Decline in coital rates with spouses' ages and duration of marriage

Cross-sectional and longitudinal study begun in 1974 of a large U.S. urban sample confirms that mean marital coital rates decline very rapidly over the 1st year of marriage. They seem to halve over the 1st year of marriage, and they they take perhaps another 20 years to halve again. This pattern of decline is interpreted as evidence against the suggestion that coital rates are closely related to female hormone levels. The higher correlation of marital coital rates with wife's age than with husband's age, it is argued here, is because wife's age is more closely associated than husband's age with duration of marriage (here seen as the most important of these 3 variables in the determination of coital rates). This is because of the substantially smaller variance of wife's age at marriage than husband's age at marriage. Maximum age at the beginning of the study was 44 for wives.     

Sex ratios at birth in a Micronesian atoll population

Abstract

The recent suggestion that typically masculinized sex ratios at birth in Micronesian populations may be related to a distinct “Micronesian pattern” of life‐course coital behavior is applied to data on the sex ratio of livebirths on Butaritari Atoll in Kiribati. The data show that sex ratios on Butaritari are highly masculinized and do not vary significantly with changes in maternal age. However, there is a discernible relationship between the length of closed intervals preceding male and female births. The lack of age‐related change in sex ratios in the Butaritari sample is inconsistent with ethnographic data regarding levels of marital coital activity in relation to increasing age and marriage duration. The Butaritari sex ratio data is argued to support the suggestion of a “Micronesian pattern,” although it is posed that further tests of this association are required.     

Fecundability and husband's age

The effect of husband's age on the probability of conception is evaluated from World Fertility Survey data in five developing countries: the Ivory Coast, Ghana Kenya, the Sudan, and Syria. Proportional hazards models, which include wife's age, husband's age, marriage duration, union type, and post-partum exposure as covariates, are used to describe the monthly conception rate for second and higher-order birth intervals in which no contraception was used. With the exception of Syria, the resulting models indicate that the effects of male age are generally small in relation to the influences of marital duration and the age of the woman.     

Socioeconomic determinants of age at first marriage in Bangladesh

Using data from the 1976 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, multiple classification analysis was used to evaluate the effect of socioeconomic factors on age at 1st marriage. The independent variables considered were education, childhood and current residence, religion, work status before marriage, and husband's childhood residence, education, and occupation. Analysis was carried out for the total sample as well as for 3 birth cohorts of approximately equal size: 1) those born before 1940, 2) those born between 1940-50, and 3) those born after 1950. Of all the included variables, women's education has the strongest influence on the variation of age at 1st marriage. For all ever-married women, the mean age at marriage for women with primary education is 13.4 years, 0.9 years higher than for women with no education (12.5 years), and 1.2 years lower than for women with a high school education or beyond (14.6 years). Difference in means for cohorts indicate a gradually increasing influence of education on people's decision in marriage. Husband's education does not appear to be as important. Childhood residence has, directly and indirectly, a strong influence in marriage age. Among other factors, women's premarital work participation, as well as region and husband's occupation, are important. Since women's education, childhood residence, and work participation are the strongest socioeconomic variables affecting marriage age, the modernizing influences of education, urbanization, and female work participation should have an effect on the marriage pattern; this effect is consistent with that observed in other societies.     

Duration between marriage and first birth and marital instability

This paper considers whether marital instability varies by the duration between marriage and 1st birth among ever-married white and black American women. Analysis of data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey suggests that the duration between marriage and 1st birth has a generally monotonic relationship with the probability of white women separating or divorcing from their 1st marriage; the relationship has remained relatively constant over time. For blacks, no consistent association is found between marital dissolution and the duration between marriage and 1st birth. Black women having a premarital conception and postmarital birth and those having their 1st birth during their 2nd year of marriage have a similarly high risk of dissolution. Conversely, blacks having their 1st birth 8-12 or 25-42 months after marrying have a low probability of dissolution. Childless women and those with premarital births generally has the greatest probability of marital disruption for whites. Racial differences may occur because blacks view the 1st birth and marriage differently than whites. That is, because blacks are much more likely to have premarital births and to have a shorter duration between marriage and 1st birth, blacks and whites in the same 1st birth interval category may be dissimilar and have different values resulting in a differential effect of the timing of the 1st birth on marital instability by race. Caution is needed when interpreting the pattern of association between delayed childbearing (and to a lesser extent, births occuring a few years after marriage) and marital instability. Results for whites were similar at each marriage duration and it is assumed delayed childbearing was not a result of marital instability. Marital instability was expected to have its strongest effect on the timing of the 1st birth during the 1st years of marriage. Marital instability may be partially responsible for the delaying of childbearing among blacks. However, blacks who delay but are married at 1st birth have a relatively low risk of separating or divorcing.     

Determinants of coital frequency among married women in Central African Republic: the role of female genital cutting

This paper examines determinants of one aspect of sexual behaviour--coital frequency--among 2,188 married women in the Central African Republic using a secondary analysis of data from the Demographic and Health Survey of 1994-95. Female genital cutting (or circumcision) is practised in the Central African Republic and self-reported circumcision status was included in the questionnaire enabling it to be examined as a possible determinant of coital frequency. Multiple logistic regression was used to find a subset of factors independently associated with coital frequency. Decreased coital frequency was found in those who had longer duration of marriage, those who were not the most recent wife in a polygamous marriage and those who had more surviving children. Coital frequency was higher in more educated women and those not contracepting because they wanted to get pregnant. After adjusting for confounders no association between female genital cutting and coital frequency was found. The extent to which women can control coital frequency in this culture is not known and fertility desires may override any negative effects of circumcision on sexual pleasure. It was therefore not possible to draw conclusions about how female genital cutting affects a woman's desire for sexual intercourse and consequently there is a need to develop research methods further to investigate this question.     

Infertility and age at first coitus: a possible relationship

Reported age at first coitus was shown to be associated with incidence and degree of infertility. Infertility patients reported later first coital ages than gynecological patients in a sample of 792 women seen in a major fertility service. Among the infertility patients, those who had never conceived presented a later first coital age than those who had previously conceived. Routine gynecological patients reported the youngest first coital age of the groups studied.     

Vieillissement et fertilité de l'homme

The decreased androgen levels in the ageing male have an evident effect on libido, sex life and coital frequency, whereas its role in impotence, the frequency of which increases dramatically in old age, is only marginal. Sperm quality as well as its fertilizing capacity decreases only minimally with age: there is some decrease in motility as well as an increase in percentage of spermatozoa with abnormal morphology, but sperm density remains unchanged, notwithstanding decreased spermatogenesis. After age 25, apparent fecundability of the woman decreases; this is attributable, on the one hand to an increase of the intrauterine mortality and, on the other hand to the declining coital frequency. After age of 35, female fecundity decreases more rapidly, due to changes in female physiology (increased frequency of anovulatory cycles, short luteal phase etc), whereas the normal, age dependent, decrease in coital frequency has little impact on the age pattern of fecundability. As far as the influence of the age pattern on the fecundity of the couple is concerned, it is concluded that the age of the female partner, rather than the age of the husband is the predominant factor determining the fecundability of the couple.     

Is female attractiveness related to final reproductive success?

In order to test the assumption that female attractiveness relates to reproductive success, photographs of 47 rural Polish women taken in their youth were rated for attractiveness, and BMI at age 18 was recorded; these measures of attractiveness were then compared with their subsequent life histories. Facial attractiveness did not relate to number of children or grandchildren. It also did not relate to age of marriage or husband's education. It did relate to number of marriages and husband's height. BMI at age 18 did not relate significantly to any of the outcome variables. These results suggest that although more attractive women may have married higher quality (taller) husbands and may in ancestral population have achieved greater reproductive success this way, there is no evidence in a modern, European Catholic society for their having greater reproductive success.     

Marriage structure and contraception in Niger

Analysis of the 1992 Niger Demographic and Health Survey showed that although roughly two-thirds of both polygamous and monogamous women approve of birth control, polygamous wives are less likely than monogamous wives to discuss family size or birth control with their husband or to plan on using birth control. The study suggests that characteristics of polygamous couples have caused polygamous women to be more resistant to birth control use than monogamous women. The polygamous women tended to be married to older men who had not gone to primary school and who desired more children than monogamous husbands. The influence of marital structure is not significantly associated with intention to use birth control when the husband's age and the wife's ideal number of children were controlled for in the multivariate logistic regression model suggesting that background social factors may be more influential. In fact, educational level and age at first marriage were significantly associated with attitudes towards birth control and also with marital structure.     

Age and fertility: can women wait until their early thirties to try for a first birth?

Postponing the start of childbearing raises the question of fertility postponed versus fertility foregone. One of the limitations of previous studies of 'How late can you wait?' is that any observed decline in the probability of conception with age could be due to a decline in fecundability with age or due to a decline in coital frequency with age or due to both factors. Using data from a multinational longitudinal study conducted to determine the daily probability of conception among healthy subjects, a discrete-time event history model with long-term survivors (sterile population) is used to study the relationship between age and fecundability for childless women, while controlling for the pattern of intercourse within a menstrual cycle. The findings suggest that women can wait until their early thirties to try for a first birth, providing that they are not already sterile, as the magnitude of the decline in fecundability is very modest and of little practical importance.     

Nonmarital Fertility, Family Structure, and the Early School Achievement of Young Children from Different Race/Ethnic and Immigration Groups

Working from a life course perspective, this study examined the links between mothers' fertility and relationship statuses and children's early school achievement and how these links varied by race/ethnicity and immigration status. Analyses of nationally representative data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten Cohort revealed that children born to unmarried women scored lower than children of married women on math tests in kindergarten and first grade. This pattern was most attributable to associated differences in family income and parent education, and it was moderated by women's marital and relationship statuses after having their children. Evidence also suggested that the academic risks of some family structure pattern relative to continuously married parents might have been more pronounced for White children.     

Premarital childbearing in northwest Kenya: challenging the concept of illegitimacy

A number of African countries, including Kenya, have experienced a marked rise in births among unmarried women. In Western countries, reproduction outside of marriage is assumed to be illegitimate and a social problem. One hypothesis used to explain the increasing incidence of premarital fertility in Africa is a breakdown of traditional social controls by the extended family over the sexual behavior of adolescents. A competing hypothesis suggests that unmarried women use sexual relations to achieve goals such as marriage. Among Turkana pastoralists of northwest Kenya, we find a pattern of premarital birth that fits either hypothesis only loosely. Premarital fertility among the Turkana is both widespread and culturally acceptable, with over 30 per cent of women having at least one child prior to marriage. Although women with premarital births initiate childbearing on average one year earlier than women with only marital births, women's marital status does not influence the length of the interval between first and second births. Marriage among the Turkana is not a social trigger for the onset and continuation of reproduction or a means to legitimate reproduction. Marital status of the parents simply determines the custody of a child. In a premarital birth, the father pays a set fee to the mother's family, and the custody of the child remains permanently with the mother's family. If the parents later marry, the father must purchase custody of the child by another fee at that time. Since the Turkana have experienced few effects of modernization, the existence of such a practice suggests that cultural factors must be taken into account before assessing premarital fertility in Africa as a social problem.     

The association of sexual interest and sexual behaviors among adolescent women: a daily diary perspective

Theoretical and empirical linkages of adult women's sexual interest and sexual behaviors are relatively well-established, but few data address similar issues in adolescent women. This paper reviews data from published reports of associations of adolescent women's sexual interest and various sexual behaviors. All of the papers reported data collected from a single longitudinal cohort of young women. The primary source of data collection was daily diaries, allowing close temporal pairing of sexual interest with sexual behaviors. Young women's sexual interest on a given day was consistently and independently associated with sexual activity on that day, whether the behavior was first lifetime coitus, coitus, fellatio, cunnilingus, anal intercourse, or coitus during menses. We also found no evidence of influence of hormonal contraceptives on young women's sexual interest. Taken together, these data demonstrate the relevance of sexual interest as a key factor in young women's sexuality and sexual behavior.     

The prevalence and correlates of consanguineous marriages in Yemen: similarities and contrasts with other Arab countries

Using data on 9762 women from the 1997 Yemen Demographic and Maternal and Child Health Survey, this paper examines the prevalence and socioeconomic correlates of consanguineous marriages in Yemen. The results indicate that 40% of marriages are consanguineous, over 85% of which are between first cousins. The prevalence of consanguineous marriages appears to have increased over time, particularly for the last marriage cohort. As for socioeconomic correlates, the study confirms the inverse association between consanguineous marriages and women's education and occupation, age at marriage and economic status. However, no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of consanguinity has been found by place of residence and geographical region. Somewhat unexpected results have been obtained by husband's background characteristics, with higher educated men and those working in the modern sector of the economy being more likely to be married to cousins.     

Male axillary secretions influence women's menstrual cycles: a critique

W. B. Cutler et al. report in the December 1986 issue of Hormones and Behavior (20, 463-473), that women treated with axillary extract from male donors showed reduced variability in menstrual cycle lengths and a reduced proportion of aberrant cycles. The initial samples--seven subjects treated with the male extract and nine subjects treated with blank/ethanol--did not differ significantly in the frequency of aberrant and normal cycles. The cycles of four subjects who were having weekly coital activity were removed from the samples, since coital activity has been shown to be associated with normal-length cycles. The frequency differences of aberrant and normal cycles in the reduced extract and placebo samples were statistically significant. The experiment's conclusions are questionable because (1) the decision to remove the cycles of the four women who had weekly coital activity was not justified by the evidence from this experiment and (2) the researchers lacked an observed preexperimental data base from which to measure changes in the women's cycle lengths.     

Correcting contraceptive failure rates for sample composition and sample selection bias

Abstract

There is reason to believe that in the short run marriages are becoming more stable in some Western African countries such as Cameroon. One of the crucial questions facing these countries is whether fertility rates can be expected to increase or decrease due in part to the increased stability of marriages. Analyzing 1978 Cameroon World Fertility Survey data and using a multivariate regression model which compares the fertility rate of women who have had at least one marital disruption with that of continuously married women, we studied the relationship between marital instability and fertility. The results show that fertility rates for women married more than once are significantly lower than those for continuously married women even before the end of their first marriage. Furthermore, marital disruption significantly reduces fertility rates after the dissolution of the first marriage. Finally, even after the length of reproductive time lost is controlled, there is an inverse relationship between the number of marriages and fertility. The results are discussed in the context of economic development, modernization, and urbanization.     

Attitudes towards justifying intimate partner violence among married women in bangladesh

Summary This study examines women's attitude towards intimate partner violence among 331 Bangladeshi women in five selected disadvantaged areas of Dhaka city. This study used a shorter version of the Inventory of Beliefs about Wife Beating (IBWB) to measure women's attitude towards intimate partner violence. The results revealed that the mean score on the wife-beating scale of 15 items was 7.81 (SD=4.893). Significant amounts of the variance (42.9%) in women's attitude towards intimate partner violence can be attributed to respondent's education (B=-0.60, p<0.001), husband's education (B=-1.251, p<0.01), exposure to mass media (B=-1.251, p<0.01), respondent's current age (B=0.081, p<0.05), age at marriage (B=0.215, p<0.01), intimate partner violence victimization within the last 12 months (B=-1.533, p<0.001) and women receiving micro-credit (small-scale loan or financial assistance) (B= -2.214, p<0.001). The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the findings.     

Teenage childbearing: structural determinants in developing countries

Data for a sample of 50 developing countries are analysed to investigate the social correlates of the teenage birth rate. Of five major factors considered as predictors of national birth rates (socioeconomic development, family planning programmes, women's status, the sex ratio, and marriage patterns), regression analyses reveal that only the average age at marriage for women has a significant effect on the teenage birth rate. In contrast, all variables except the sex ratio and the average age at marriage for women have a significant effect on the total fertility rate.     

Trends in childbearing and stillbirth risk: heterogeneity among Italian regions

In Italy, as in all Western countries, the almost monotonic decline in fertility observed since the 1960s has been paralleled until the beginning of the 1980s by a decrease in maternal age at delivery. Since then, age at marriage and at childbearing has been increasing and marital fertility has continued to decrease. By 1994 Italy showed extreme values of low total fertility rate (1.22) and of high mean maternal age at delivery (29.7). For the period between 1960 and 1994 we identified five U-shaped patterns in maternal age at delivery corresponding to five geographical areas, which differ socioeconomically and culturally. Since it is well known that an increase in the maternal age is accompanied by an increase in the risk of unfavorable pregnancy outcome, we estimated the stillbirth risk run by older (> or =35 years) mothers who delivered in 1994, with respect to their younger counterparts. The differences between the areas are reflected in the higher risk in southern compared to northern Italy: the maximum value occurred in Sicily (odds ratio 2.02, 95% confidence interval, 1.51-2.70) and the minimum value, even lower than in the north but not statistically significant, was found in Sardinia (odds ratio 1.25, 95% confidence interval, 0.81-1.91), known to be characterized by peculiar cultural and biological features.