How to become a “Kwa” noun

An important problem of comparative Niger-Congo morphology is understanding the processes that relate word structures in languages of the isolating ??Kwa?? type to those of the agglutinating ??Bantu?? type. A salient sub-problem of this larger morphological puzzle is charting the connection between the noun class systems of the Kwa-type languages which, at one extreme, can lack such classes entirely, against those of the Bantu type which, at the other extreme, are famously elaborated. This issue is examined by looking at a range of ways that Niger-Congo noun class systems have been observed to diverge from the canonical Bantu type. The main conclusion of this study is that Niger-Congo noun class systems are quite robust, in the sense that loss of one part of the system need not be correlated with loss of the other parts. This suggests that the level of noun class attrition found in Kwa languages was not a historically ??natural?? event and also has implications for models of agreement and inflectional morphology.     

Bantu language trees reflect the spread of farming across sub-Saharan Africa: a maximum-parsimony analysis

Linguistic divergence occurs after speech communities divide, in a process similar to speciation among isolated biological populations. The resulting languages are hierarchically related, like genes or species. Phylogenetic methods developed in evolutionary biology can thus be used to infer language trees, with the caveat that 'borrowing' of linguistic elements between languages also occurs, to some degree. Maximum-parsimony trees for 75 Bantu and Bantoid African languages were constructed using 92 items of basic vocabulary. The level of character fit on the trees was high (consistency index was 0.65), indicating that a tree model fits Bantu language evolution well, at least for the basic vocabulary. The Bantu language tree reflects the spread of farming across this part of sub-Saharan Africa between ca. 3000 BC and AD 500. Modern Bantu subgroups, defined by clades on parsimony trees, mirror the earliest farming traditions both geographically and temporally. This suggests that the major subgroups of modern Bantu stem from the Neolithic and Early Iron Age, with little subsequent movement by speech communities.     

mtDNA variability in two Bantu‐speaking populations (Shona and Hutu) from Eastern Africa: Implications for peopling and migration patterns in sub‐Saharan Africa

In this study, we report novel data on mitochondrial DNA in two of the largest eastern Bantu‐speaking populations, the Shona from Zimbabwe and the Hutu from Rwanda. The goal is to evaluate the genetic relationships of these two ethnic groups with other Bantu‐speaking populations. Moreover, by comparing our data with those from other Niger‐Congo speaking populations, we aim to clarify some aspects of evolutionary and demographic processes accompanying the spread of Bantu languages in sub‐Saharan Africa and to test if patterns of genetic variation fit with models of population expansion based on linguistic and archeological data. The results indicate that the Shona and Hutu are closely related to the other Bantu‐speaking populations. However, there are some differences in haplogroup composition between the two populations, mainly due to different genetic contributions from neighboring populations. This result is confirmed by estimates of migration rates which show high levels of gene flow not only between pairs of Bantu‐speaking populations, but also between Bantu and non‐Bantu speakers. The observed pattern of genetic variability (high genetic homogeneity and high levels of gene flow) supports a linguistic model suggesting a gradual spread of Bantu‐speakers, with strong interactions between the different lines of Bantu‐speaker descent, and is also in agreement with recent archeological findings. In conclusion, our data emphasize the role that population admixture has played at different times and to varying degrees in the dispersal of Bantu languages. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

The Bantu expansion revisited: a new analysis of Y chromosome variation in Central Western Africa

The current distribution of Bantu languages is commonly considered to be a consequence of a relatively recent population expansion (3-5kya) in Central Western Africa. While there is a substantial consensus regarding the centre of origin of Bantu languages (the Benue River Valley, between South East Nigeria and Western Cameroon), the identification of the area from where the population expansion actually started, the relation between the processes leading to the spread of languages and peoples and the relevance of local migratory events remain controversial. In order to shed new light on these aspects, we studied Y chromosome variation in a broad dataset of populations encompassing Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon and Congo. Our results evidence an evolutionary scenario which is more complex than had been previously thought, pointing to a marked differentiation of Cameroonian populations from the rest of the dataset. In fact, in contrast with the current view of Bantu speakers as a homogeneous group of populations, we observed an unexpectedly high level of interpopulation genetic heterogeneity and highlighted previously undetected diversity for lineages associated with the diffusion of Bantu languages (E1b1a (M2) sub-branches). We also detected substantial differences in local demographic histories, which concord with the hypotheses regarding an early diffusion of Bantu languages into the forest area and a subsequent demographic expansion and migration towards eastern and western Africa.     

Cultural phylogeography of the Bantu Languages of sub-Saharan Africa

There is disagreement about the routes taken by populations speaking Bantu languages as they expanded to cover much of sub-Saharan Africa. Here, we build phylogenetic trees of Bantu languages and map them onto geographical space in order to assess the likely pathway of expansion and test between dispersal scenarios. The results clearly support a scenario in which groups first moved south through the rainforest from a homeland somewhere near the Nigeria–Cameroon border. Emerging on the south side of the rainforest, one branch moved south and west. Another branch moved towards the Great Lakes, eventually giving rise to the monophyletic clade of East Bantu languages that inhabit East and Southeastern Africa. These phylogenies also reveal information about more general processes involved in the diversification of human populations into distinct ethnolinguistic groups. Our study reveals that Bantu languages show a latitudinal gradient in covering greater areas with increasing distance from the equator. Analyses suggest that this pattern reflects a true ecological relationship rather than merely being an artefact of shared history. The study shows how a phylogeographic approach can address questions relating to the specific histories of certain groups, as well as general cultural evolutionary processes.     

Genetic variation reveals large-scale population expansion and migration during the expansion of Bantu-speaking peoples

The majority of sub-Saharan Africans today speak a number of closely related languages collectively referred to as ‘Bantu’ languages. The current distribution of Bantu-speaking populations has been found to largely be a consequence of the movement of people rather than a diffusion of language alone. Linguistic and single marker genetic studies have generated various hypotheses regarding the timing and the routes of the Bantu expansion, but these hypotheses have not been thoroughly investigated. In this study, we re-analysed microsatellite markers typed for large number of African populations that—owing to their fast mutation rates—capture signatures of recent population history. We confirm the spread of west African people across most of sub-Saharan Africa and estimated the expansion of Bantu-speaking groups, using a Bayesian approach, to around 5600 years ago. We tested four different divergence models for Bantu-speaking populations with a distribution comprising three geographical regions in Africa. We found that the most likely model for the movement of the eastern branch of Bantu-speakers involves migration of Bantu-speaking groups to the east followed by migration to the south. This model, however, is only marginally more likely than other models, which might indicate direct movement from the west and/or significant gene flow with the western Branch of Bantu-speakers. Our study use multi-loci genetic data to explicitly investigate the timing and mode of the Bantu expansion and it demonstrates that west African groups rapidly expanded both in numbers and over a large geographical area, affirming the fact that the Bantu expansion was one of the most dramatic demographic events in human history.     

Gender markedness: the anatomy of a counter-example

The morphological expression of gender on nouns displays a puzzling behaviour under ellipsis of nominal predicates. In some instances, it appears that gender can be ignored in the calculation of the identity/parallelism requirement. With other nouns, gender seems relevant and mismatch engenders parallelism violations. With yet a third group of nouns, there is an asymmetry—an overt masculine noun licenses ellipsis of the corresponding feminine, but not vice versa. The difference between the last two groups is exemplified by the English contrast in: John is a {waiter/#prince} and Mary is too (compare #Mary is a waitress/princess, and John is too). We examine six languages, and show that nouns for nobility/titles and kinship nouns form a systematic exception to an otherwise stable marked: unmarked opposition, and that when this class of nouns is factored out, the remaining two classes reflect the inflection/derivation distinction in the morphological realization of gender.     

Rich inflection and the production of finite verbs in child language

Children acquiring languages with rich inflection produce verbal morphology earlier in development than those learning languages with more impoverished inflection. In this paper, I present data from bilingual children acquiring Basque and Spanish, two null-subject languages with rich morphology which show a lead-lag pattern in the acquisition of inflection. Verbal inflection appears earlier in Spanish than in Basque, and although children produce few root infinitives in either language, they produce fewer in Spanish than in Basque. This is surprising, given that Basque has even “richer” verbal inflection than Spanish insofar as Basque has more obligatory morphological distinctions than Spanish does. These results lead me to propose that a combination of factors facilitate the early emergence of inflection in languages such as Spanish, including nominative/accusative case marking as well as morphological complexity, rather than solely the richness of the verbal paradigm.     

Bringing together linguistic and genetic evidence to test the Bantu expansion

The expansion of Bantu languages represents one of the most momentous events in the history of Africa. While it is well accepted that Bantu languages spread from their homeland (Cameroon/Nigeria) approximately 5000 years ago (ya), there is no consensus about the timing and geographical routes underlying this expansion. Two main models of Bantu expansion have been suggested: The 'early-split' model claims that the most recent ancestor of Eastern languages expanded north of the rainforest towards the Great Lakes region approximately 4000 ya, while the 'late-split' model proposes that Eastern languages diversified from Western languages south of the rainforest approximately 2000 ya. Furthermore, it is unclear whether the language dispersal was coupled with the movement of people, raising the question of language shift versus demic diffusion. We use a novel approach taking into account both the spatial and temporal predictions of the two models and formally test these predictions with linguistic and genetic data. Our results show evidence for a demic diffusion in the genetic data, which is confirmed by the correlations between genetic and linguistic distances. While there is little support for the early-split model, the late-split model shows a relatively good fit to the data. Our analyses demonstrate that subsequent contact among languages/populations strongly affected the signal of the initial migration via isolation by distance.     

Mitochondrial DNA diversity in two ethnic groups in Southeastern Kenya: Perspectives from the northeastern periphery of the bantu expansion

The Bantu languages are widely distributed throughout sub‐Saharan Africa. Genetic research supports linguists and historians who argue that migration played an important role in the spread of this language family, but the genetic data also indicates a more complex process involving substantial gene flow with resident populations. In order to understand the Bantu expansion process in east Africa, mtDNA hypervariable region I variation in 352 individuals from the Taita and Mijikenda ethnic groups was analyzed, and we evaluated the interactions that took place between the Bantu‐ and non‐Bantu‐speaking populations in east Africa. The Taita and Mijikenda are Bantu‐speaking agropastoralists from southeastern Kenya, at least some of whose ancestors probably migrated into the area as part of Bantu migrations that began around 3,000 BCE. Our analyses indicate that they show some distinctive differences that reflect their unique cultural histories. The Taita are genetically more diverse than the Mijikenda with larger estimates of genetic diversity. The Taita cluster with other east African groups, having high frequencies of haplogroups from that region, while the Mijikenda have high frequencies of central African haplogroups and cluster more closely with central African Bantu‐speaking groups. The non‐Bantu speakers who lived in southeastern Kenya before Bantu speaking groups arrived were at least partially incorporated into what are now Bantu‐speaking Taita groups. In contrast, gene flow from non‐Bantu speakers into the Mijikenda was more limited. These results suggest a more complex demographic history where the nature of Bantu and non‐Bantu interactions varied throughout the area. Am J Phys Anthropol 150:482–491, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Y chromosomes traveling south: the cohen modal haplotype and the origins of the Lemba--the "Black Jews of Southern Africa"

The Lemba are a traditionally endogamous group speaking a variety of Bantu languages who live in a number of locations in southern Africa. They claim descent from Jews who came to Africa from "Sena." "Sena" is variously identified by them as Sanaa in Yemen, Judea, Egypt, or Ethiopia. A previous study using Y-chromosome markers suggested both a Bantu and a Semitic contribution to the Lemba gene pool, a suggestion that is not inconsistent with Lemba oral tradition. To provide a more detailed picture of the Lemba paternal genetic heritage, we analyzed 399 Y chromosomes for six microsatellites and six biallelic markers in six populations (Lemba, Bantu, Yemeni-Hadramaut, Yemeni-Sena, Sephardic Jews, and Ashkenazic Jews). The high resolution afforded by the markers shows that Lemba Y chromosomes are clearly divided into Semitic and Bantu clades. Interestingly, one of the Lemba clans carries, at a very high frequency, a particular Y-chromosome type termed the "Cohen modal haplotype," which is known to be characteristic of the paternally inherited Jewish priesthood and is thought, more generally, to be a potential signature haplotype of Judaic origin. The Bantu Y-chromosome samples are predominantly (>80%) YAP+ and include a modal haplotype at high frequency. Assuming a rapid expansion of the eastern Bantu, we used variation in microsatellite alleles in YAP+ sY81-G Bantu Y chromosomes to calculate a rough date, 3,000-5,000 years before the present, for the start of their expansion.     

The Italian verb–noun anthroponymic compounds at the Syntax / morphology interface

This paper offers an analysis of Italian anthroponymic verb–noun compounds. It is argued that the first element of these compounds historically is an imperative (2nd sg) form. Such a view not only accounts adequately for the evolutionary process at work in the original naming process; it also rightly accounts for the actual morphological make-up of these compounds. It is argued as well that anthroponymic compounds involving imperatives provided for a structural model which is still traceable in the morphological make-up of non-anthroponymic compounds, even though a reanalysis process has led to the reinterpretation of the verbal element of V–N compounds as a bare stem. Crucially, such a reanalysis will be said to have been favoured by the morphological unmarkedness of imperatives: as zero inflected stems, imperatives may serve as a base for paradigmatic restructuration. Italian Verb–noun compounds will be shown to offer an illustration of this basicness of the imperative, following a pattern of word formation which is available in other languages.     

Polite plurals and adjective agreement

When an agreement controller such as a subject NP is a hybrid of contrasting syntactic and semantic features, the choice of syntactic versus semantic agreement depends on both the type of agreement target and the type of agreement controller. Two types of controller are contrasted: hybrid pronouns such as polite uses of the second person plural to refer to one addressee; and hybrid common nouns such as plurale tante. In some languages the pronoun type triggers singular on a predicate adjective and plural on the verb, while the common noun type triggers plural on both adjectives and verbs. The former pattern is explained in terms of underspecification of the pronoun: it is unspecified for the Concord number feature, to which adjectives are sensitive; but it carries a number feature on its referential Index, to which finite verbs are sensitive. An Agreement Marking Principle is proposed, according to which an agreement target checks the trigger for a syntactic phi feature, assigning that feature’s semantic interpretation to the trigger denotation if no syntactic feature is found.     

Connecting the typology and semantics of nominal possession: alienability splits and the morphology–semantics interface

Approaching possession as a phenomenon of the morphology–semantics interface, this paper combines two major perspectives, namely the typological and the semantic perspective. It offers a comprehensive approach that bears on the contrast of semantic and pragmatic possession. After portraying the most essential morphosyntactic strategies of split possession, the lexical distinction of nominal concept types and the resulting representation of non-relational and relational nouns is presented, following the theory of Löbner (2011). This allows to explain the use of a certain construction for a given noun by the mapping of lexical semantics to morphosyntactic realisation.Semantic possession is understood as involving a relation that is inherent to the meaning of the possessed noun, in the sense that the referent of the noun can only be established if the possessor is specified. In contrast, pragmatic possession implies that the relation POSS is established by the context rather than by the lexical semantics. This opposition enables a fresh look at the morphology of nominal possession under which the notion of (in)alienability is reinterpreted. The morphology of alienable constructions is analysed as establishing pragmatic possession by denoting an operation that shifts the head noun from a sortal to a relational concept. Thus, the innovation of the approach lies in its typologically justified radically compositional nature. It is shown in detail how this general methodical strategy accounts for all essential morphosyntactic oppositions known from the typology of nominal possession.     

Bayesian phylogenetic analysis supports an agricultural origin of Japonic languages

Languages, like genes, evolve by a process of descent with modification. This striking similarity between biological and linguistic evolution allows us to apply phylogenetic methods to explore how languages, as well as the people who speak them, are related to one another through evolutionary history. Language phylogenies constructed with lexical data have so far revealed population expansions of Austronesian, Indo-European and Bantu speakers. However, how robustly a phylogenetic approach can chart the history of language evolution and what language phylogenies reveal about human prehistory must be investigated more thoroughly on a global scale. Here we report a phylogeny of 59 Japonic languages and dialects. We used this phylogeny to estimate time depth of its root and compared it with the time suggested by an agricultural expansion scenario for Japanese origin. In agreement with the scenario, our results indicate that Japonic languages descended from a common ancestor approximately 2182 years ago. Together with archaeological and biological evidence, our results suggest that the first farmers of Japan had a profound impact on the origins of both people and languages. On a broader level, our results are consistent with a theory that agricultural expansion is the principal factor for shaping global linguistic diversity.     

Revising the Bantu tree

Phylogenetic methods offer a promising advance for the historical study of language and cultural relationships. Applications to date, however, have been hampered by traditional approaches dependent on unfalsifiable authority statements: in this regard, historical linguistics remains in a similar position to evolutionary biology prior to the cladistic revolution. Influential phylogenetic studies of Bantu languages over the last two decades, which provide the foundation for multiple analyses of Bantu sociocultural histories, are a major case in point. Comparative analyses of basic lexica, instead of directly treating written words, use only numerical symbols that express non-replicable authority opinion about underlying relationships. Building on a previous study of Uto-Aztecan, here we analyse Bantu language relationships with methods deriving from DNA sequence optimization algorithms, treating basic vocabulary as sequences of sounds. This yields finer-grained results that indicate major revisions to the Bantu tree, and enables more robust inferences about the history of Bantu language expansion and/or migration throughout sub-Saharan Africa. “Early-split” versus “late-split” hypotheses for East and West Bantu are tested, and overall results are compared to trees based on numerical reductions of vocabulary data. Reconstruction of language histories is more empirically based and robust than with previous methods.     

Iconicity in English and Spanish and Its Relation to Lexical Category and Age of Acquisition

Signed languages exhibit iconicity (resemblance between form and meaning) across their vocabulary, and many non-Indo-European spoken languages feature sizable classes of iconic words known as ideophones. In comparison, Indo-European languages like English and Spanish are believed to be arbitrary outside of a small number of onomatopoeic words. In three experiments with English and two with Spanish, we asked native speakers to rate the iconicity of ~600 words from the English and Spanish MacArthur-Bates Communicative Developmental Inventories. We found that iconicity in the words of both languages varied in a theoretically meaningful way with lexical category. In both languages, adjectives were rated as more iconic than nouns and function words, and corresponding to typological differences between English and Spanish in verb semantics, English verbs were rated as relatively iconic compared to Spanish verbs. We also found that both languages exhibited a negative relationship between iconicity ratings and age of acquisition. Words learned earlier tended to be more iconic, suggesting that iconicity in early vocabulary may aid word learning. Altogether these findings show that iconicity is a graded quality that pervades vocabularies of even the most “arbitrary” spoken languages. The findings provide compelling evidence that iconicity is an important property of all languages, signed and spoken, including Indo-European languages.     

Demographic expansions in South America: Enlightening a complex scenario with genetic and linguistic data

Native Americans are characterized by specific and unique patterns of genetic and cultural/linguistic diversities, and this information has been used to understand patterns of geographic dispersion, and the relationship between these peoples. Particularly interesting are the Tupi and Je speaker dispersions. At present, a large number of individuals speak languages of these two stocks; for instance, Tupi‐Guarani is one of the official languages in Paraguay, Bolivia, and the Mercosul economic block. Although the Tupi expansion can be compared in importance to the Bantu migration in Africa, little is known about this event relative to others. Equal and even deeper gaps exist concerning the Je‐speakers' expansion. This study aims to elucidate some aspects of these successful expansions. To meet this purpose, we analyzed Native American mtDNA complete control region from nine different populations and included HVS‐I sequences available in the literature, resulting in a total of 1,176 samples investigated. Evolutionary relationships were explored through median‐joining networks and genetic/geographic/linguistic correlations with Mantel tests and spatial autocorrelation analyses. Both Tupi and Je showed general traces of ancient or more recent fission – fusion processes, but a very different pattern of demographic expansion. Tupi populations displayed a classical isolation‐by‐distance pattern, while Je groups presented an intricate and nonlinear mode of dispersion. We suggest that the collective memory and other cultural processes could be important factors influencing the fission – fusion events, which likely contributed to the genetic structure, evolution, and dispersion of Native American populations. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Globin gene-associated restriction-fragment-length polymorphisms in southern African peoples.

The combination of polymorphic restriction-enzyme sites in the 3' region of the beta-globin gene cluster shows very little variation in southern-African Bantu-speaking black and Kalahari !Kung San populations. The sites of the 5' region, on the other hand, show marked variation, and two common haplotypes are present--the "Negro" type (- - - - +) and the "San" type (- + - - +)--in frequencies of .404 and .106, respectively, in the Bantu-speakers and .262 and .405, respectively, in the San. Twenty of 23 beta s-associated haplotypes in southern-African Bantu-speaking black subjects were the same as that found commonly in the Central African Republic (CAR)--i.e., the "Bantu" type--a finding providing the first convincing biological evidence for the common ancestry of geographically widely separated speakers of languages belonging to the Bantu family. The (-alpha) haplotype has a frequency of .21 in the Venda, .07 in both the Sotho-Tswana and the Nguni, and .06 among the !Kung San. These data are interpreted in the light of Plasmodium falciparum malaria selection and population movements in the African subcontinent.     

Insights into the demographic history of African Pygmies from complete mitochondrial genomes

Pygmy populations are among the few hunter-gatherers currently living in sub-Saharan Africa and are mainly represented by two groups, Eastern and Western, according to their current geographical distribution. They are scattered across the Central African belt and surrounded by Bantu-speaking farmers, with whom they have complex social and economic interactions. To investigate the demographic history of Pygmy groups, a population approach was applied to the analysis of 205 complete mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences from ten central African populations. No sharing of maternal lineages was observed between the two Pygmy groups, with haplogroup L1c being characteristic of the Western group but most of Eastern Pygmy lineages falling into subclades of L0a, L2a, and L5. Demographic inferences based on Bayesian coalescent simulations point to an early split among the maternal ancestors of Pygmies and those of Bantu-speaking farmers (～ 70,000 years ago [ya]). Evidence for population growth in the ancestors of Bantu-speaking farmers has been observed, starting ～ 65,000 ya, well before the diffusion of Bantu languages. Subsequently, the effective population size of the ancestors of Pygmies remained constant over time and ～ 27,000 ya, coincident with the Last Glacial Maximum, Eastern and Western Pygmies diverged, with evidence of subsequent migration only among the Western group and the Bantu-speaking farmers. Western Pygmies show signs of a recent bottleneck 4,000-650 ya, coincident with the diffusion of Bantu languages, whereas Eastern Pygmies seem to have experienced a more ancient decrease in population size (20,000-4,000 ya). In conclusion, the results of this first attempt at analyzing complete mtDNA sequences at the population level in sub-Saharan Africa not only support previous findings but also offer new insights into the demographic history of Pygmy populations, shedding new light on the ancient peopling of the African continent.