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1.
The economic transition in developing countries is not always the result of the change from a centrally-planned to a free-market economy, but may be found within an already existing free-market economy as a result of profound political change, as in South Africa. The release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 heralded an end both to the political system of apartheid and to the concomitant social, political, and economic disenfranchisement of 30 million non-White people in South Africa. The first freely elected non-White government came to power in 1994 and initiated a number of social and economic reforms aimed at alleviating the worst consequences of apartheid. This paper examines the effect of post-apartheid economic and social transition on the growth and development of urban children. Over 4000 children born in Soweto and Johannesburg were enrolled in the Birth to Ten (BTT) birth-cohort study in 1990. Whilst these children were born with lower birth weights than in developed countries, they did grow strongly in infancy, particularly in weight, to reflect normal reference values for body mass index (BMI) by 1 year of age. While post-apartheid social and economic changes were expected to take some time to affect child growth and development, the rate of change has been slower than expected. Data from the BTT study demonstrate that the growth of White children continues to be superior to that of their non-White peers and differences that existed at birth and during infancy have not diminished during childhood and early adolescence. Whatever factors are changed at the national or community levels during economic (and social) transition in South Africa appear not yet to have resulted in improved child physical growth.  相似文献   

2.
Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs) remain endemic to many regions of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) left behind by socioeconomic progress. As such, these diseases are markers of extreme poverty and inequity that are propagated by the political, economic, social, and cultural systems that affect health and wellbeing. As countries embrace and work towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the needs of such vulnerable populations need to be addressed in local and global arenas. The research uses primary qualitative data collected from five NTD endemic counties of Kenya: interviews key informants (n = 21) involved in NTD implementation programs and focus groups (n = 5) of affected individuals. Informed by theories of political ecology of health, the research focuses on post-devolution Kenya and identifies the political, economic, social, and cultural factors that propagate NTDs and their effects on health and wellbeing. Our findings indicate that structural factors such as competing political interests, health worker strikes, inadequate budgetary allocations, economic opportunity, marginalization, illiteracy, entrenched cultural norms and practices, poor access to water, sanitation and housing, all serve to propagate NTD transmission and subsequently affect the health and wellbeing of populations. As such, we recommend that post-devolution Kenya ensures local political, economic and socio-cultural structures are equitable, sensitive and responsive to the needs of all people. We also propose poverty alleviation through capacity building and empowerment as a means of tackling NTDs for sustained economic opportunity and productivity at the local and national level.  相似文献   

3.
H. Allen Orr 《Genetics》2009,183(3):767-772
Most scientific theories, even revolutionary ones, change the practice of a particular science but have few consequences for culture or society at large. But Darwinism, it has often been said, is different in this respect. Since the publication of The Origin of Species, many have claimed that Darwinism has a number of profound social implications. Here, I briefly consider three of these: the economic, the political, and the religious. I suggest that, for the most part, these supposed implications have been misconstrued or exaggerated. Indeed, it is reasonably clear that the chain of implication sometimes primarily ran in the opposite direction—from, for instance, economics and political theory to Darwinism.THE appearance of The Origin of Species launched one of the greatest, and most justly celebrated, revolutions in the history of science. But in the 150 years since the appearance of Darwin''s book, many scholars, scientists, and pundits have claimed that Darwinism did more than revolutionize biology. Darwinism, they claim, also had a number of social and cultural consequences: economic and political, medical, eugenic, educational, and religious. Some of these consequences are to be applauded and others regretted, but all, it is said, can be traced to important strands of thought in The Origin of Species. One of the ironies of modern history would thus seem to be that the close scientific study of pigeons, mockingbirds, and barnacles could have such consequences.But while the case for the scientific importance of Darwinism is incontestable, the case for its presumed social and cultural consequences is far more complex and, in places, dubious. Here I consider three of these supposed consequences: the economic, the political, and the religious. Because the economic and religious cases have been widely discussed, I focus on the political one. I should note that I am not an expert on economics, political theory, or religion, but a biologist. Perhaps fortunately, then, little that I have to say is new but reflects the efforts of many social scientists and historians. Because their ideas seem little known among biologists, they may be worth recounting here.  相似文献   

4.
The Mexican Ministry of Health's anti-malaria campaigns of the last sixty years have overlapped and interacted with both the World Health Organization's Global Eradication Program and a series of major political, social, and demographic movements in Mexico, including economic transformation, migration, urbanization, tourism, rural development, and the building of social and sanitary services. The authors argue that three decades of successful environmentally-oriented malaria work that integrated social and economic development was followed by the Global Campaign's insecticide-based approach that failed in both its economic and public health objectives, ultimately serving to block development efforts, particularly in poorer and southern states.  相似文献   

5.
Stig Rydén 《Ethnos》2013,78(3-4):181-183
Veena Das's work on suffering suggests that the appropriate approach to the subject is one that grounds research in social experience. To honor this pitch of anthropology, I examine the global mediatization of the trauma of political violence and its moral implications. I also describe the professional appropriation of suffering that transforms political economic conditions into medical realities. Because social experience is itself undergoing a profound alteration in the present period of disordered capitalism, the very phenomenological conditions that we have assumed as an ‘existential’ basis for responding to human misery are also being ominously transformed.  相似文献   

6.
Using social and GIS/remote sensing techniques, we analysed the historical, social, political, and economic processes underlying mangrove deforestation and afforestation patterns in Guinea-Bissau to explain the increase in the mangrove forest area between 1990 and 2015. By comparing several regions during the same timeframe, we highlight different ecological dynamics and the complex ways in which diverse societies respond to the same social, economic, and political processes. Our results reveal the importance of identifying the most relevant temporal and geographic scales, and the multiple (and sometimes opposing) environmental and social processes working simultaneously in different places, as well as the potential shortcomings of policy decisions or development or conservation interventions relying on broad estimates. Research efforts to assess threats to and the regeneration capacity of mangrove forests in Guinea-Bissau are thus vital.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

Part of the literature identifies the core constituency of radical right parties (RRPs) in the so-called “modernization losers”. But while analysing the social bloc supporting RRPs, the literature often treats the matter as a monolithic bloc rather than focusing on the different expectations of such a heterogeneous electorate. Our findings indicate that political attitudes and other social characteristics influence the voting behaviour in different ways depending on the voter’s social backgrounds. Our study indicates that while cultural nativism is a common trait of the RR electorate, economic nativism is a significant predictor only for small-business owners and production workers. Our results also indicate also that the significance of Euroscepticism and political distrust as predictors of a RR vote varies across social backgrounds. We conclude by highlighting the need for further research to differentiate within the RR electorate.  相似文献   

8.
Analysis of pictographic and conventional documentation from Prehispanic and Colonial times reveals mechanisms of succession and alliance operative in the formation, expansion, and integration of Mixtec kingdoms. It is suggested that marital alliance be considered, along with other coercive and voluntaristic forces, in the dynamics of state formation and development. Royal marital alliances were exceedingly important not only in the maintenance of individual Mixtec "ministates" or kingdoms, but also in the creation of a social, political, and economic network that linked numerous communities and political domains into a broad social field bridging varied geographical zones ranging from tropical lowlands to highland valleys .  相似文献   

9.
从政策环境、经济环境、社会环境、行业环境、上海现代佛教事业的发展等五个方面对上海佛教团体出资举办医疗机构的可行性进行了全面分析,并对佛教团体举办的医疗机构的定位及运行模式提出设想。通过分析认为,成立上海佛教医疗机构不仅有政策扶持和经济基础,还有社会和行业环境培育的良好条件,更是上海佛教事业发展的必然产物。  相似文献   

10.
In the Garhwal Himalaya of India's Uttarakhand State, a series of social movements emerged in the late 2000s to contest hydroelectric dams on a tributary of the sacred River Ganga. Within these opposition movements, men often took high‐profile leadership roles whereas women from a range of socio‐economic backgrounds formed the overwhelming base of participation at meetings, assemblies, and rallies. This article draws from event‐based participation and semi‐structured interviews to explore the diverse concerns that women gave to explain their engagements with opposition efforts. I counter essentialist frames and employ a feminist political ecology approach to argue that the gendered dynamics are attributable to historical, cultural, religious, and political‐economic influences. The article contributes to anthropologies of gender, environment, and social movements by taking an approach focused on disparities of practice and power that helps situate Garhwali women's roles in development contestations.  相似文献   

11.
Alison M. Bowes 《Ethnos》2013,78(1-2):104-123
A review of approaches to political processes and structures concludes that they are mutually influential. The formal and informal arenas of kibbutz politics are outlined historically, and patterns of participation in politics according to gender, age and social networks identified. Three cases are analysed, showing the interaction of formal and informal political arenas, adept formal political action, and power exercised through gossip. The conclusion reviews process/structure interactions in kibbutz politics and argues that these reveal economic, generational, ideological and gender role change.  相似文献   

12.
In this article, I take the embodied manifestations of distress across generations as the lens from which to illustrate the subtle articulations between the political restructuring of the Bolivian state and the private anxieties women experience under enduring political and economic instability. Emotions such as rage and sorrow generated by economic hardship, domestic violence, and social conflict played a fundamental role in how market- and working-class women perceived not only their own health problems but also many of the health problems that affected their infants. Mother's bodies and emotions are seen as the vectors through which gestating babies and breastfeeding infants develop transient and enduring ailments and debility.  相似文献   

13.
Recent investigations indicate that personality traits are unevenly distributed geographically, with some traits being more prevalent in certain places than in others. The geographical distributions of personality traits are associated with a range of important political, economic, social, and health outcomes. The majority of research on this subject has focused on the geographical distributions and macro-level correlates of personality across nations or regions of the United States. The aim of the present investigation was to replicate and extend that past work by examining regional personality differences in Great Britain. Using a sample of nearly 400,000 British residents, we mapped the geographical distributions of the Big Five Personality traits across 380 Local Authority Districts and examined the associations with important political, economic, social, and health outcomes. The results revealed distinct geographical clusters, with neighboring regions displaying similar personality characteristics, and robust associations with the macro-level outcome variables. Overall, the patterns of results were similar to findings from past research.  相似文献   

14.
Economic intensification has been documented in a diversity of small-scale societies. The existing archaeological theory concerning such intensification has tended to privilege economic and political explanations and largely ignores social action and ritual performance as motivations for economic change. In this article, 1 use both ethnographic and archaeological data to argue that ceremonial feasting and the need for socially valued goods, which are critical for ritual performance and necessary for a variety of social transactions, create the demand that underwrites and sustains economic intensification in small-scale societies. Food for large-scale feasts is acquired through the intensification of food production and procurement targeted specifically for feasting, rather than from the surplus available from routine subsistence production. Large-scale demands for socially valued goods tend to result in specialization on the production of "extraordinary" material culture, which is characterized by two modes of circulation, in networks of social obligations or as offerings in sacred locations. [Key words.craft specialization, exchange, feasting, ritual]  相似文献   

15.
16.
Through a qualitative methodology, this study examines meanings attached to citizenship, barriers for citizenship, motivations for civic engagement, and aspirations as citizens in a sample (n = 71) of Chilean youth that grew up during the transition to democracy. The meanings youth attached to citizenship include membership, entitlement to rights and responsibilities, active participation, being informed, and voting. Participants perceived that practices of the political class, the economic system, and social disparities are barriers to exercising citizenship. They challenge the principles of a social order they consider unjust and advance proposals for social transformation that claim for social justice, reducing socio-economic disparities, discrimination, and bringing the political class closer to ordinary citizens. Findings reflect critical and cultural notions of citizenship. Contrasting their actual experiences with their aspirations for citizenship, participants feel politically inefficacious as they perceive they lack the power to influence the sociopolitical system. Implications for sociopolitical development and youth policy are discussed.  相似文献   

17.
The community cooperative on Barra (Western Isles of Scotland) expanded in 1984 to incorporate a limited company—Iasg Bharraidh—whose major purpose was the collective marketing of shellfish for island fishermen. This response to falling prices for shellfish involved the substitution of collective activity for individualistic marketing, and other adaptations to a wider economic system beyond their control. The history of the shellfish industry and the community cooperative will be given to provide context for an evolving marketing structure. The limited company is analyzed in terms of a transitional organization designed to permit the community to adapt to changing conditions in the wider political economy. Considerations of risk, technological change, resource conservation, and community dynamics are introduced, to indicate that cooperative organizations in peripheral areas perform very complex functions, not the least of which is to alleviate social unrest in the periphery. Cooperatives have both transformative and resistive roles. This paper tries to elucidate some of the factors that locate the Barra community cooperative within a strategy of transformation rather than that of resistance to wider social, economic, and political constraints.  相似文献   

18.
The Nanticoke-Moors of Delaware are an ethnic group of Native American, Afro-American, and Euro-American descent. Their physiognomic and ethnic marginality has subjected them to a limited range of social and economic options under the influence of American racial policies. This article concerns their ethnic formation in the colonial period and the demographic effects (changes in fertility, mortality, and structure) of their 19th- and 20th-century social history. The demographic sample consists of 406 headstones from three community cemeteries. Each cemetery represents a socially and economically distinct unit, including a group that identifies with its traditional Indian heritage, an Afro-American acculturated group, and a migrant community of marginal ethnic affiliation. Variation and change in life expectancy is shown. Relationships between the political and economic processes affecting Nanticoke-Moor social affiliation, and those affecting color caste-class formation among mainstream Afro-Americans, are discussed.  相似文献   

19.
Recent publications and political assessments point to the ongoing loss of global biological diversity. Identifying entry points for improved biodiversity policies requires us to improve our knowledge on the complex, anthropogenic factors that lead to biodiversity loss. This article approaches this challenge by analysing the causes and effects that experts from Peruvian political regions connect to biodiversity loss. In four workshops, 219 experts from 20 Peruvian political regions were asked to discuss the problem in focus groups. Besides observing the focus group discussions, meaning and context of mentioned aspects was further clarified in individual interviews.Performing a qualitative content analysis the aspects collected in focus groups have been clustered into groups of causes (environmental changes, economic land use issues, human expansion, ignorance and unawareness and weak political structures) and effects (environmental effects, loss of ecosystem services, economic effects and negative feedback effects). The results section presents all causes and effects in their local socio-economic context. Discussing the relevance of the results for policy making, I propose structuring the assessment of the biodiversity governance process in political output, social outcome and ecological impact to both highlighting the causal linkage of those dimensions and tracking the step-wise progress. This way, I break down the complex problem of biodiversity loss into tangible aspects and relate them to specific processes of economic development. I conclude that learning from regional experts and practitioners can help finding local approaches to improve policy processes under given capacities and conditions.  相似文献   

20.
Recent years have seen a surge in psychological research on the relationship between political ideology (particularly conservatism) and cognition, affect, behaviour, and even biology. Despite this flurry of investigation, however, there is as yet no accepted, validated, and widely used multi-item scale of conservatism that is concise, that is modern in its conceptualisation, and that includes both social and economic conservatism subscales. In this paper the 12-Item Social and Economic Conservatism Scale (SECS) is proposed and validated to help fill this gap. The SECS is suggested to be an important and useful tool for researchers working in political psychology.  相似文献   

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