Mate selection and its impact on female marriage age, pregnancy wastages, and first child survival in Tamil Nadu, India

Marriage in Indian society is a religious duty. Consanguineous marriage is common, where individuals prefer to marry within their clan (a unilateral kin group based on either matrilineal or patrilineal descent). Keeping in mind that this form of marriage has certain disadvantages for social and biological as well as demographic aspects of individuals and families, the present study examines the influence of mate selection (i.e., close relatives, distant relatives, not related) on female age at marriage, pregnancy wastages, and survival status of the first child. The study was designed based on the information collected on a sample size of 3,948 married women aged 13-49 in Tamil Nadu, India, by the National Family Health Survey (NFHS), 1992. Results suggest that 48 per cent of women in Tamil Nadu marry their relatives. This practice of marrying relatives is high in rural areas, among Hindus, Scheduled Castes/tribes, and illiterate women as compared to urban areas, among non-Hindus, non-SC/ST, and educated women, respectively. The bivariate analysis reveals that women marrying their close relatives had low age at marriage and experienced a higher per cent of pregnancy wastage and child loss (first child) as compared to those women marrying their distant relatives or nonrelatives. The result is found to be consistent even after controlling for selected background variables through multivariate techniques (applied separately for age at marriage, pregnancy wastages, and the survival status of first child). Hence, this study suggests that steps should be taken to inform people about the problems of marrying close relatives through appropriate IEC programs in Tamil Nadu.     

Parallel cousin marriages in Madras, Tamil Nadu: new trends in Dravidian kinship

The frequency distribution of various consanguineous marriages was studied in the city of Madras, Tamil Nadu, South India. Parallel first cousin marriages (PFC) were found to occur in appreciable frequencies in all caste groups of Hindus. While it has been generally believed that PFC marriages among Hindus are mere exceptions and are usually not tolerated, our data show that they can no longer be treated as exceptions. The high frequency (27 per cent) of PFC marriages in some Hindu communities necessitates in-depth studies to elucidate the forces at work which go against the very fundamentals of Dravidian kinship.     

Parallel cousin marriages in Madras,Tamil Nadu: New trends in Dravidian kinship

Abstract

The frequency distribution of various consanguineous marriages was studied in the city of Madras, Tamil Nadu, South India. Parallel first cousin marriages (PFC) were found to occur in appreciable frequencies in all caste groups of Hindus. While it has been generally believed that PFC marriages among Hindus are mere exceptions and are usually not tolerated, our data show that they can no longer be treated as exceptions. The high frequency (27 per cent) of PFC marriages in some Hindu communities necessitates in‐depth studies to elucidate the forces at work which go against the very fundamentals of Dravidian kinship.     

Contribution of social and cultural factors to the decline in consanguinity in south India

The data from the National Family Health Survey, 1992-1993, show that the extent of consanguinity is high (34.7 percent) in South India; 26.2 percent of women married close blood relatives, and 8.5 percent of women married distant blood relatives. A definite downward trend in the proportion of marriages between close blood relatives is observed. Education, age at marriage, religion and caste, and urban-rural childhood residence have significant independent effects on consanguinity. The multinomial logistic regression analysis reveals that in South India the downward trend in the proportion of marriages between close blood relatives is entirely explained by rising age at marriage and women's education over time.     

When to have another baby: A dynamic model of reproductive decision-making and evidence from Gabbra pastoralists

Maximizing reproductive success involves having as many children as possible that can themselves reproduce successfully. Thus, when Gabbra parents decide to have another baby, they must trade off the probability that they will be able to afford to raise the child and marry it off successfully when it reaches maturity against the risk that feeding and raising that child would diminish the family herd, harming the marriage prospects of other children and possibly even leading to household destitution. Here I use a dynamic, state-dependent optimality model to analyze this trade-off. The decision to have another baby depends on household wealth and the number of children they already have. Parents should not necessarily reproduce at the maximum rate to maximize reproductive success, and the costs of marrying off a child have a large impact on the optimal family size. In the Gabbra, the cost of marrying off boys greatly exceeds the cost of marrying off girls. An analysis of demographic data from Gabbra households with a living husband and a first wife that had reached menopause show that probability of remarriage is strongly dependent on the number of children the first wife had. Number of sons has a much greater influence than number of daughters on the probability of a second marriage, as predicted by the model. Men are attempting to create the optimal family.     

Are wives and daughters disadvantaged in polygynous households? A case study of the Arsi Oromo of Ethiopia

Whether polygyny is harmful for women and their children is a long-standing question in anthropology. Few studies, however, have explored whether the effect of polygyny varies for women of different wife order, and whether there are different outcomes for their sons and daughters. Because males have higher reproductive variance, especially when they are allowed to take multiple wives, parents may have higher fitness returns from investing in sons over daughters in polygynous households. Moreover, previous studies have found that first wives and their children are advantaged over monogamous and second order wives (who marry into unions later). Here we test the predictions that children of first wives will have an advantage over children to monogamous or second wives, and that sex-biased investment will be strongest among first wives. Using data from the Arsi Oromo of Ethiopia (n ~ 6200 children) we test whether associations with mother's wife order extend beyond childhood into adulthood by examining simultaneously child survival, education and age at marriage. We find that polygynous first wives have no child survival disadvantage, first wives' sons benefit in terms of longer education and daughters have an earlier age at marriage than daughters of monogamous women. Second wives have lower child survival than monogamous women, but surviving children experience advantages in later life outcomes, particularly marriage. These findings challenge the view that polygynous women are always doing the ‘best of a bad job’. Rather, our results suggest that via their surviving sons and daughters there may be long-term benefits for some polygynous women.     

Reproductive pattern,perinatal mortality,and sex preference in rural Tamil Nadu,south India: community based,cross sectional study.

OBJECTIVES: To study reproductive pattern and perinatal mortality in rural Tamil Nadu, South India. DESIGN: Community based, cross sectional questionnaire study of 30 randomly selected areas served by health subcentres. SETTING: Rural parts of Salem District, Tamil Nadu, South India. SUBJECTS: 1321 women and their offspring delivered in the 6 months before the interview. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Number of pregnancies, pregnancy outcome, spacing of pregnancies, sex of offspring, perinatal and neonatal mortality rates. RESULTS: 41% of the women (535) were primiparous; 7 women (0.5%) were grand multiparous (> 6 births). The women had a mean age of 22 years and a mean of 2.3 pregnancies and 1.8 live children. The sex ratio at birth of the index children was 107 boys per 100 girls. The stillbirth rate was 13.5/1000 births, the neonatal mortality rate was 35.3/1000, and the perinatal mortality rate was 42.0/1000. Girls had an excess neonatal mortality (rate ratio 3.42%; 95% confidence interval 1.68 to 6.98; this was most pronounced among girls born to multiparous women with no living sons (rate ratio 15.48 (2.04 to 177.73) v 1.87 (0.63 to 5.58) in multiparous women with at least one son alive). CONCLUSIONS: In this rural part of Tamil Nadu, women had a controlled reproductive pattern. The excess neonatal mortality among girls constitutes about one third of the perinatal mortality rate. It seems to be linked to a preference for sons and should therefore be addressed through a holistic societal approach rather than through specific healthcare measures.     

HIV status and age at first marriage among women in Cameroon

Recent research has highlighted the risk of HIV infection for married teenage women compared with their unmarried counterparts (Clark, 2004). This study assesses whether a relationship exists, for women who have completed their adolescence (age 20-29 years), between HIV status with age at first marriage and the length of time between first sex and first marriage. Multivariate analysis utilizing the nationally representative 2004 Cameroon Demographic and Health Survey shows that late-marrying women and those with a longer period of pre-marital sex have the highest risk of HIV. Although women in urban areas overall marry later than their rural counterparts, the positive relationship between age at marriage and HIV risk is stronger in rural areas. The higher wealth status and greater number of lifetime sexual partners of late-marrying women contribute to their higher HIV risk. Given that the age at first marriage and the gap between first marriage and first sex have increased in recent years, focusing preventive efforts on late-marrying women will be of much importance in reducing HIV prevalence among females.     

Marrying women 15 years younger maximized men's evolutionary fitness in historical Sami

Most men marry younger women. This has been attributed to men selecting young women due to their high reproductive value and women preferring older men due to their wealth and high social status. Such mate preferences have been suggested to be adaptive, but despite a flourishing number of studies on the mate selection patterns themselves, little is still known of their actual fitness consequences. We examined how the age difference between spouses who married only once affected their lifetime reproductive success in historical monogamous Sami populations. We found that men maximized their fitness by marrying women approximately 15 years younger and vice versa. However, most couples failed to marry optimally. Only 10% of marriages fell within the optimal parental age difference, suggesting that cultural and ecological constraints for maximizing fitness were considerable. Those who succeeded in marrying optimally were the most preferred partners: young women and old men. Our findings indicate that, in Sami, parental age difference was under natural and sexual selection, as suggested by evolutionary theory.     

Divorce in Ethiopia: the impact of early marriage and childlessness

Forty-five per cent of first marriages in Ethiopia end in divorce within 30 years, and two-thirds of women who divorce do so within the first 5 years of marriage. This paper looks at two factors that may have an impact on the risk of divorce in Ethiopia: early age of first marriage, and childlessness within the first marriage. Data used were from the 1990 National Family and Fertility Survey conducted by the Government of Ethiopia. A total of 8757 women of reproductive age (15-49) were analysed. Life table analysis was used to determine the median age at first marriage, first birth and the median duration of marriage. Cox models were analysed to determine the differentials of divorce. The results of this analysis showed that both early age at marriage and childlessness have a significant impact on the risk of divorce. An inverse relationship was found between age at marriage and risk of divorce. Having a child within the first marriage also significantly reduced the risk of divorce. In addition, several cultural and socioeconomic variables were significant predictors of divorce.     

Divorce in the early years of marriage in England and Wales: results from a prospective study using linked records

A representative sample of over 1000 couples who married during 1979 in England and Wales was followed from the date of marriage until mid-1984 to investigate the characteristics of couples who divorce soon after marriage. Results of this 5 year study show that couples who apparently lived together before marriage had a below average chance of early divorce, whereas couples where the addresses of the partners before marriage were very close had a significantly high rate of early breakdown. The chance of early divorce was significantly above average for spouses marrying in their teens and for both husbands and wives who, at their marriage, belonged to social class 5 (work in unskilled manual occupations). Couples who married with a civil ceremony had an above average (and those marrying with a religious ceremony a below average) risk of early divorce, but such differences were found to be negligible on analyzing the results from a matched case-control study in which each "case" marriage (one which did end in early divorce) was matched with a "control" marriage (one which did not end in early divorce). There is substantial evidence that age at marriage and previous marital status of the marriage partners have a decided influence upon the propensity to divorce. 2 conclusions concerning fertility are more likely than the average married couple to have had a pre-maritally conceived child, and 2) that couples who divorce relatively quickly tend on average to have larger family sizes, even if children who were pre-martitally conceived are exluded.     

Evolution of birth intervals in a french rural population (1840–1950)

This study presents the first results concerning the evolution of the birth intervals since 1840 among a rural population of the centre of France, where birth control appeared as far back as the end of the 18th Century. We observe the absence of variation of the average interval between successive briths in relation to the period of marriage, family size and socio-economic status of spouses. This confirms that child spacing does not play a part in the constitution of family. The average intervals between marriage and first birth are associated with most of the variables, essentially due to the marrying age and to a lesser extent to the family size. This rural population, in spite of a modern profile by the widespread practice of birth control, still presents traditional attitudes in the structure of its fertility as is indicated by the absence of birth spreading and the important part which seems to be played by the marriage age of women.     

Premarital childbearing in northwest Kenya: challenging the concept of illegitimacy

A number of African countries, including Kenya, have experienced a marked rise in births among unmarried women. In Western countries, reproduction outside of marriage is assumed to be illegitimate and a social problem. One hypothesis used to explain the increasing incidence of premarital fertility in Africa is a breakdown of traditional social controls by the extended family over the sexual behavior of adolescents. A competing hypothesis suggests that unmarried women use sexual relations to achieve goals such as marriage. Among Turkana pastoralists of northwest Kenya, we find a pattern of premarital birth that fits either hypothesis only loosely. Premarital fertility among the Turkana is both widespread and culturally acceptable, with over 30 per cent of women having at least one child prior to marriage. Although women with premarital births initiate childbearing on average one year earlier than women with only marital births, women's marital status does not influence the length of the interval between first and second births. Marriage among the Turkana is not a social trigger for the onset and continuation of reproduction or a means to legitimate reproduction. Marital status of the parents simply determines the custody of a child. In a premarital birth, the father pays a set fee to the mother's family, and the custody of the child remains permanently with the mother's family. If the parents later marry, the father must purchase custody of the child by another fee at that time. Since the Turkana have experienced few effects of modernization, the existence of such a practice suggests that cultural factors must be taken into account before assessing premarital fertility in Africa as a social problem.     

Trends in consanguinity in South India

This study uses data from the 1992-93 National Family Health Survey to assess trends in consanguinity in the South Indian states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu. In Kerala, the frequency of consanguineous marriages is very low and one type of preferred marriage of the Dravidian marriage system uncle niece marriage--is conspicuously absent. In the other states of South India, consanguinity and the coefficient of inbreeding are high. While no change in consanguinity is observed during the past three to four decades in Karnataka, a definite decline is observed in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. Due to recent changes in the demographic and social situation in these states, this decline in consanguinity is likely to continue.     

Polygyny, reproductive success and child health in rural Ethiopia: why marry a married man?

This study examines the reproductive success of men and women in rural Ethiopia as a function of their marital status, specifically by comparing polygamously and monogamously married individuals. In line with predictions from evolutionary theory, polygamy is beneficial to male reproductive success (i.e. producing larger numbers of surviving offspring). The success of polygamously married females depends on wife rank: the first wives of polygamous husbands do better than monogamously married women and much better than second or third wives. These effects are mirrored in child nutritional status: the children of second and third wives have lower weight for height. Due to potential, largely unmeasurable differences in marriageability (quality) between individuals, it was not possible to support a model of either resource-holding polygyny combined with female choice or female coercion into unwanted marriages. First wives of polygamously married men marry at a younger age and attract a higher brideprice, suggesting that both the males and females in the marriage are likely to be of higher quality (due to wealth, family status or some other factor such as beauty). Unions that end up monogamous are likely to be between slightly lower quality individuals; and second and third wives, who marry at the oldest ages and attract the lowest brideprice, may be 'making the best of a bad job'. The relatively long gap between first and second marriages may mean that first wives of highly marriageable males can enjoy considerable reproductive success before their husbands marry again.     

Social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in Taiwan, 1970

This study examines the social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in 2 townships in Northern Taiwan, one very rural and traditional and the other urban and modernized. Using a sample of 5707 once-married women, a path analysis examined age at first marriage as a function of age, educational status, urban origin, premarital labor force participation, and age at menarche. Age at menarche, with a positive effect on the dependent variable, was the most important direct cause of age at first marriage. This biological factor is interrelated with socioeconomic influences as predictors of age at marriage. Older cohorts of women tended to marry about 2 years earlier than did the women below 30. Urban women had a mean age at first marriage 1.76 year later than did rural women. Age at marriage steadily increases as education increases; a 4 year age differntial exists between those who have no formal education and those who have at least 12 years of education. Also, women who worked before marriage married later than those who had never worked. This study reemphasizes that in Taiwan, as elsewhere, there is a complex interplay of socioeconomic and biological factors embedded within a cultural context that influences age at first marriage for females.     

Social-demographic influence on first birth interval in China, 1980-1992

This study examines the delay between first marriage and first live birth in China among a sample of women who married between 1980 and 1992. Most couples in China only use contraception after the first child is born. Most sample women had their first child within 2 years of marriage. However, there are significant rural-urban differences in the first birth interval, indicating that there was most probably deliberate fertility regulation after marriage among many urban couples. Survival analysis shows that place of residence, level of education, age at first marriage and marriage cohort affect the first birth interval.     

Anthropological studies in Assam, India. 7. Socio-biological observations on Assamese populations

Three population groups of Assam, viz., the Hindus, Muslims and Mongoloids have been investigated for certain bio-social variables, e.g., size and composition of family, sex distribution, menarcheal age, age at marriage, marriage distance, conception, pregnancy wastage and fertility. The results are discussed on comparative basis, and attempts are made to offer possible reasons for differences.     

Consanguineous marriage and differentials in age at marriage, contraceptive use and fertility in Pakistan

Fertility rates in Pakistan have remained consistently high over the past three decades. While numerous studies have examined sociodemographic determinants, the role of biological factors, and particularly consanguinity, has received little attention, even though marriage between close biological relatives continues to be the norm in Pakistan. Reproductive behaviour among women in consanguineous (first cousin) and non-consanguineous unions was compared, using data from a 1995 study of multi-ethnic communities in Karachi and the 1990-91 Pakistan Demographic & Health Survey (PDHS). The results show that, although female age at first marriage has been gradually rising in both study samples, women in consanguineous unions married at younger ages and were less likely to use modern contraceptive methods. In the Karachi sample, women in first cousin unions experienced a higher mean number of pregnancies and also reported a higher mean number of children ever born (CEB). However, their mean number of surviving children did not differ from those born to women in non-consanguineous unions, implying higher prenatal and/or postnatal losses in couples related as first cousins. On the other hand, the PDHS showed both lower CEB values for women in consanguineous marriages and a lower number of surviving children. Given the continuing popularity of consanguineous marriage, these findings have important implications for future fertility reduction in Pakistan.