from Northern and sub-Saharan Africa (1.8-6.1%), southern Europe (7.5%) and western Asia (2.1%), but is much lower than in the sample from northern Europe (57.4%). Because biological and archaeological evidence provide strong support for a northwest African origin for indigenous Canary Islands populations, the relatively high occurrence of palatine torus in the Canary Islands populace cannot be explained by an alternative ancestry; rather, it may be best explained by either evolutionary forces such as genetic drift or gene flow, or by environmental forces, such as hard chewing or a heavy dependence on marine foods. Genetic drift and gene flow seem less likely, since frequencies of other dental traits known to be under strong genetic control do not differ greatly between the prehistoric Canary Islands and northwest African samples. Environmental factors such as diet seem the most likely explanation and may include heavy consumption of marine foods, which has been implicated in torus formation.     

Torus mandibularis in an Alaskan Eskimo population

One of the lowest reported incidences of torus mandibularis (10.7%) in an Eskimo population was observed in the Wainwright, Alaska group studied during 1968. In this population the tori generally did not appear until after the age of 40 years in contrast to other Mongoloid populations previously reported. There was no size difference between males and females, but the males exhibited a much higher incidence of this exostosis. The tori did not significantly increase in size with increasing age after their appearance late in life.     

Recruitment rates exhibit high elasticity and high temporal variation in populations of a short-lived perennial herb

Empirical studies for different life histories have shown an inverse relationship between elasticity (i.e. the proportional contribution to population growth rate) and temporal variation in vital rates. It is accepted that this relationship indicates the effect of selective pressures in reducing variation in those life‐history traits with a major impact on fitness. In this paper, we sought to determine whether changes in environmental conditions affect the relationship between elasticity of vital rates and their temporal variation, and whether vital rates with simultaneously large elasticity and temporal variation might represent a characteristic life‐history strategy. We used demographic data on 13 populations of the short‐lived Hypericum cumulicola over 5–6 years, in three time‐since‐fire classes. For each population of each time‐since‐fire, we computed the mean matrix over years and its respective elasticity matrix, and the coefficients of variation in matrix entries over study years as an estimate of temporal variability. We found that mean elasticity negatively significantly correlated with temporal variation in vital rates in populations (overall eight out of 13) included in each time‐since‐fire. However, seedling recruitment exhibited both high elasticity and high temporal variation in almost all study populations. These results indicated that (1) the general relationship between elasticity and temporal variation in vital rates was not modified by environmental changes due to time‐since‐fire, and (2) high elasticity and high temporal variation in seedling recruitment in H. cumulicola is a particular trait of the species' life history. After seed survival in the soil seed bank, seedling recruitment represents the most important life‐history trait influencing H. cumulicola population growth rate (and fitness). The high temporal variability in seedling recruitment suggests that this trait is determined by environmental cues, leading to an increase in population size and subsequent replenishment of the seed bank in favorable years.     

Population history of the middle Euphrates valley: Dental non-metric traits at Tell Ashara,Tell Masaikh and Jebel Mashtale,Syria

Fifty-nine dental non-metric traits were scored using Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System on a sample of teeth from 350 human skeletons excavated at three sites in the lower middle Euphrates valley. The dataset was divided into six chronological subsets: Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, Early Iron Age with Neo-Assyrian period, Classical/Late Antiquity, Early Islamic (Umayyad and Abbasid) period and Modern period. The matrix of Mean Measure of Divergence values exhibited temporal homogeneity of the sample with only dental non-metric trait scores in the Modern subset differing significantly from most other subsets. Such a result suggests that no major gene flow occurred in the middle Euphrates valley between the 3rd millennium BCE and the early 2nd millennium CE. Only after the Mongolian invasion and large depopulation of northern Mesopotamia in the 13th century CE a major population change occurred when the area was taken over in the 17th century by Bedouin tribes from the Arabian Peninsula.     

Human palatal growth evaluated on medieval crania using nerve canal openings as references

The purpose of this investigation was to measure postnatal lengthening and widening of the hard palate by use of nerve canal openings as references. The relationship of the dentition to the greater palatine foramina was also investigated. Thirty-nine medieval dry skulls were examined, 22 from children and 17 from adults. All crania were photographed at a 1:1 scale. The dimensions of the maxilla and the location of the dentition were determined from the photographs. The study showed that palatal growth in length in the sagittal plane takes place anterior to the greater palatine foramen. The growth increment in the area between the incisive foramen and the transverse palatine suture is more pronounced than the growth increment in the area between the transverse palatine suture and the greater palatine foramen. The distance from the greater palatine foramina to the posterior margin of the palate did not increase significantly with age. The growth in width seems to continue into adult life. The first permanent molars and the surrounding bone are moved forwards in relation to the greater palatine foramina during growth. The space for the developing maxillary premolars and molars therefore has to be obtained by growth in the transverse palatine suture. © 1996 Wiley-Liss, Inc.