Premarital childbearing in northwest Kenya: challenging the concept of illegitimacy

A number of African countries, including Kenya, have experienced a marked rise in births among unmarried women. In Western countries, reproduction outside of marriage is assumed to be illegitimate and a social problem. One hypothesis used to explain the increasing incidence of premarital fertility in Africa is a breakdown of traditional social controls by the extended family over the sexual behavior of adolescents. A competing hypothesis suggests that unmarried women use sexual relations to achieve goals such as marriage. Among Turkana pastoralists of northwest Kenya, we find a pattern of premarital birth that fits either hypothesis only loosely. Premarital fertility among the Turkana is both widespread and culturally acceptable, with over 30 per cent of women having at least one child prior to marriage. Although women with premarital births initiate childbearing on average one year earlier than women with only marital births, women's marital status does not influence the length of the interval between first and second births. Marriage among the Turkana is not a social trigger for the onset and continuation of reproduction or a means to legitimate reproduction. Marital status of the parents simply determines the custody of a child. In a premarital birth, the father pays a set fee to the mother's family, and the custody of the child remains permanently with the mother's family. If the parents later marry, the father must purchase custody of the child by another fee at that time. Since the Turkana have experienced few effects of modernization, the existence of such a practice suggests that cultural factors must be taken into account before assessing premarital fertility in Africa as a social problem.     

Maternal age at last birth in Egypt

To assess the effects of women's education, residence, and marital experience on their age at the birth of their last child, a proportional hazards regression model was applied to 1980 Egyptian Fertility Survey (EFS) data. The detailed data include the date of birth of each child for every women interviewed, and the woman's date of birth and age at interview. Age at last birth was examined by regression analysis on birth history and socioeconomic information. 4 hypotheses were tested: women who are well educated have a greater probability of ending childbearing earlier than women with less education; women in rural areas have a higher probability of having their last child at older ages than urban women; marital disruption without remarriage lowers the probability of older maternal age at last birth; and marital disruption with remarriage increases the probability that a woman stops reproducing at an older age. The overall chi-square indicates a significant regression. All coefficients were significant, except the coefficient for women with intact 1st marriages. Women with more education had a greater probability of ending childbearing earlier than women with less education. Rural women tended to have their last children at ages significantly older than overall age at last birth. Current residence in urban areas had the opposite effect. The coefficient for those with intact 1st marriages was insignificant, meaning that the mean age at last birth for this group of women was not much different from the overall mean. Remarried women tended to end childbearing at ages significantly older than the overall average age at last birth, suggesting that these women tended to have children by their new husbands. Those with dissolved 1st marriages who had not remarried had a higher probability of ending childbearing earlier than did older women. Marriage age and final parity had highly significant negative coefficients; as marriage age and number of children born increased, so did the "survival" time or the age at last birth. Results from the hazards model indicate that the effects were as anticipated. The median age at last birth for the total sample of women aged 45-49 was 45-49 years. The median age at last birth was about 2 years older for rural compared to urban women. Illiterate women had the oldest median age at last birth of the education groups. There was little differences between median ages at last birth for women with intact 1st marriages and those whose 1st unions were dissolved and who had remarried. The median age at last birth increased with final parity.     

Changes in the timing of births in Melbourne, Australia

2 10-year marriage cohorts from 2 surveys of married women in Melbourne were compared on their timing of the 1st and 2nd births. The results showed that women who were married in the early 1970s were much more likely to delay their first birth until about the 3rd or 4th year of marriage compared with women who married in the 1960s. This tendency to delay the 1st birth was probably aided by effective contraception, as it coincided with widespread use of the oral contraceptive. There was no difference in the timing of the 2nd birth in relation th the 1st birth between the 2 marriage cohorts. Women who delayed childbearing also preferred smaller families. Indeed, the increase in the % of women delaying childbearing appears to be synonymous with the trend toward the two-child family. Altough the number of married women in the labor force increased significantly from the early to the later cohort, a desire to work was not usually cited as the reason for delaying childbearing. Rather, economic reasons were most frequently mentioned for delaying childbearing.     

Demographic and endocrinological aspects of low natural fertility in Highland New Guinea

The Gainj of highland Papua New Guinea do not use contraception but have a total fertility rate of only 4.3 live births/woman, 1 of the lowest ever recorded in a natural fertility setting. Reproductive and marital histories were obtained from 305 females and 206 males aged 10+. Each subject was asked about: number of live born offspring ever produced; number of stillbirths ever produced; number and names of offspring currently being nursed; number of current and past spouses; and the cause of dissolution of all past marriages. Blood samples were drawn from 172 volunteer female subjects aged 10-60 years and ovarian function was classified by concentration of progesterone. From an analysis of these cross-sectional demographic and endocrinological data, the causes of low reproductive output have been identified in women of this population as: late menarche and marriage, a long interval between marriage and 1st birth, a high probability of widowhood at later reproductive ages, low effective fecundability and prolonged lactational amenorrhea. These are combined with near-universal marriage, and a low prevalence of primary sterility similar to that found in other populations. Of all the factors limiting fertility, by far the most important are those involved in birth spacing, especially lactational amenorrhea. The effects of widowhood on Gainj fertility are negligible. Factors acting to lower fertility fall into 2 categories: those that determine the age of onset of reproduction and those that act to space births. Given the observed pattern of birth spacing, however, the delay in commencement of reproduction represents on average no more than 1 or 2 live births averted/woman. In contrast, were age at 1st reproduction held constant while reducing birth intervals to a mean of 2.0-2.5 years, total fertility would increase to about 7 or 8. Future research on natural fertility should focus on specific behavioral and physiological mechanisms governing the reproductive process.     

Cessation of childbearing in the absence of contraception in Sri Lanka

In data from the Sri Lanka Fertility Survey, 1975, the cessation of childbearing is examined among women who have never used contraception. The sample consisted of 6810 currently or previously married women, 57% of whom reported that they had never used contraception. Cessation of childbearing is studied according to age and marriage duration. The variables analyzed are age at last birth, proportions infertile during the last 5 or 7 years, and the infertile open interval. The duration of breastfeeding is taken into account where necessary, and the contraceptive users and nonusers are compared where appropriate. Non-users tend to cease childbearing early, and therefore are infertile for longer periods during their marriages. It is probably age of the 1st child that influences decisions on future fertility. Among women aged 45-49 who married before age 20 and continued in their 1st marriage, mean age at last live birth in non-users, was 34.5 years, about 2 years earlier than in those who had used contraception. Non-users who married at any age below 30 years cease childbearing well below age 40. The proportion not currently pregnant and infertile over the past 5 years increases with marriage duration among the fertile non-users in each age group. When age at last birth and the duration of breastfeeding in the open interval are taken into account and the reference period is increased to 7 years, the period of infertility increases with marriage duration among nonpregnant non-users below age 45. The proportion of women who were currently not pregnant and had remained infertile over the past 7 years is higher among the older non-users whose 1st child was born more than 10 years ago.     

Birth spacing in Pakistan

Life table analysis was applied to data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey to identify child spacing differentials between population subgroups. Women in urban areas had shorter birth intervals than their rural counterparts from parities 1-6; only after parity 7 was this differential reversed. Similarly, women with some education had shorter birth intervals at the earlier parities than uneducated women. While overall family size is relatively homogeneous in Pakistan, women of more modern backgrounds seem to space their children more closely than traditional women. Age at marriage appears to play an important role not only in determining the length of the 1st interval, but also that of subsequent intervals. An unexpected finding was that ever users of contraception had distinctly more rapid spacing of their births than never users. The median interval to 1st birth was shortest in North West Frontier Province, but similar in Punjab and Sind. Multiple classification analysis revealed that some differentials in child spacing by education, residence, and province persisted even after other variables were controlled. Cohort of mother had an independent effect, with younger cohorts having shorter birth intervals. However, the variable that had the strongest effect on length of interval (aside from the 1st interval) was breastfeeding duration. It is likely that increasing urbanization and improved levels of education among women will lead to high levels of marital fertility associated with shorter birth intervals. Even though these trends tend to increase the age at marriage, they are associated with shorter durations of breastfeeding. In the longer term, greater use of contraception among women in the modern sector may partially counteract the fertility increasing effect of reduced birth intervals.     

Reproduction: the Canadian family in transition

3 trends suggest that the reproductive function of the Canadian family is in transition. 1st, fertility has fallen and remains below the replacement level. In 1985, the total fertility rate was 1.67, the lowest in 60 years. Since 1971, it has not risen above 2.1 births/woman, the replacement level. 2nd, an increasing proportion of women are spending a larger part of their lives without having any children. In the 1981 census, 22% of ever-married women between 15 and 44 years had not yet borne children, compared with only 14% recorded in the 1961 census. While the proportion of women who are childless at the end of their reproductive years has risen only slightly, a larger number of women are postponing having children even as the risk of becoming sterile in the interim becomes greater. The combined effect of postponing both marriage and childbearing will most probably be to increase the proportion of women remaining without children. The 3rd trend is the increasing proportion of women who are having children without getting married. Among the consequences of premarital pregnancy are the stress on single mothers, the need for social assistance, the cost of maintenance programs, and the need for more child care. These changes in attitude toward marriage and family formation could have major implications for individuals and society. A fertility rate below replacement level could be stressful for society, resulting in population decline, and changes in age structure that could negatively affect the economy.     

Maternal cigarette smoking, Down syndrome in live births, and infant race.

Previous studies have suggested that maternal smoking is negatively associated with a Down syndrome live birth. We analyzed the data of the U.S. Perinatal Collaborative Study in a search for racial variation in Down syndrome risk factors. There were 22 cases in 25,346 live births to smoking mothers (4/10,780 blacks, 18/13,320 whites, and 0/1,246 other races) and 42/29,130 live births to nonsmoking mothers (24/14,665 blacks, 14/11,694 whites, and 4/2,771 others). The crude overall rates per 1,000 live births were 0.4 in black smokers and 1.6 in black nonsmokers but 1.4 in white smokers and 1.2 in white non-smokers. Adjusted for maternal age, the summary relative risk for a Down syndrome live birth to a smoking mother was 0.2 in blacks (95% interval 0.1-0.7) but 1.2 in whites (95% interval 0.6-2.5). Stratification on variables associated with socioeconomic status or gestational age at time of entry into the study did not alter the racial difference. A comparison of smokers with those who never smoked revealed essentially the same trends. Among all nonsmokers the ratio of the maternal age-adjusted risks for a Down syndrome live birth in whites compared with blacks was 0.7 (95% interval 0.3-1.3), and among all smokers this ratio was 3.6 (95% interval 1.3-9.9). If the results are not attributable to statistical fluctuation or undetected confounding, then differences in the probability of intrauterine survival of the Down syndrome fetus would appear to be one plausible explanation for the difference.     

Premarital fertility in Namibia: trends, factors and consequences

Premarital fertility, defined as fertility before first marriage, was found to be highly prevalent in Namibia. According to data from the 1992 and 2000 DHS surveys, the proportion of premarital births was 43% for all births, and 60% for the first birth. This seemed to be primarily due to a late mean age at first marriage (26.4 years) and low levels of contraception before first marriage. Data were analysed using a variety of demographic methods, including multiple decrement life table and multivariate logistic models. Major variations were found by ethno-linguistic groups: Herero and Nama/Damara had the highest levels of premarital fertility (above 60%); Ovambo and Lozi had intermediate levels of premarital fertility (around 40%); Kavongo and San appeared to have kept a more traditional behaviour of early marriage and low levels of premarital fertility (around 20%). The largest ethno-linguistic group, the Ovambo, were in a special situation, with fast increasing age at marriage and average level of premarital fertility. Whites and mixed races also differed, with Afrikaans-speaking groups having a behaviour closer to the average, whereas other Europeans had less premarital fertility despite an average age at marriage. Ethnic differences remained stable after controlling for various socioeconomic factors, such as urbanization, level of education, wealth, access to mass media, and religion. Results are discussed in light of the population dynamics and political history of Namibia in the 20th century.     

Stable aggregate fertility in a time of family change: a decomposition of trends in American fertility, 1970-1999

Population-level birth rates in the United States were largely stable between 1970 and 1999. This stability contrasts with rapid change in marriage rates and fertility timing during the same period. In this article, I use decomposition techniques to analyze this seeming paradox. I decompose the general fertility rate into four components: age distribution, marital status, age-specific nonmarital fertility, and age-specific marital fertility. Absent other changes, declining time spent married would have led to substantial decline in fertility. Several factors combined to counterbalance these changes in marital behavior. Among white women in the 1970s and 1980s, marital fertility rates increased at older ages, consistent with a scenario in which women postponed both marriage and childbearing; increased nonmarital birth rates during this period were not a driving factor in overall fertility trends. Increased nonmarital fertility was more important in compensating for declining time spent married among African American women and among white women in the 1990s.     

Age at menarche, at first intercourse, and at first pregnancy

Data from an urban sample of American women of reproductive ages demonstrate that age at menarche is correlated with age at first intercourse, that age at first intercourse is correlated with age at first pregnancy, and that menarche is therefore correlated with age at first pregnancy. This applied to both blacks and whites when examined for the early years of the reproductive cycle. Girls with early menarche, compared to those with late menarche, are more than twice as likely to have had intercourse by age 16, and almost twice as likely to have given birth or had a pregnancy terminated by age 18. It is therefore useful to think of the timing of menarche as an indicator of the probability of early intercourse and early childbearing.     

Birth wantedness reports: a look forward and a look back

A number of checks can be done to assess reliability of attitudinal data pertaining to fertility. We ascertain how births that would be considered unintended, based on Time 1 reports of fertility intentions, are classified by respondents at a second interview after the birth occurred. The 1988 National Survey of Family Growth and a telephone reinterview allow us to identify respondents who initially intended to postpone or stop childbearing, but who then had a birth, and to analyze the reports they gave of the wantedness of the pregnancy leading to the birth. We also examine wantedness responses of women who claimed in 1988 that they intended to conceive within the next few years. Reports are compared across a range of respondent characteristics and circumstances, including changes in marital status since the initial interview. The analysis reveals nontrivial inconsistency between women's stated birth intentions and their reports about the wantedness of subsequent births. Details across subgroups are examined. Results also provide new information about effects of duration since birth on intention reports.     

Age at first birth and family size: Evidence from a longitudinal study

Abstract

This paper examines the correlates of the relationship of age at first birth to completed parity, using data from a fifteen‐year longitudinal study. Particular emphasis is given to measures of orientation toward family roles which have been singled out in previous studies as a likely causal factor not yet examined. Women who had an early first birth went on to have larger families than women who postponed childbearing longer. Demographic factors, including premarital pregnancies, unwanted births, and fecundity differentials, did not appear to account for the observed relationship. The hypothesis that early socialization toward traditional female roles might account for the higher fertility of women who began childbearing early was not confirmed. Women with a first birth at a young age were not characterized by more traditional sex‐role behavior or attitudes nor did they express higher initial fertility preferences. They did more often increase their fertility preferences over the inter‐survey period.     

Fertility at low and high altitude in Central Nepal

Since the 1930s, a number of different studies have tended to show that fertility is lower at high altitude. The present investigation attempts to provide some answers to this question by examining completed fertility rate (CFR) in Highland and Lowland villages in Central Nepal and relating rate differences to age at menarche, age at 1st childbirth, age at 1st marriage, incidence of venereal disease, birth control (vasectomy or hysterectomy), length of postpartum amenorrhea, and breastfeeding. Data was obtained by direct questioning, and under-reporting of births thus cannot be excluded. Fertility histories were taken from post-menopausal women over the age of 45 years. Results indicate no significant difference in reported menarcheal ages between highlanders and lowlanders. Age at 1st marriage and 1st childbirth were both significantly later in highlanders. CFR was significantly lower in highlanders. It would appear that the reduced fertility rate at high altitude can be partly attributable to later age at marriage and later 1st childbirth. Other factors, e.g., husband absenteeism and remarriage have also been suggested as possible contributors to the observed difference. This paper presents the results of a multiple regression analysis using 9 dependent variables: ages of marriage, 1st childbirth and menarch, the average gap between pregnancies, the average amount of time the husband was away, the number of marriages, presence or absence of venereal disease at some time, whether birth control was practiced and altitude status. Average pregnancy gap, age at 1st childbirth and presence or absence of venereal disease were the only variables that independently made a significcant contribution to CFR variance. The increase in pregnancy gap may be related to longer periods of breastfeeding in high altitude women and there would be a concomitant delay in recommencement of menstruation. In testing the hypothesis, no difference is found in reported duration of breastfeeding or in postpartum amenorrhea. The age at marriage and age at 1st childbirth accounted for over 16% of the explained variance in CFR. Some of the observed difference in CFR can be explained by the difference in marital age but not by the interval between marriage and 1st childbirth, as it was very similar in both groups. The lower CFR among the high altitude population could be due to lowering of biological fecundity at high altitude, or simply a matter of choice. The difference might reflect human reproductive hormone differences between high and low altitude populations. Further research will be needed to determine whether or not differences in CFR can be explained by variation in these factors.     

Perceived contribution of children to marriage and its effects on family planning behavior.

The impact of the perceived consequences of having children on a couple's contraceptive practices and the tendency to plan births are examined. 2 separate measures of family planning were utilized, contraceptive pattern and proportion of unplanned pregnancies. It was found that the more a woman viewed children as an essential part of the marital experience the less likely she was to use reliable contraception early in marriage. The influence of the evaluation of children on contraceptive practices also was contingent upon the number of children a couple had had and the number of years they had been married. Differences in incidence of unplanned pregnancies among women was more a result of socioeconomic circumstance and the tendency to have a large family than attitude towards children. These 2 aspects of family planning have different implications for policy decisions. Changing the incidence of unplanned pregnancies would entail attacking those conditions which handicap couples in changing their life circumstances. It would involve educating them to the concept of family planning and the techniques of birth control and also increasing economic opportunity. Changing contraceptive patterns, on the other hand, might involve encouraging alternative adult roles, and creating differential incentives for childbearing.     

Demographic and behavioral determinants of the reduction of male-to-female birth ratio in Spain from 1981 to 1997

The ratio of male-to-female births has been declining in Spain since 1981. In the last few decades, the proportion of male newborns has also been decreasing in other industrialized countries. It has been hypothesized that these declines are due to environmental factors such as a longer exposure to environmental pollutants, hormonal levels, or sexual behavior. The objective of this study was to examine the evidence of decline in the male proportion of births in Spain and to correlate it to demographic causes (mother's age, marriage age, and age difference between husband and wife). The analysis was based on birth records in Spain from 1945 to 1997. The data show a significant correlation (p < 0.01) between the reduction in the ratio of male-to-female births observed and two variables, the variations in mean age at marriage and the older age at which women give birth. More women are delaying childbearing until their thirties and, as a consequence, there has been a decrease in the proportion of male newborns.     

Correcting contraceptive failure rates for sample composition and sample selection bias

Abstract

There is reason to believe that in the short run marriages are becoming more stable in some Western African countries such as Cameroon. One of the crucial questions facing these countries is whether fertility rates can be expected to increase or decrease due in part to the increased stability of marriages. Analyzing 1978 Cameroon World Fertility Survey data and using a multivariate regression model which compares the fertility rate of women who have had at least one marital disruption with that of continuously married women, we studied the relationship between marital instability and fertility. The results show that fertility rates for women married more than once are significantly lower than those for continuously married women even before the end of their first marriage. Furthermore, marital disruption significantly reduces fertility rates after the dissolution of the first marriage. Finally, even after the length of reproductive time lost is controlled, there is an inverse relationship between the number of marriages and fertility. The results are discussed in the context of economic development, modernization, and urbanization.     

The survivance of French Canadians in New England (1865–1930): History,geography and demography as destiny*

This article analyses the Urban Poverty and Family Life Survey of Chicago and an urban subsample of the National Survey of Families and Households to examine race and ethnic variation in the occurrence and consequences of birth versus marriage pathways to family formation. Results based on multiple‐decrement life table analysis and multi‐variate life table regression analysis reveal strong race and poverty effects on pathways to family formation, but Hispanic origin does not systematically influence the odds that women will enter family life via marriage versus birth. We show stronger race effects on pathways to family formation for the Chicago sample owing to the much higher incidence of teen parenting among black inner‐city residents. Results also suggest lasting economic consequences of non‐marital fertility, irrespective of whether women eventually marry or divorce subsequent to a premarital birth.     

Reproductive life of some Gujar women of Punjab

Data was collected on current age, age at menarche, marriage age, maternal age at 1st birth, age at the birth of last child, age at menopause, total number of conceptions, live births, stillbirths, abortions, dead children and living children for a sample of 150 Gunjar women of Punjab, India, during September and October 1977 to study their reproductive life. The women ranged in age from 45-55 years. The mean age at menarche was 14.90 years for the sample. The median age at menopause was 46.20 years. The mean age at marriage of the present sample was 12.56+-2.50 years; the mean age of the mother at the birth of her 1st child was 16.85 years; and the mean age at the birth of the last child was 38.68 years. The average number of conceptions was 7.2; the average number of live births of these 150 women was 6.90. The fertility of this population was natural as they were not using any family planning method.     

Socioeconomic determinants of age at first marriage in Bangladesh

Using data from the 1976 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, multiple classification analysis was used to evaluate the effect of socioeconomic factors on age at 1st marriage. The independent variables considered were education, childhood and current residence, religion, work status before marriage, and husband's childhood residence, education, and occupation. Analysis was carried out for the total sample as well as for 3 birth cohorts of approximately equal size: 1) those born before 1940, 2) those born between 1940-50, and 3) those born after 1950. Of all the included variables, women's education has the strongest influence on the variation of age at 1st marriage. For all ever-married women, the mean age at marriage for women with primary education is 13.4 years, 0.9 years higher than for women with no education (12.5 years), and 1.2 years lower than for women with a high school education or beyond (14.6 years). Difference in means for cohorts indicate a gradually increasing influence of education on people's decision in marriage. Husband's education does not appear to be as important. Childhood residence has, directly and indirectly, a strong influence in marriage age. Among other factors, women's premarital work participation, as well as region and husband's occupation, are important. Since women's education, childhood residence, and work participation are the strongest socioeconomic variables affecting marriage age, the modernizing influences of education, urbanization, and female work participation should have an effect on the marriage pattern; this effect is consistent with that observed in other societies.