Fairness versus favoritism in children

Children respond positively to individuals who favor them and also to individuals who are fair. The present studies examine the interaction between these two preferences by presenting children with two distributors who share resources with the child participant and another recipient. Children are asked whom they like better: the distributor who was unfair but favored the child participant or the distributor who was fair and showed no (or reduced) favoritism. In Study 1, we find that when fairness and favoritism are in conflict, children are split on whom they prefer. In Study 2, we find that placing children in a competitive context leads to a stronger preference for the distributor who favored the child participant. In Study 3, we examine whether children's preference for favoritism persists when both distributors gave the child the same number of rewards, but one distributor gave the child participant relatively more than the other recipient. In this situation, we find that children prefer the fair distributor. However, we again find that creating a competitive context reduces children's preference for the fair distributor. Finally we find that in a third-party context, children value fairness over generosity. Taken together, these results show how children balance competing concerns for fairness and favoritism.     

I Should but I Won’t: Why Young Children Endorse Norms of Fair Sharing but Do Not Follow Them

Young children endorse fairness norms related to sharing, but often act in contradiction to those norms when given a chance to share. This phenomenon has rarely been explored in the context of a single study. Using a novel approach, the research presented here offers clear evidence of this discrepancy and goes on to examine possible explanations for its diminution with age. In Study 1, 3–8-year-old children readily stated that they themselves should share equally, asserted that others should as well, and predicted that others had shared equally with them. Nevertheless, children failed to engage in equal sharing until ages 7–8. In Study 2, 7–8-year-olds correctly predicted that they would share equally, and 3–6-year-olds correctly predicted that they would favor themselves, ruling out a failure-of-willpower explanation for younger children''s behavior. Similarly, a test of inhibitory control in Study 1 also failed to explain the shift with age toward adherence to the endorsed norm. The data suggest that, although 3-year-olds know the norm of equal sharing, the weight that children attach to this norm increases with age when sharing involves a cost to the self.     

How random is the toss of a coin?

Background

The toss of a coin has been a method used to determine random outcomes for centuries. It is still used in some research studies as a method of randomization, although it has largely been discredited as a valid randomization method. We sought to provide evidence that the toss of a coin can be manipulated.

Methods

We performed a prospective experiment involving otolaryngology residents in Vancouver, Canada. The main outcome was the proportion of “heads” coin tosses achieved (out of 300 attempts) by each participant. Each of the participants attempted to flip the coin so as to achieve a heads result.

Results

All participants achieved more heads than tails results, with 7 of the 13 participants having significantly more heads results (p ≤ 0.05). The highest proportion of heads achieved was 0.68 (95% confidence interval 0.62–0.73, p < 0.001).

Interpretation

Certain people are able to successfully manipulate the toss of a coin. This throws into doubt the validity of using a coin toss to determine a chance result.The toss or flip of a coin to randomly assign a decision traditionally involves throwing a coin into the air and seeing which side lands facing up. This method may be used to resolve a dispute, see who goes first in a game or determine which type of treatment a patient receives in a clinical trial. There are only 2 possible outcomes, “heads” or “tails,” although, in theory, landing on an edge is possible. (Research suggests that when the coin is allowed to fall onto a hard surface, the chance of this happening is in the order of 1 in 6000 tosses.¹)When a coin is flipped into the air, it is supposedly made to rotate about an axis parallel to its flat surfaces. The coin is initially placed on a bent forefinger, and the thumb is released from under the coin surface, where it has been held under tension. The thumbnail strikes the part of the coin unsupported by the index finger, sending it rotating upward. All this is done with an upward movement of the hand and forearm. The coin may be allowed to fall to the floor or other surface or it may be caught by the “tosser” and sometimes turned onto the back of the opposite hand and then revealed. The catching method should not matter, provided it is consistent for each toss. The opponent often calls the toss when the coin is airborne, although in the case of randomization for clinical trials, this is unnecessary because one is simply looking for an outcome.Open in a separate windowThe appeal of the coin toss that it is a simple, seemingly unbiased, method of deciding between 2 options. Although the outcome of a coin toss should be at even odds, the outcome may well not be. Historically, the toss of a coin before a duel reputedly decided which person had his back to the sun — an obvious advantage when taking aim! In medical trials, a simple statistical manipulation can have a dramatic effect on the treatment a patient receives. Our hypothesis is that with minimal training, the outcome of the toss can be weighted heavily to the call of the tosser, thus abolishing the 50:50 chance result that is expected and allowing for manipulation of an apparently random event.     

Parent Civic Beliefs,Civic Participation,Socialization Practices,and Child Civic Engagement

We examined civic engagement in middle childhood and the degree to which parents’ civic beliefs (i.e., social trust and civic efficacy), civic participation, and socialization practices were associated with indicators of children's civic engagement (i.e., social responsibility and civic values). Survey data were collected from 359 racially, ethnically, and economically diverse upper elementary students and their parents from six schools in Southern California. The results of path analyses indicated that higher levels of parent social trust were associated with higher levels of community responsibility and civic values in children. Additionally, parent social trust, civic efficacy, and civic participation were indirectly associated with children's community responsibility and civic values through children's perception of their parents as civic role models. Findings suggest that parents’ civic beliefs and civic participation are meaningful to children's civic engagement.     

Parents' Socializing Behavior and Children's Participation in Math,Science, and Computer Out-of-School Activities

This study examined associations between multiple parental behaviors and children's participation in out-of-school math, science, and computer activities for children in 2nd (n = 125), 3rd (n = 123), and 5th grade (n = 200). Mothers and fathers reported how often they encouraged their children's activities, participated in activities with their child, provided activity-related materials, and participated in activities themselves, as well as how often their children participated in activities. The youth described how often they participated in math, science, and computer activities. Results indicate that parents' behavior is a strong, positive predictor of children's participation. Although there were significant mean level gender differences, relations between parents' behavior and children's participation were similar for boys and girls.     

Linking social identity,risk perception,and behavioral psychology to understand predator management by livestock producers

Human behaviors can determine the success of efforts to restore predators to ecosystems. While behaviors such as lethal predator control may impede predator restoration, other land management practices can facilitate coexistence between predators and humans. Socio‐psychological theories provide useful tools for understanding and improving these human behaviors. We explore three frameworks to understand what shapes Australian livestock graziers' behaviors with regards to management of the threat that dingoes pose to livestock. These frameworks are the theory of reasoned action (incorporating values and beliefs about dingoes), the social identity approach, and perception of risk. We distributed a survey to Australian graziers by mail and online (n = 138) which allowed recording of information on these three frameworks and their engagement in lethal dingo control. Among the respondents, we found that all three frameworks were linked with lethal dingo control when assessed individually, but when combined in a hierarchical regression, only social identity (specifically, identifying as an “environmentalist” or “pest controller”) was significant in predicting behavior. This result reveals the strength of social norms and normative beliefs over perceived risk in shaping behavior. As such, social identity is a useful metric for predicting and understanding environmental management behavior. Determining what these social identities mean in a given context is important for identifying how to implement behavior change to promote evidence‐based management that facilitates restoration of wildlife such as predators to landscapes where conflict with humans occurs.     

Why Do Child-Directed Interactions Support Imitative Learning in Young Children?

Child-directed cues support imitation of novel actions at 18 months, but not at two years of age. The current studies explore the mechanisms that underlie the propensity that children have to copy others at 18 months, and how the value of child-directed communication changes over development. We ask if attentional allocation accounts for children''s failure to imitate observed actions at 18 months, and their success at two years of age, and we explore the informational value child-directed contexts may provide across ontogeny. Eighteen-month-old (Study 1) and two-year-old (Study 2) children viewed causally non-obvious actions performed by child-directed (Study 1 & 2), observed (Study 1 & 2), or non-interactive (Study 2) actors, and their visual attention and imitative behaviors were assessed. Results demonstrated that child-directed contexts supported imitative learning for 18-month-old children, independent of their effects on proximal attention. However, by two years of age, neither directness nor communication between social partners was a necessary condition for supporting social imitation. These findings suggest that developmental changes in children''s propensity to extract information from observation cannot be accounted for by changes in children''s interpretation of what counts as child-directed information, and are likely not due to changes in how children allocate attention to observed events.     

Gratefully Received,Gratefully Repaid: The Role of Perceived Fairness in Cooperative Interactions

It is well documented that people would remunerate fair behaviours and penalize unfair behaviours. It is argued that individuals’ reactions following the receipt of a gift depend on the perceived intentions of the donors. Fair intentions should prompt positive affect, like gratitude, triggering cooperative behaviours; while intended unfairness should trigger negative affect, like anger, fostering anti-social actions. It is, however, contended that when people lack information to infer others’ intention they may use ‘normative’ beliefs about fairness - what a typical fair individual ‘should’ do in these circumstances – to guide their behaviour. In this experiment we examined this assertion. We had 122 participants play a one-shot, double-anonymous game with half playing as potential helpers (P1s) and half as recipients (P2s). Whether a participant was a P1 or P2 was chance-determined and all participants knew this. P1s decided whether to help P2s and whether to make their help unconditional (no repayment needed) or conditional (full or ‘taxed’ repayment). P2s decided whether to accept the offer and whatever conditions attached but were blind to the list of helping options available to P1s. We anticipated that recipients would refer to the ‘injunctive norm’ that ‘fair people should help “for free” when it is only by chance that they are in a position to help’. Therefore, without knowing P1s’ different helping options, unconditional offers should be rated by recipients as fairer than conditional offers, and this should be linked to greater gratitude with greater gratitude linked to greater reciprocation. Path analyses confirmed this serial mediation. The results showed that recipients of unconditional offers, compared to conditional ones, interpreted the helpers’ motives as more helpful, experienced greater gratitude and were more eager to reciprocate. The behavioural data further revealed that, when given a latter option to default, 38% of recipients of conditional offers did so.     

Spatial and biocenotic trends in the water-mite fauna of small ponds

Forty-one permanent and temporary ponds have been studied in a mountain range in the center of Spain. Abiotic variables are used to characterize the ponds. Spatial and biocenotic distribution patterns of macroinvertebrates with special reference to the water mite fauna are considered. Order of authorship determined by the toss of a coin. Order of authorship determined by the toss of a coin.     

Parents' difficulties and information needs in coping with acute illness in preschool children: a qualitative study.

OBJECTIVES: To identify and explore difficulties parents experience with acute illness in young children and the information they seek to help them. DESIGN: Qualitative study using semi-structured one t one and group interviews with parents of preschool children. SETTING: Disadvantaged inner city community. SUBJECTS: 95 parents of preschool children. RESULTS: Parents felt disempowered when dealing with acute illness in their children because of difficulties making sense of the illness. Central to parents'' difficulties were their experiences of inadequate information sharing by their general practitioners and variations in their doctors'' decisions and behaviour. Disparity between parents'' beliefs and expectations about illness and treatment and professionals'' behaviour further frustrated parents'' attempts to understand illness. Parents expressed a need for a range of accessible and specific information to support them through their negotiation of children''s illness. CONCLUSIONS: Communication with parents requires greater recognition of parents'' difficulties. Professionals have considerable potential to empower parents by sharing more information and skills. Such information should be consistent and address parents'' concerns, beliefs, and expressed needs if this potential is to be realised.     

Young Children’s Sensitivity to Their Own Ignorance in Informing Others

Prior research suggests that young children selectively inform others depending on others’ knowledge states. Yet, little is known whether children selectively inform others depending on their own knowledge states. To explore this issue, we manipulated 3- to 4-year-old children’s knowledge about the content of a box and assessed the impact on their decisions to inform another person. Moreover, we assessed the presence of uncertainty gestures while they inform another person in light of the suggestions that children''s gestures reflect early developing, perhaps transient, epistemic sensitivity. Finally, we compared children’s performance in the informing context to their explicit verbal judgment of their knowledge states to further confirm the existence of a performance gap between the two tasks. In their decisions to inform, children tend to accurately assess their ignorance, whereas they tend to overestimate their own knowledge states when asked to explicitly report them. Moreover, children display different levels of uncertainty gestures depending on the varying degrees of their informational access. These findings suggest that children’s implicit awareness of their own ignorance may be facilitated in a social, communicative context.     

Exploring the Relation of Harsh Parental Discipline with Child Emotional and Behavioral Problems by Using Multiple Informants. The Generation R Study

Parental harsh disciplining, like corporal punishment, has consistently been associated with adverse mental health outcomes in children. It remains a challenge to accurately assess the consequences of harsh discipline, as researchers and clinicians generally rely on parent report of young children''s problem behaviors. If parents rate their parenting styles and their child''s behavior this may bias results. The use of child self-report on problem behaviors is not common but may provide extra information about the relation of harsh parental discipline and problem behavior. We examined the independent contribution of young children''s self-report above parental report of emotional and behavioral problems in a study of maternal and paternal harsh discipline in a birth cohort. Maternal and paternal harsh discipline predicted both parent reported behavioral and parent reported emotional problems, but only child reported behavioral problems. Associations were not explained by pre-existing behavioral problems at age 3. Importantly, the association with child reported outcomes was independent from parent reported problem behavior. These results suggest that young children''s self-reports of behavioral problems provide unique information on the effects of harsh parental discipline. Inclusion of child self-reports can therefore help estimate the effects of harsh parental discipline more accurately.     

Distinct neurocomputational mechanisms support informational and socially normative conformity

A change of mind in response to social influence could be driven by informational conformity to increase accuracy, or by normative conformity to comply with social norms such as reciprocity. Disentangling the behavioural, cognitive, and neurobiological underpinnings of informational and normative conformity have proven elusive. Here, participants underwent fMRI while performing a perceptual task that involved both advice-taking and advice-giving to human and computer partners. The concurrent inclusion of 2 different social roles and 2 different social partners revealed distinct behavioural and neural markers for informational and normative conformity. Dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (dACC) BOLD response tracked informational conformity towards both human and computer but tracked normative conformity only when interacting with humans. A network of brain areas (dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (dmPFC) and temporoparietal junction (TPJ)) that tracked normative conformity increased their functional coupling with the dACC when interacting with humans. These findings enable differentiating the neural mechanisms by which different types of conformity shape social changes of mind.

When we change our mind in response to other people’s opinion, we may be motivated to be correct or to have a good relationship with others. This fMRI study disentangles the neurobiological underpinnings of these two different motives in the human brain, and shows that the second motive is absent when we interact with computers.     

Excavating Culture: Ethnicity and Context as Predictors of Parenting Behavior

Ethnic, socioeconomic, and contextual predictors of parenting and family socialization practices were examined among African American and European American families. This is one of a set of coordinated studies presented in this special issue (Le et al.). With the goal of sampling African American and European American children and families that were roughly equivalent on socioeconomic indicators, 103 mothers and their children were interviewed when the children were in kindergarten, and 83.5% were interviewed again in fourth grade. There were no ethnic differences in mothers' reports of warmth and communication at kindergarten; mothers' and children's reports of behavioral control at fourth grade, and children's reports of warmth at fourth grade. Among the ethnic differences in the parenting constructs, a number of them were related to cultural variables. For example, African American mothers expressed higher levels of self-efficacy and this was positively related to beliefs in communicating ethnic pride in their children. Similarly, although African American mothers expressed lower levels of warmth than European American mothers at fourth grade, among African American mothers, warmth was positively related to ethnic pride and beliefs in ethnic equality. A similar pattern was found for Psychological Control at fourth grade. When parenting practices among African Americans are examined in relation to ethnic socialization goals and ethnic identity, endorsement of ethnic socialization and identity was associated with more adaptive parenting practices. Longitudinally, there were several notable changes in ethnic differences in parenting practices across age.     

The Importance of Demonstratively Restoring Order

Contrary to what is often assumed, order is not the strongest context for encouraging normative behavior. The strongest context effect on normative behavior comes from cues that clearly convey other people’s respect for norms. Ironically, this show of respect necessitates some contrasting disrespect that is being restored. Using civic virtues (such as helping behavior) as a prototype of normative behavior, the three field experiments described in this paper reveal the impact of normative cues on civic virtues. Results show that the strongest effect on making people follow prosocial norms in public places emanates from seeing order being restored, rather than just order being present. The robust and surprisingly large effects show that observing other people’s respect for one particular norm (as evidenced in their restoring physical order) makes it more likely that the onlooker follows other norms as well. This implies that prosocial behavior has the highest chance of spreading when people observe order being restored. There are clear policy implications: create low cost “normative respect cues” wherever it is desirable to increase conformity to norms.     

Influence of Body Composition on the Accuracy of Reported Energy Intake in Children

Objective: Mis‐reporting dietary intake is a substantial barrier to understanding the role of dietary behavior in disease. Work with adults indicates that heavier individuals under‐report dietary intake and that under‐reporting may be macronutrient‐specific. Whether weight status and macronutrient intake influence the accuracy of dietary reports among children, however, is less clear. This research evaluated children's dietary reporting accuracy as a function of their relative weight, body composition, and macronutrient intake. Research Methods and Procedures: Participants included 146 4‐ to 11‐year‐old children. Reported energy intake was determined by interviewing children in the presence of parents, using three multiple pass, 24‐hour recalls. Children were classified as having had an under‐reported, accurately reported, or over‐reported dietary intake relative to total energy expenditure, as measured by doubly labeled water. Reporting accuracy was examined as a function of children's body weight, body composition (using dual energy x‐ray absorptiometry), and macronutrient intake. Results: Average reported intake was, on average, 14% greater than children's estimated expenditure (p < 0.01). Reporting accuracy varied as a function of children's relative weight and body composition; under‐reporting tended to occur among heavier children, having the highest body fat content (p < 0.0001) and relative weight (p < 0.0001). Discussion: These findings suggest that weight status influences the accuracy of dietary reports made by children and their parents. More research is needed to address possible psychological and social factors that introduce bias in reporting children's dietary data.     

Weaving carpets, weaving lives: Childhood and ethnicity in downtown Kathmandu

In the developing metropolis public perceptions about caste and ethnicity are influenced by historical trends in decisions about occupations; but what does this mean for children whose families decide they work? In Kathmandu's carpet industry, a large percentage of workers are Tamang, an ethnic group who represent a small percentage of the country's population. Organisations working with Tamang child labourers have predominantly used quantitative research data to construct their intervention strategies. This has left many factors unexamined. This paper discusses qualitative and quantitative research data generated by a team of Nepali practitioners striving to address child labour issues. The purpose of their study was to examine the social and cultural factors influencing child migration and the quality of life for children in the carpet industry. The methodology included participatory indicators of children's social, economic, physical and psychological well-being. The paper will draw on children's perspectives to highlight the role of ethnicity in opportunity and exploitation.     

Wild justice and fair play: cooperation,forgiveness, and morality in animals

In this paper I argue that we can learn much about ‘wild justice’ and the evolutionary origins of social morality – behaving fairly – by studying social play behavior in group-living animals, and that interdisciplinary cooperation will help immensely. In our efforts to learn more about the evolution of morality we need to broaden our comparative research to include animals other than non-human primates. If one is a good Darwinian, it is premature to claim that only humans can be empathic and moral beings. By asking the question ‘What is it like to be another animal?’ we can discover rules of engagement that guide animals in their social encounters. When I study dogs, for example, I try to be a ‘dogocentrist’ and practice ‘dogomorphism.’ My major arguments center on the following ‘big’ questions: Can animals be moral beings or do they merely act as if they are? What are the evolutionary roots of cooperation, fairness, trust, forgiveness, and morality? What do animals do when they engage in social play? How do animals negotiate agreements to cooperate, to forgive, to behave fairly, to develop trust? Can animals forgive? Why cooperate and play fairly? Why did play evolve as it has? Does ‘being fair’ mean being more fit – do individual variations in play influence an individual's reproductive fitness, are more virtuous individuals more fit than less virtuous individuals? What is the taxonomic distribution of cognitive skills and emotional capacities necessary for individuals to be able to behave fairly, to empathize, to behave morally? Can we use information about moral behavior in animals to help us understand ourselves? I conclude that there is strong selection for cooperative fair play in which individuals establish and maintain a social contract to play because there are mutual benefits when individuals adopt this strategy and group stability may be also be fostered. Numerous mechanisms have evolved to facilitate the initiation and maintenance of social play to keep others engaged, so that agreeing to play fairly and the resulting benefits of doing so can be readily achieved. I also claim that the ability to make accurate predictions about what an individual is likely to do in a given social situation is a useful litmus test for explaining what might be happening in an individual's brain during social encounters, and that intentional or representational explanations are often important for making these predictions.