Clinical implications of genetic susceptibility to diabetes mellitus

Abstract

Relatively little attention has been given to the interpretation of age‐at‐marriage differences in fertility. This paper discusses possible demographic and sociological sources of this differential. The argument is made that sociological interpretations deserve increased attention since most of the observed differential persists after control for likely demographic components (premarital pregnancy, unwanted fertility, and subfecundity) and for correlated social and background variables (education of self and parents, religion, farm background, number of siblings, whether respondent's parental family was intact, and husband's age at marriage). Multiple‐classification analysis is employed. The analysis concludes by noting that age at first birth has an even stronger relationship with fertility than age at marriage and that the sociological dimensions of age relevant to age at marriage are even more appropriate to age at entrance into motherhood.     

Social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in Taiwan, 1970

Abstract

This study examines the social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in two townships in northern Taiwan, one very rural and traditional and the other urban and modernized. For a sample of 5,707 once‐married women a path analysis was performed in which age at first marriage was considered a function of age, educational attainment, urban origin, premarital labor‐force participation, and age at menarche. Age at menarche, with a positive effect on the dependent variable, was the most important direct cause of age at first marriage. Although exogenous variables associated with modernization (urban origin, educational attainment and younger age) had a positive direct effect on age at first marriage, they also had a negative indirect effect on age at first marriage through their negative direct effect on age at menarche.     

Kin influences on fertility in Thailand: Effects and mechanisms

It has been suggested that human mothers are cooperative breeders, as they need help from others to successfully raise offspring. Studies working under this framework have found correlations between the presence of kin and both child survival and female fertility rates. This study seeks to understand the proximate mechanisms by which kin influence fertility using data from the 1987 Thailand Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), a nationally representative sample of 6775 women. Kin influence is measured by the length of time couples live with the husband's or wife's parents after marriage. Event history analysis, multilevel modeling and structural equation modeling are used to investigate both fertility outcomes and potential pathways through which postnuptial residence may influence fertility outcomes, including employment status, maternal and child outcomes, contraceptive use, breastfeeding duration, and age at marriage. We show that living virilocally (with husband's kin after marriage) increases total fertility by shortening time from marriage to first birth, and increasing the likelihood of progression to each subsequent birth. These effects are mediated through correlations between virilocal residence and earlier age at marriage as well as delayed initiation of contraceptive use. We find no influence of husband's kin on maternal or child outcomes. Living uxorilocally (with wife's kin after marriage) also reduces age at marriage, shortens time from marriage to first birth and (marginally) improves child survivorship, but has no effect on other child and maternal outcomes or progression to subsequent births and results in a similar number of living children as women living neolocally.     

Assessing the correlates of desired family size in Shaanxi,China

Abstract

This exploratory analysis of factors associated with Chinese women's fertility desires uses data on married women between the ages of 18 and 35 who live in Shaanxi Province, China. Analyses using an economic framework found that both rural and urban couples who intended to sign, or who had already signed, the one‐child certificate reported wanting significantly fewer children. However, in rural areas (where 80 per cent of the provincial population lives), education level, living arrangements, participation in an arranged marriage, attitudes regarding the ideal age for marriage, and knowledge of the reasons for the government's fertility policies appear to play a relatively larger role in shaping fertility preferences.     

The effects of teenaged motherhood and maternal age on offspring intelligence

Abstract

Causal models of the effects of maternal age on offspring intelligence were generated using three large data sets. The direct and indirect effects of two components of maternal age, teenage motherhood and linear maternal age, were investigated separately for white and black children. The intervening variables investigated as routes of indirect effect were family structure, parental education, parental employment, family income, and family size. The findings indicate that there are no direct effects of teenage maternity on offspring intelligence, and that the observed negative relationship is primarily attributable to parental education. In contrast, the overall effect of maternal age, while very small and positive, is primarily direct, that is, not mediated by any of the social or economic conditions included in the model. The consistency of these findings and the impact on children's intelligence of the other variables included in the model are demonstrated and discussed.     

Childlessness,health, and marital satisfaction

Abstract

Data on the health and well‐being of 2,480 married couples in an urban area‐probability sample suggest that parenthood detracts from the physical and psychological health of husbands and wives, particularly among younger couples. Rates of joint marital satisfaction also were lower for active parents than for former parents and childless couples, regardless of the duration of the marriage and the wife's age and employment status. That parenthood may be detrimental to both health and marital satisfaction is suggested by the finding that former parents were better off than active parents on both indices, though not as well off as childless spouses.     

Sociodemographic attributes of Iranian wives who reported unwanted pregnancies

Abstract

In a 1989 Family Planning Study in Iran, 40 percent of the married women of reproductive age reported that their last or current pregnancies were unwanted and unintended. This finding is consistent with the results obtained from a number of studies undertaken in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East. Although the phenomenon of unwanted pregnancy is a significant topic in the population studies, it has received very little attention. This paper shows the differences between two groups: group A, those married women who reported that their last or current pregnancies were wanted, and group B, those married women who reported that their last or current pregnancies were unwanted. The findings of this study clearly show significant differences between these two groups in regard to some key sociodemographic attributes: wife/husband's education, actual and desired fertility, wife's current age, past and present practice of contraceptive methods, and extent of satisfaction with family planning services are among the attributes differentiating these two groups. Our examination of these variables suggests that group B had higher parity, fertility, less desire for more children, less use of contraceptive techniques, and less satisfaction with the efficiency of the contraceptive techniques than group A. The relationship between education and wanted/unwanted pregnancies is mixed. The urban women who wanted‐pregnancies and were 25 years old or older were more educated than those who did not want pregnancies. On the contrary, the rural women whose pregnancies were not wanted were more educated than those who wanted pregnancies regardless of age, parity, and locality differences. Furthermore, the urban/rural women with different levels of parities who did not want to be pregnant were more educated than the urban/rural women who wanted pregnancies. Finally, the standardized regression coefficients, obtained in logistic regression, reveal that among urban women the desire for more children and parity are the first and second most significant independent variables differentiating between group A and group B. Among rural women, living children and the desire for more children were the first and second most important variables differentiating between group A and group B.     

Multilevel Effects of Wealth on Women's Contraceptive Use in Mozambique

Objective

This paper analyzes the impact of wealth on the use of contraception in Mozambique unmixing the contextual effects due to community wealth from the individual effects associated with the women''s situation within the community of residence.

Methods

Data from the 2011 Mozambican Demographic and Health Survey on women who are married or living together are analyzed for the entire country and also for the rural and urban areas separately. We used single level and multilevel probit regression models.

Findings

A single level probit regression reveals that region, religion, age, previous fertility, education, and wealth impact contraceptive behavior. The multilevel analysis shows that average community wealth and the women’s relative socioeconomic position within the community have significant positive effects on the use of modern contraceptives. The multilevel framework proved to be necessary in rural settings but not relevant in urban areas. Moreover, the contextual effects due to community wealth are greater in rural than in urban areas and this feature is associated with the higher socioeconomic heterogeneity within the richest communities.

Conclusion

This analysis highlights the need for the studies on contraceptive behavior to specifically address the individual and contextual effects arising from the poverty-wealth dimension in rural and urban areas separately. The inclusion in a particular community of residence is not relevant in urban areas, but it is an important feature in rural areas. Although the women''s individual position within the community of residence has a similar effect on contraceptive adoption in rural and urban settings, the impact of community wealth is greater in rural areas and smaller in urban areas.     

The influence of female education,labor force participation,and age at marriage on fertility behavior in Bangladesh

Abstract

This paper studies the relationship between three aspects of female status (education, work experience, and age at marriage) and the use of contraception and fertility in Bangladesh. Education is found to be the variable most strongly correlated with use of contraception and is also one of the significant variables explaining fertility behavior. The most important factor explaining fertility behavior is age at marriage. The higher the age at marriage, the lower the fertility, when all other factors are held constant. Work experience has very little or no effect on current use of contraception and fertility.     

Women's access to health care in Ghana: Effects of education,residence, lineage and self‐determination

Abstract

Women's physical and psychological access to health care was analyzed using the 2003 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey (GDHS), a nationally representative study for monitoring population and health in Ghana. Female respondents from the 2133 cases in the couple's data set were used in this study. Women's level of education was positively related to physical but not to psychological access to health care. Residing in an urban area was positively related to both types of access. Matriliny consistently showed positive effects on physical access. In addition to these demographic factors, both physical and psychological access were positively related to women's self‐determination, i.e., women's right and ability to make real choices about their lives including their health, fertility, sexuality, childcare and all areas where women are denied autonomy and dignity in their identities as women. Self‐determination factors both mediated the effects of background factors on access and added explanatory power to the models.     

Social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in Taiwan, 1970

This study examines the social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in 2 townships in Northern Taiwan, one very rural and traditional and the other urban and modernized. Using a sample of 5707 once-married women, a path analysis examined age at first marriage as a function of age, educational status, urban origin, premarital labor force participation, and age at menarche. Age at menarche, with a positive effect on the dependent variable, was the most important direct cause of age at first marriage. This biological factor is interrelated with socioeconomic influences as predictors of age at marriage. Older cohorts of women tended to marry about 2 years earlier than did the women below 30. Urban women had a mean age at first marriage 1.76 year later than did rural women. Age at marriage steadily increases as education increases; a 4 year age differntial exists between those who have no formal education and those who have at least 12 years of education. Also, women who worked before marriage married later than those who had never worked. This study reemphasizes that in Taiwan, as elsewhere, there is a complex interplay of socioeconomic and biological factors embedded within a cultural context that influences age at first marriage for females.     

Inbreeding and immigration in urban and rural zones of Chile,with an endogamy index

Abstract

From ecclesiastical and civil data on consanguinity, age at marriage, and immigration in Chile from 186S to 1914, comparisons between urban and rural zones are made. A random mating deviation index is developed, and the values indicate deviation toward endogamy in both zones. These values show an inverse relation to those of the exogamy index developed by Freire‐Maia and Freire‐Maia (1963). Values in the rural zone are double those in the urban zone. In the two zones there are no clear differences in age at marriage between consanguineous and nonconsanguineous couples. Thus, we might expect lower fertility in consanguineous marriages only because of a higher probability of homozygosis of deleterious genes.     

The effect of female education on marital fertility in different size communities of Mexico

Abstract

Based on a very large sample of married women aged 15 to 49 from the 1970 census of Mexico, the effect of literacy and education on the number of children ever born in different size communities is investigated. While cumulative marital fertility tends to be inversely related to community size, the overall shape of the education‐fertility relationship is generally similar in rural, semi‐urban, small urban, and large urban localities. These results combined with those for literacy do not support the hypothesis of an urbanization or a literacy “threshold” at which women's schooling begins to reduce family size.     

Determinants of cumulative fertility in Kenya

This paper analyses the effects of age at first marriage, level of education, place of residence, marriage disruption, religion, contraceptive use, and work status on cumulative fertility in Kenya, using data from the 1977-78 Kenya Fertility Survey. Age at first marriage is the main determinant of cumulative fertility, but there are significant effects of level of education and marriage disruption. Place of residence is only significant for the Coast province. The implication of the findings is that to promote any real decline in fertility, emphasis should be placed on providing higher education and work opportunities for young women as an alternative to early marriage.     

Childlessness among American women

Abstract

The rate of childlessness in the United States has increased over the last two decades. Changing or differential rates by different segments of society have important implications for society. Most previous studies have relied on unrepresentative opportunistic samples to identify those segments of society with lower or higher rates of childlessness. These types of samples may misestimate both the number of women planning to remain childless and the magnitude of the correlates of childlessness. The present study uses these previous studies to identify predictor variables, but tests their significance using a recent national representative sample of women in the United States, aged 20–44: Cycle III of the National Survey for Family Growth, collected in 1982. The most important demographic factors are marital status and fecundity status, followed by age, race or ethnicity, education of the respondent, labor force status, and region. Father's education and mother's education are slightly, but not significantly, related to childlessness. Contrary to findings from less representative samples, urban‐rural differences and religion are not related to childlessness.     

Socioeconomic and cultural differentials in age at marriage and the effect on fertility in Nepal

Age at marriage is one of the factors that influence the fertility behaviour of women, particularly in a society like Nepal where contraceptive use is low. Socioeconomic and cultural factors, particularly religion and ethnicity, are important variables in determining age at marriage in Nepal. Fertility was negatively related with age at marriage. Marriage duration had a greater influence on fertility than age at marriage, although these were strongly correlated.     

Fertility Changes in Rural Moroccan Berbers during the 20th Century

Morocco’s fertility pattern evolved in the 20th century from a traditional model close to ‘natural fertility’ to a modern pattern incorporating contraception. The very high fertility rate of nearly 7 offspring per woman observed in the 1960s was still at a level of 5.5 offspring per woman in the early 1980s. The total fertility rate subsequently declined to 2.5 by 2003. This decline was apparently, principally, the result of two factors in the urban context: the relative increase in women’s age at marriage and the use of contraception to regulate and to close reproduction. This research studied a group of Berber agriculturists in the region of Marrakech to better understand the extension and modalities of fertility changes in a rural environment. Though delayed, the changes observed in rural Berbers paralleled the general trends seen at the national level. As in the urban environment, the changes affecting reproductive patterns resulted from an increase in the age at marriage of women and the introduction of contraception. However, these changes were apparently minor adaptations to the traditional pattern, in that the progressive increase in mean age at marriage was obtained by the decrease in the frequency of pre-nubile unions (<15 years old) and not from the upward shift of the modal age. On the other hand, contraception apparently was employed to stop childbearing after the expected family size was already attained.     

Determinants of rural and urban fertility differentials in Nigeria

Whatever proximate variables are examined, their differential effects on rural and urban fertility are small. This indicates that no major disturbance has taken place in urban or rural reproductive norms. However, two possible reasons for the converging pattern of rural and urban fertility in Nigeria are identified. One is that urban mothers in the first half of the childbearing age range have higher fertility than their rural counterparts. The other is that breast-feeding and post-partum abstinence, which are the major determinants of marital fertility, exert a more depressing influence on rural than urban fertility.     

A comparative study of determinants of uxorilocal marriage in two counties of China

Abstract

A strictly maintained patrilineal family system makes virilocal marriage almost universal and uxorilocal marriage rare in the history of rural China. Uxorilocal marriage can be divided into two types that may be termed, respectively, contingent and institutional. The former preserves family lineages in families without a son and occurs when uxorilocal marriage is uncommon. The latter serves practical economic purposes in families with sons and occurs when uxorilocal marriage is relatively prevalent. Using data from a survey in two counties of Shaanxi—Lueyang, where both kinds of uxorilocal marriage are prevalent, and Sanyuan, where uxorilocal marriage is rare and usually contingent—this paper employs logistic regression models in a quantitative comparative study of determinants of uxorilocal marriage in rural China. We show that the purposes and prevalence of the two types of uxorilocal marriage differ and that their determinants are also different in the two counties. In Sanyuan, the determinants are only a couple's sibling composition, membership in a large family clan, and educational level. In Lueyang, in addition to those determinants in Sanyuan, important contributions to the type of uxorilocal marriage include a couple's parental marriage type, age at marriage, adoption status, marriage arrangement, and their attitudes toward uxorilocal marriage. The results indicate the potential importance of encouraging uxorilocal marriage in rural areas as a means of mitigating demographic and social problems related to son preference, such as high sex ratio at birth and lack of old‐age security, which are projected for China's future.     

Socioeconomic determinants of age at first marriage in Bangladesh

Using data from the 1976 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, multiple classification analysis was used to evaluate the effect of socioeconomic factors on age at 1st marriage. The independent variables considered were education, childhood and current residence, religion, work status before marriage, and husband's childhood residence, education, and occupation. Analysis was carried out for the total sample as well as for 3 birth cohorts of approximately equal size: 1) those born before 1940, 2) those born between 1940-50, and 3) those born after 1950. Of all the included variables, women's education has the strongest influence on the variation of age at 1st marriage. For all ever-married women, the mean age at marriage for women with primary education is 13.4 years, 0.9 years higher than for women with no education (12.5 years), and 1.2 years lower than for women with a high school education or beyond (14.6 years). Difference in means for cohorts indicate a gradually increasing influence of education on people's decision in marriage. Husband's education does not appear to be as important. Childhood residence has, directly and indirectly, a strong influence in marriage age. Among other factors, women's premarital work participation, as well as region and husband's occupation, are important. Since women's education, childhood residence, and work participation are the strongest socioeconomic variables affecting marriage age, the modernizing influences of education, urbanization, and female work participation should have an effect on the marriage pattern; this effect is consistent with that observed in other societies.