Gender,Ethnicity, Marital Status,and Body Weight in the United States

Married individuals tend to be heavier than those who are unmarried, particularly men, and individuals in different ethnic categories vary in their involvement in marriage and in their body weights. We examined gender and ethnic differences in relationships between marital status and body weight using cross‐sectional data from the 1999–2002 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) for 3,947 women and 4,019 men. The findings revealed that compared to married men in the same ethnic category, white divorced men, black never‐married men, and all Hispanic men except for widows had lower odds of being overweight. Compared to married women in the same ethnic category, white women's weights did not significantly differ by marital status, black separated women had greater odds of being overweight, and Hispanic never‐married women had lower odds of being overweight. Associations of marriage with body weight appear to be at least partly contingent upon gender and ethnicity, which may reflect larger societal patterns of involvement in marriage, commitment to family, and body‐weight norms and expectations.     

Self-Reported Substantial 1-Year Weight Change Among Men and Women in the United States

Population-based data have not been readily available on relatively short-term changes in weight. Therefore, we sought to determine the nature of self-reported substantial (> 10%) weight change over one year in a representative sample of the US population which participated in the 1989 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). Across all ages, a larger proportion of women than men reported both weight loss as well as weight gain of any amount (18.9% vs. 16.1% for weight loss and 20.0% vs. 16.1% for weight gain). In sex-specific logistic regression analyses, significant risk factors common to both sexes for substantial weight loss included divorced/separated marital status, smoking, increased number of blood pressure checks, increased BMI (body mass index) and increased number of bed days. Black race reduced the risk of weight loss for both men and women. Sex-specific risk factors for weight loss in men only were widowhood or never married marital status, while increasing age was a protective factor in women only. Concerning weight gain > 10% over the past year, increased number of blood pressure checks and having one or more diabetic parents were significant risk factors among both men and women; while never being married, increased age, BMI, and education exerted a protective effect in both sexes. For women only, risk factors for weight gain included black race, increased number of contacts with a health professional, and being unemployed. Intention to lose weight was associated with both weight gain and weight loss in both sexes, although it did not serve as a confounder in any of these relationships. A greater likelihood of substantial weight loss among women relative to men was diminished for persons with higher BMI, higher number of blood pressure checks, being widowed, divorced or separated, and intention to lose weight. A greater likelihood of substantial weight gain among women relative to men was diminished for persons with low BMI. The results of this cross-sectional study of weight change, involving a one-year follow-up period, generally correspond with the results obtained by longitudinal studies involving a longer follow-up.     

The effect of marriage on utilization of colorectal endoscopy exam in the United States

Purpose: This study examines the association between marriage and colorectal endoscopy exam, and whether this association varies by gender and financial benefits of marriage including improved access to health insurance and pooled family income. Methods: Representative survey data of the non-institutionalized United States population were used from the 2000, 2005, and 2008 National Health Interview Survey. Analyses targeted persons 50-85 years of age without a personal history of cancer and with complete information on all study variables (n=21,760). Multivariate logistic regression was used to model marital status differences in the probability of undergoing a colorectal endoscopy exam with interaction effects used to model variation over time by gender, health insurance, and poverty level. Results: Married persons were more likely than unmarried persons to report ever having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam (odds ratio [OR], 1.21; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.12-1.29), and the difference between married and unmarried persons in the probability of undergoing a colorectal endoscopy exam remained stable over time. Married persons were more likely than unmarried persons to report having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam within the past 10 years (OR, 1.49; 95% CI, 1.15-1.95). For each survey year, married men were significantly more likely than women and unmarried men to report having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. For example, in 2008, 56% of married men reported having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam, compared to 49% of unmarried men, 52% of married women, and 50% of unmarried women. Among persons with health insurance, married persons were significantly more likely than unmarried persons to have undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. Among persons who were poor, there was no difference by marital status in the likelihood of having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. However, among persons who were not poor, married persons were more likely than unmarried persons to have undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. Conclusion: Given that colorectal endoscopy exams are a potentially life-saving procedure, persistently higher uptake of colorectal endoscopy for married persons over time may be an important health promoting benefit of marriage. Therefore, clinicians and policy makers should focus on improving the use of cancer prevention services among unmarried persons.     

Marriage,gender and obesity in later life

A large body of literature argues that marriage promotes health and increases longevity. But do these benefits extend to maintaining a healthy body weight, as the economic theory of health investment suggests they should? They do not. Using the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), I find that entry into marriage among both men and women aged 51–70 is associated with weight gain and exit from marriage with weight loss. I evaluate three additional theories with respect to the cross-sectional and longitudinal variation in the data. First, it may be that a broader set of shared risk factors (such as social obligations regarding meals) raises body mass for married couples. However, the shared risk factor model predicts that the intra-couple correlation should increase with respect to marital duration. Instead, it declines. Second, scholars have recently promoted a “crisis” model of marriage in which marital transitions, not marital status, determine differences in body mass. The crisis model is consistent with short-term effects seen for divorce, but not for the persistent weight gains associated with marriage or the persistent weight loss following widowhood. And transition models, in general, cannot explain significant cross-sectional differences across marital states in a population that is no longer experiencing many transitions, nor can it account for the prominent gender differences (in late middle-age, the heaviest group is unmarried women and the lightest are unmarried men). Third, I argue that pressures of the marriage market, in combination with gendered preferences regarding partner BMI, can account for all the longitudinal and cross-sectional patterns found in the data.     

Explaining Marital Patterns and Trends in Namibia: A Regression Analysis of 1992, 2000 and 2006 Demographic and Survey Data

Background

Marriage is a significant event in life-course of individuals, and creates a system that characterizes societal and economic structures. Marital patterns and dynamics over the years have changed a lot, with decreasing proportions of marriage, increased levels of divorce and co-habitation in developing countries. Although, such changes have been reported in African societies including Namibia, they have largely remained unexplained.

Objectives and Methods

In this paper, we examined trends and patterns of marital status of women of marriageable age: 15 to 49 years, in Namibia using the 1992, 2000 and 2006 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data. Trends were established for selected demographic variables. Two binary logistic regression models for ever-married versus never married, and cohabitation versus married were fitted to establish factors associated with such nuptial systems. Further a multinomial logistic regression models, adjusted for bio-demographic and socio-economic variables, were fitted separately for each year, to establish determinants of type of union (never married, married and cohabitation).

Results and Conclusions

Findings indicate a general change away from marriage, with a shift in singulate mean age at marriage. Cohabitation was prevalent among those less than 30 years of age, the odds were higher in urban areas and increased since 1992. Be as it may marriage remained a persistent nuptiality pattern, and common among the less educated and employed, but lower odds in urban areas. Results from multinomial model suggest that marital status was associated with age at marriage, total children born, region, place of residence, education level and religion. We conclude that marital patterns have undergone significant transformation over the past two decades in Namibia, with a coexistence of traditional marriage framework with co-habitation, and sizeable proportion remaining unmarried to the late 30s. A shift in the singulate mean age is becoming distinctive in the Namibian society.     

Long-term trends in marital status mortality differences in The Netherlands 1850-1970

This article describes the long-term trends in marital status mortality differences in the Netherlands using a unique dataset relating to the period 1850-1970. Poisson regression analysis was applied to calculate relative mortality risks by marital status. For two periods, cause-of-death by marital status could be used. Clear differences in mortality by marital status were observed, with strongly increasing advantages for married men and women and a relative increase in the mortality of widowed compared with non-married people. Excess mortality among single and formerly married men and women was visible in many cause-of-death categories, and this became more widespread during the last decades of the nineteenth century. Hypotheses are formulated that might explain why married men and women underwent a stronger decrease in mortality up until the end of World War II.     

Stable aggregate fertility in a time of family change: a decomposition of trends in American fertility, 1970-1999

Population-level birth rates in the United States were largely stable between 1970 and 1999. This stability contrasts with rapid change in marriage rates and fertility timing during the same period. In this article, I use decomposition techniques to analyze this seeming paradox. I decompose the general fertility rate into four components: age distribution, marital status, age-specific nonmarital fertility, and age-specific marital fertility. Absent other changes, declining time spent married would have led to substantial decline in fertility. Several factors combined to counterbalance these changes in marital behavior. Among white women in the 1970s and 1980s, marital fertility rates increased at older ages, consistent with a scenario in which women postponed both marriage and childbearing; increased nonmarital birth rates during this period were not a driving factor in overall fertility trends. Increased nonmarital fertility was more important in compensating for declining time spent married among African American women and among white women in the 1990s.     

>For better or worse, till death us do part<--spousal age gap and differential longevity: evidence from historical demography

Based on a set of 2,371 family related entries dating from 1688 to 1921, the current study tried to verify longevity differentials due to interspousal age difference. For the purpose of the analysis, age-heterogamy was operationalized in terms of sample-specific marital age gap (3.2 years) with a standard deviation of 6.1 years. Based on this, five marriage groups were isolated. Female mean age at marriage experienced a slight increase over time, while the male mean at marriage decreased. This led to an appreciable narrowing of the spousal age gap. Age-homogamous unions were most prevalent in the lower socio-economic class (day-laborers, industrial workers) (p<0.01). In both husband-older and wife-older unions, the interspousal gap increased with marriage order. In accord with previous studies, mean age at death varied significantly by marriage group. Females, who married younger men, died later than females, who married older men. In contrast, male longevity was most depressed within age-similar marriages, while those who married older or younger wives displayed higher life spans. Overall, marriage to a younger spouse seemed to increase longevity prospects (p<0.05). These differentials were not exclusively a function of the marital age gap, but were affected by diverse confounders such as reproductive output and socio-economic status.     

Marriage structure and contraception in Niger

Analysis of the 1992 Niger Demographic and Health Survey showed that although roughly two-thirds of both polygamous and monogamous women approve of birth control, polygamous wives are less likely than monogamous wives to discuss family size or birth control with their husband or to plan on using birth control. The study suggests that characteristics of polygamous couples have caused polygamous women to be more resistant to birth control use than monogamous women. The polygamous women tended to be married to older men who had not gone to primary school and who desired more children than monogamous husbands. The influence of marital structure is not significantly associated with intention to use birth control when the husband's age and the wife's ideal number of children were controlled for in the multivariate logistic regression model suggesting that background social factors may be more influential. In fact, educational level and age at first marriage were significantly associated with attitudes towards birth control and also with marital structure.     

Correcting contraceptive failure rates for sample composition and sample selection bias

Abstract

There is reason to believe that in the short run marriages are becoming more stable in some Western African countries such as Cameroon. One of the crucial questions facing these countries is whether fertility rates can be expected to increase or decrease due in part to the increased stability of marriages. Analyzing 1978 Cameroon World Fertility Survey data and using a multivariate regression model which compares the fertility rate of women who have had at least one marital disruption with that of continuously married women, we studied the relationship between marital instability and fertility. The results show that fertility rates for women married more than once are significantly lower than those for continuously married women even before the end of their first marriage. Furthermore, marital disruption significantly reduces fertility rates after the dissolution of the first marriage. Finally, even after the length of reproductive time lost is controlled, there is an inverse relationship between the number of marriages and fertility. The results are discussed in the context of economic development, modernization, and urbanization.     

For better or worse: Relationship status and body mass index

Recent increases in the incidence of obesity and declines in marriage have prompted policymakers to implement policies to mitigate these trends. This paper examines the link between these two outcomes. There are four hypotheses (selection, protection, social obligation and marriage market) that might explain the relationship between marital status transitions and changes in Body Mass Index (BMI). The selection hypothesis suggests that those with a lower BMI are more likely to be selected into marriage. The protection hypothesis states that married adults will have better physical health as a result of the increased social support and reduced incidence of risky behavior among married individuals. The social obligation hypothesis states that those in relationships may eat more regular meals and/or richer and denser foods due to social obligations which may arise because of marriage. Finally, the marriage market hypothesis indicates that when adults are no longer in the marriage market they may not maintain a healthy BMI because doing so is costly and they are in a stable union—or on the other hand, adults may enhance their prospects in the marriage market by losing weight. Taking advantage of longitudinal data and complete marriage histories in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979, we estimate individual fixed effects models to examine associations between the change in log BMI and the incidence of overweight and obesity, and changes in relationship status controlling for the effects of aging and other respondent characteristics. We find no support for the marriage protection hypothesis. Rather we find evidence supporting the social obligation and marriage market hypotheses—BMI increases for both men and women during marriage and in the course of a cohabiting relationship. Separate analyses by race and ethnicity reveal substantial differences in the response of BMI to relationship status across these groups.     

Polygyny, reproductive success and child health in rural Ethiopia: why marry a married man?

This study examines the reproductive success of men and women in rural Ethiopia as a function of their marital status, specifically by comparing polygamously and monogamously married individuals. In line with predictions from evolutionary theory, polygamy is beneficial to male reproductive success (i.e. producing larger numbers of surviving offspring). The success of polygamously married females depends on wife rank: the first wives of polygamous husbands do better than monogamously married women and much better than second or third wives. These effects are mirrored in child nutritional status: the children of second and third wives have lower weight for height. Due to potential, largely unmeasurable differences in marriageability (quality) between individuals, it was not possible to support a model of either resource-holding polygyny combined with female choice or female coercion into unwanted marriages. First wives of polygamously married men marry at a younger age and attract a higher brideprice, suggesting that both the males and females in the marriage are likely to be of higher quality (due to wealth, family status or some other factor such as beauty). Unions that end up monogamous are likely to be between slightly lower quality individuals; and second and third wives, who marry at the oldest ages and attract the lowest brideprice, may be 'making the best of a bad job'. The relatively long gap between first and second marriages may mean that first wives of highly marriageable males can enjoy considerable reproductive success before their husbands marry again.     

Marital status and colon cancer outcomes in US Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results registries: does marriage affect cancer survival by gender and stage?

Background: Marital status has been associated with outcomes in several cancer sites including breast cancer in the literature, but little is known about colon cancer, the fourth most common cancer in the US. Methods: A total of 127,753 patients with colon cancer were identified who were diagnosed between 1992 and 2006 in the US Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) Program. Marital status consisted of married, single, separated/divorced and widowed. Chi-square tests were used to examine the association between marital status and other variables. The Kaplan–Meier method was used to estimate survival curves. Cox proportional hazards models were fit to estimate the effect of marital status on survival. Results: Married patients were more likely to be diagnosed at an earlier stage (and for men also at an older age) compared with single and separated/divorced patients, and more likely to receive surgical treatment than all other marital groups (all p < 0.0001). The five-year survival rate for the single was six percentage points lower than the married for both men and women. After controlling for age, race, cancer stage and surgery receipt, married patients had a significantly lower risk of death from cancer (for men, HR: 0.86, CI: 0.82–0.90; for women, HR: 0.87, CI: 0.83–0.91) compared with the single. Within the same cancer stage, the survival differences between the single and the married were strongest for localized and regional stages, which had overall middle-range survival rates compared to in situ or distant stage so that support from marriage could make a big difference. Conclusions: Marriage was associated with better outcomes of colon cancer for both men and women, and being single was associated with lower survival rate from colon cancer.     

Duration between marriage and first birth and marital instability

This paper considers whether marital instability varies by the duration between marriage and 1st birth among ever-married white and black American women. Analysis of data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey suggests that the duration between marriage and 1st birth has a generally monotonic relationship with the probability of white women separating or divorcing from their 1st marriage; the relationship has remained relatively constant over time. For blacks, no consistent association is found between marital dissolution and the duration between marriage and 1st birth. Black women having a premarital conception and postmarital birth and those having their 1st birth during their 2nd year of marriage have a similarly high risk of dissolution. Conversely, blacks having their 1st birth 8-12 or 25-42 months after marrying have a low probability of dissolution. Childless women and those with premarital births generally has the greatest probability of marital disruption for whites. Racial differences may occur because blacks view the 1st birth and marriage differently than whites. That is, because blacks are much more likely to have premarital births and to have a shorter duration between marriage and 1st birth, blacks and whites in the same 1st birth interval category may be dissimilar and have different values resulting in a differential effect of the timing of the 1st birth on marital instability by race. Caution is needed when interpreting the pattern of association between delayed childbearing (and to a lesser extent, births occuring a few years after marriage) and marital instability. Results for whites were similar at each marriage duration and it is assumed delayed childbearing was not a result of marital instability. Marital instability was expected to have its strongest effect on the timing of the 1st birth during the 1st years of marriage. Marital instability may be partially responsible for the delaying of childbearing among blacks. However, blacks who delay but are married at 1st birth have a relatively low risk of separating or divorcing.     

Comparing the role of the height of men and women in the marriage market

This paper explores how the role of men and women’s height in the marriage market has changed across generations. Using individual-level data from Japan, we compared the effect of height on marriages between men and women, and investigated how the effect of height on marriage has changed across generations. Our key findings are: (1) for men born before 1965, a 1% increase in height led to an approximately 0.56% increase in the probability of being married. Conversely, for women born before 1965, a 1% increase in height led to an approximately 0.56% decrease in the probability of being married. (2) For men born in or after 1965, a 1% increase in height led to an approximately 1.05% (0.18%) increase (decrease) in the probability of being married (divorced). However, the height effect was not present for women. Japan experienced astounding economic development after World War II, which resulted in changes in its economic and social structure. These changes may have also altered the role of height for Japanese men and women in the marriage market.     

A Bioeconomic Approach to Marriage and the Sexual Division of Labor

Children may be viewed as public goods whereby both parents receive equal genetic benefits yet one parent often invests more heavily than the other. We introduce a microeconomic framework for understanding household investment decisions to address questions concerning conflicts of interest over types and amount of work effort among married men and women. Although gains and costs of marriage may not be spread equally among marriage partners, marriage is still a favorable, efficient outcome under a wide range of conditions. This bioeconomic framework subsumes both cooperative and conflictive views on the sexual division of labor. We test hypotheses concerning marriage markets, assortative mating, and men’s labor motivations among Tsimane forager-horticulturalists of Bolivia and find that: (1) men and women both value work effort in marital partners, (2) marital labor contributions are complementary, (3) work effort is correlated between spouses, (4) total production is correlated with total reproduction, and (5) better hunters have higher fitness gains within marital unions.     

Bachelors,Divorcees, and Widowers: Does Marriage Protect Men from Type 2 Diabetes?

While research has suggested that being married may confer a health advantage, few studies to date have investigated the role of marital status in the development of type 2 diabetes. We examined whether men who are not married have increased risk of incident type 2 diabetes in the Health Professionals Follow-up Study. Men (n = 41,378) who were free of T2D in 1986, were followed for ≤22 years with biennial reports of T2D, marital status and covariates. Cox proportional hazard models were used to compare risk of incident T2D by marital status (married vs unmarried and married vs never married, divorced/separated, or widowed). There were 2,952 cases of incident T2D. Compared to married men, unmarried men had a 16% higher risk of developing T2D (95%CI:1.04,1.30), adjusting for age, family history of diabetes, ethnicity, lifestyle and body mass index (BMI). Relative risks (RR) for developing T2D differed for divorced/separated (1.09 [95%CI: 0.94,1.27]), widowed (1.29 [95%CI:1.06,1.57]), and never married (1.17 [95%CI:0.91,1.52]) after adjusting for age, family history of diabetes and ethnicity. Adjusting for lifestyle and BMI, the RR for T2D associated with widowhood was no longer significant (RR:1.16 [95%CI:0.95,1.41]). When allowing for a 2-year lag period between marital status and disease, RRs of T2D for widowers were augmented and borderline significant (RR:1.24 [95%CI:1.00,1.54]) after full adjustment. In conclusion, not being married, and more specifically, widowhood was more consistently associated with an increased risk of type 2 diabetes in men and this may be mediated, in part, through unfavorable changes in lifestyle, diet and adiposity.     

Factors influencing plasma zinc levels in low-income pregnant women

Plasma zinc (Zn) concentrations were measured in 4376 indigent women (86% African-American), at a mean (±SD) gestational age of 15 (±7.8) wk to determine the relationship between various maternal characteristics and plasma Zn levels during pregnancy. Mean plasma Zn levels were lower in African-American women than in Caucasian women, in multiparous women than in primiparous women, and in women with body weight >69.9 kg than in those with body weight ≤69.9 kg (p≤0.001 for each comparison). There were no significant differences related to maternal age, marital status, education, or smoking habit. Multiple regression analysis, including maternal prepregnancy weight, race, age, parity, smoking habit, education, and marital status indicated that race, parity, and pregnancy weight were significantly associated with maternal plasma Zn levels, adjusted for gestational age. Maternal race was the best predictor of plasma Zn concentrations among the population of pregnant women studied A significant proportion of variance in maternal plasma Zn levels remained unexplained after taking into account various maternal characteristics. The reasons for lower plasma Zn levels in African-American women, compared to Caucasian women, during pregnancy are unknown.     

Who remains childless?

Who are the men and women who are childless in their mid-30s? Life history data for a British cohort born in 1946 show that age at marriage and marital breakdown were clearly associated with childlessness. Women who were only children were more likely to be childless than those with siblings. Further, early menarcheal age, being highly qualified and having a high status occupation were indirectly related to childlessness. For men, particularly amongst those who had experienced a broken marriage, it was the most ambitious, the highly educated and those in professional occupations who were relatively more likely to be childless.     

Linking dispersal and marriage in humans: Life history data from Oakham,Massachusetts, USA (1750–1850)

Despite the emphasis on inbreeding avoidance and competition for mates in explaining primate dispersal, little is known about how dispersal and mating interconnect in humans. I examine the link between dispersal and marriage using life history data from Oakham, MA (1750–1850). I find that dispersal status, timing, and destination were linked to marital status, timing, and spouse's place of origin. Men, unmarried individuals, and individuals with spouses from Oakham were less likely to disperse than their counterparts. Individuals with spouses from Oakham also married earlier than others. For women, dispersal and marriage often coincided, and women were more likely to disperse to their spouses' town of origin than were men. Although dispersal coincided with marriage in at least two-thirds of dispersal events, the majority of cases were inconsistent with both inbreeding avoidance and mating competition explanations. Where one of these explanations was still plausible, dispersal seemed more likely linked to competition for mates than to inbreeding, with resource availability also likely shaping dispersal, and male control of resources contributing to sex biases in dispersal.