Struggling over the mode of incorporation: backlash against multiculturalism in Europe

Documenting the extraordinary potency and reach of the European backlash against multiculturalism, this essay provides a new theoretical model for explaining it. Rather than focusing primarily on demographic and institutional facts about Islamic immigration – such as education, wealth, participation and mobility – the author proposes a cultural-sociological approach that focuses on meanings and emotions as core issues for civil societies. As the demographic presence of Islamic immigrants has intensified, the anti-civil construction of Islamic qualities has led European masses, leaders and intellectuals, not only from the right but from the centre and left, to demand homogenizing assimilation. Representing public practices of Islam as threatening European democracy, newly restrictive citizenship tests have emerged alongside growing xenophobic political parties and newly threatening neo-fascist violence. Initially brought to Europe for economic and political reasons, the question has now become whether the children and grandchildren of Islamic immigrants can be incorporated into European civil society. The conflict is not over whether immigrants should be incorporated but over the grounds for doing so.     

The New Dynamics of European Spaces since 1989

Since the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the term “Europe” has reached a new dimension. The fall of the Berlin Wall opened the East to the West and, in 1989, the European space moved up from two entities symbolically separated by a wall to one territorial unity. But we cannot say that this unity is a political one. This dichotomy is not based on two different political orientations, but on the adhesion or the non-adhesion to economic, political and especially moral principles. Thus two conceptions of the European space are competing. The term “Europe” has two major significations: firstly it refers to the European Union, and secondly to a Great Europe, including the states which have belonged to the former Soviet bloc. How can we define how this Great Europe perceived itself and what are its limits? The objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the two visions of the European space are under competition through two institutions. They convey two representations of this European space and imagine it in two perspectives. Therefore, the collapse of the Soviet bloc has altered in depth the perception of the European space and created a new dichotomy.     

The apple,the tree,and a space to grow in

The idea for the study presented in Spanish Legacies: the coming of age of the second generation was sparked by the series of unrests from immigrant youths in a number of cities across Europe. The discontent expressed by the young generation of immigrants presented a sharp indicator of how little is known about young people of foreign origin growing up as immigrant residents in Europe, despite their significant number (10 per cent in France, 13 per cent in Spain and 15 per cent in Ireland by 2010). The success or failure of immigrants’ integrational processes, considering cultural factors and language barriers as challenges experienced by immigrants, can have major political and social impact on the regions where they reside. It is these challenges that are investigated in depth, in this book.     

Failed promises: economic integration, bureaucratic encounters, and the EU-Turkey Customs Union

European integration is based upon the promise to bring prosperity by creating economic and social equilibrium among member states and its regions via integrationist policies jointly managed by states and the institutions of the EU. As one common market initiative for greater economic integration in the wider region, goods circulate without tariff and customs duty barriers in the EU’s common customs area. Turkey, not an EU member, has been in this common market since 1996. The EU-Turkey Customs Union, which promised to bring deeper economic and political integration through eventual Turkish membership, represents Turkey’s aspirations to move from the periphery of Europe into its core. As an anthropological contribution to investigations of advanced European capitalism, this paper examines fundamental conflicts of interest between the EU and Turkey and locates them in their unequal power relations and in the disjuncture of each side’s overall objectives from economic integration. Most importantly, it shows that these interest conflicts have ramifications at the individual bureaucratic level and in daily bureaucratic practice. Dramatic expressions of Turkish state power, which are initially geared toward balancing out power inequities, exacerbate Turkish and EU officials’ failures to maintain at least a facade of mutually sustainable interests. Interpreted by EU officials as Turkish bureaucratic inertia, such disintegration of interests has implications for ongoing economic integration and membership negotiations between the two parties, with Turkish officials experiencing loss of control. The paper calls for a critical political economy that pays due attention to the cultural settings in which the former is embedded.     

Valorizing racial boundaries: Hegemony and conflict in the racialization of Filipino migrant labour in the United States

This article analyses the growth of a new revivalist, internationally orientated Islam in Tower Hamlets. It moves beyond discussions of identity to look at the roles of ideology and socio-economic background, and to assess the effect of the new identities and ideologies on social and political action. It looks at why young Bengalis are being increasingly attracted to Islam, and at how this can benefit both themselves and the wider Bengali community; and it also explores where the impact of the new Islam is less positive, ending with an examination of the limits of its power as a vehicle for radical change in a deprived area of London. The article is based on interviews carried out in 2000 and 2001 as part of a wider historical study of political mobilization of Jewish and Bengali immigrants in London's East End.     

Left-wing politics,civil society and immigration in Italy: The case of Bologna

Immigration and multiculturalism are important and much debated questions in contemporary Europe. Whereas considerable scholarship has examined how political institutions and Right-wing organizations have responded to these questions, little research has focused on the Left. This article examines the multicultural politics of the latter by considering ethnographically the experience of Bologna, the showcase city of the Italian Left, in the second half of the 1990s. The Left is here examined in terms of ideology, party, public policy and civil society in the context of everyday governance and with special reference to the discourses and practices concerning a group of Rom refugees from the former Yugoslavia. This article argues that the mainstream Italian Left (in its civil societal as well as party and administrative components) is characterized by a politics that fails to “integrate” ethno-cultural recognition with material justice and that, partly because of such failure, contributes little to the “integration” of immigrants.     

Institutions,information exchange,and migrant social networks in Rome

While a considerable body of work examines immigrant networks, inadequate attention has been devoted to understanding how networks regulate the relationship between immigrants and host institutions. A rich immigrant process may reinforce current power structures by providing a convenient buffer between the elite and challengers. Conversely, immigration may challenge the status quo. I employ social network analysis to examine three understudied immigrant groups in Rome, Bangladeshis, Filipinos, and Peruvians. I find that they have developed systems of problem-solving and sense-making that often interrupt their interactions with host institutions. The state tolerates this because it situates immigrants’ concerns outside its sphere of responsibility.     

The role of language and the presence of previous immigration cohorts in immigrant political engagement: Ecuadorian collective action in New York City and Madrid

Scholarship on immigration has recently begun to examine the social process by which immigrants make collective demands. By focussing on the case of Ecuadorian immigrants in New York City and Madrid, this comparative analysis shows that in addition to differences in the political opportunity structures in these cities, there are at least two additional contextual differences shaping the ways in which participants in this study mobilize. Mobilization is shaped by the presence or absence of previous immigration cohorts and by linguistic differences. The findings reveal the value of undertaking comparative case analysis to shed light on immigrant collective political engagement.     

Trans-Kemalism: the politics of the Turkish state in the diaspora

Abstract

In contrast to the huge amount of research on Turkish migration and migrants, the diasporic politics of the Turkish Kemalist state constitutes a neglected research subject in the scholarship on Turkish diaspora. How does the Turkish state reach out to its nationals and expatriates abroad? In what ways does the Turkish Republic seek to make Islam (as it does in Turkey) into an instrument legitimizing its politicizing and mobilizing enterprises? To explore these questions, this article investigates the long-distance Kemalism engaged in by the Turkish state to Turkify and secularize its nationals in the diaspora, using its activities in Australia as its case study. In sketching out trans-Kemalism's dimensions, the analysis directs attention to the intimate relationship between the political and religious fields of transnationalism manufactured by the state. The paper concludes that the intense political polarization in Turkey in the present makes the future of trans-Kemalism abroad somewhat uncertain.     

CFTR mutations in Turkish and North African cystic fibrosis patients in Europe: implications for screening

AIMS: To obtain more insight into the variability of the CFTR mutations found in immigrant cystic fibrosis (CF) patients who are living in Europe now, and to estimate the test sensitivity of different frequently used methods of DNA analysis to detect CF carriers or patients among these Turkish or North African immigrants. METHODS: A survey among 373 European CF centers asking which CFTR mutations had been found in Turkish and North African CF patients. RESULTS: 31 and 26 different mutations were reported in Turkish and North African patients, identifying 64.2% (113/176) and 87.4% (118/135) alleles, respectively (p < 0.001). The mean sensitivity (detection rate) of three most common CFTR mutation panels to detect these mutations differed between Turkish and North African people, 44.9% (79/176) versus 69.6% (94/135) (p < 0.001), and can be increased to 57.4% (101/176) and 79.3% (107/135) (p < 0.001), respectively, by expanding these panels with 13 mutations which have been found on two or more alleles. CONCLUSION: 35.8% and 12.6%, respectively, of CF alleles in Turkish and North African patients living in Europe now had not been identified. Among these populations, the test sensitivity of common CFTR mutation panels is insufficient for use in screening programs in Europe, even after expansion with frequent Turkish and North African mutations. This raises questions about whether and how to implement CF carrier and neonatal screening in a multiethnic society.     

Integration and religiosity among the Turkish second generation in Europe: a comparative analysis across four capital cities

Drawing on recent cross-national surveys of the Turkish second generation, we test hypotheses of secularization and of religious vitality for Muslim minorities in Europe. Secularization predicts an inverse relationship between structural integration and religiosity, such that the Turkish second generation would be less religious with higher levels of educational attainment and intermarriage. The religious vitality hypothesis predicts the maintenance of religion in the second generation, highlighting the role of religious socialization within immigrant families and communities. Taking a comparative approach, these hypotheses are tested in the context of different national approaches to the institutionalization of Islam as a minority religion in four European capital cities: Amsterdam, Berlin, Brussels and Stockholm. Across contexts, religious socialization strongly predicts second-generation religiosity, in line with religious vitality. The secularization hypothesis finds support only among the second generation in Berlin, however, where Islam is least accommodated.     

Profane Intuitions: Kurdish Diaspora in the Turkish City

Contemporary analysis of the ‘Kurdish question’ in Turkey has often enough noted the recent explosion of Kurdish refugees and immigrants to the major Turkish cities. Interest in the re‐constitution of Kurdish identity in the metropolis, however, has been less evident. This article seeks to identify some of the main themes that need to be addressed in any such investigation. It begins by arguing that discourse on the ‘Kurdish question’ often frames the Kurds, rather than the Turkish state, as the problem. The response of the Turkish Republic to such a problem has been to assimilate the Kurds. The struggle against assimilation then is the common theme binding the multiple visions and experiences of the Kurdish diaspora.     

Host-country patriotism among European immigrants: a comparative study of its individual and societal roots

While research has traditionally focused on first- and second-generation immigrants' socio-economic incorporation and to a lesser extent on their cultural and political integration, we analyse their affective attachment to the host country. Specifically, we assess: (1) the extent to which immigrants appear more or less ‘patriotic’ than non-immigrants; (2) what individual-level characteristics lead immigrants to greater (or lesser) attachment and; (3) whether cross-national differences in affective feelings towards the host country can be explained by relevant contextual characteristics. Analysing the 2008 wave of the European Values Study, we arrive at the conclusion that immigrants are not disaffected in terms of national pride, and that their own attachment is largely a function of the community in which they find themselves.     

Changing Islam,changing the world: contrasting visions within political Islam

ABSTRACT

How do political Islamists, movements and thinkers view political change? To what extent do they promote violence as a means of bringing about change? Are they themselves willing to change and adapt to modern political systems? There is a wide array of movements in the Muslim world that grapple with these questions and as a consequence, numerous answers and disagreements. This paper will focus on three cardinal and contested issues: Is violence a legitimate means to bring about change? Is it legitimate to adopt Western political institutions? How should Muslim movements and regimes coexist with ancient political entities such as tribes and ethnic groups? By comparing and contrasting the political outlooks of the Muslim Brothers and the Salafi-Jihadis, the article highlights the ideological gaps between moderate and militant political Islam.     

Domesticating Islam: exploring academic knowledge production on Islam and Muslims in European societies

The attacks on the Twin Towers in New York in September 2001 and subsequent events not only ignited a ‘war on terror’, but also marked a crucial change in the policies on integration of migrants of Islamic background in Europe. Most countries departed from integration policies based on some sort of recognition of cultural diversity and emphasized national culture as the only legitimate format for citizenship. The result is a strengthening of a frame of governance with the aim to regulate Islamic practices and to mould outlooks, institutional settings and legal arrangements into the nation-state format. This has been referred to as the ‘domestication of Islam’. One of the consequences is the narrowing down of research agendas and academic knowledge production. In this article I explore this process and address important fields of study that tend to be neglected in the study of Islam in Europe.     

‘Are we all secular/ized yet?’: reflections on David Goldberg’s ‘Are we all post-racial yet?’

ABSTRACT

This paper expands upon some of Goldberg’s initial reflections regarding the new type of ‘subject’ that is at the heart of post-raciality. A particular attention is paid to the connection with religion, as many of the current conflicts in Europe have been articulated through the grammar of secularism and religion, especially in relationship to Islam. This observation invites us to consider how this ‘racialization of religion’ figures as a reminder of the central role of this politico-theological question in the demarcation of who counts as a proper (political) subject, and how the current debates about Islam figure as a reminder of that.     

Mobilising mosques? The role of service attendance for political participation of Turkish and Moroccan minorities in the Netherlands

Religious service attendance has been identified as an important source of political participation among Christians and Muslims in the USA. In Europe, where religion is seen as a barrier rather than a bridge to Muslims’ integration, the role of mosque attendance for the political participation of Muslims remains understudied. This study asks whether the politically mobilizing role of service attendance extends to Muslim minorities in Europe. We examine direct and indirect effects of the frequency of religious service attendance on organizational participation, political trust and voting intentions among large nationwide samples of Turkish and Moroccan minorities in the Netherlands using multi-group structural equation modelling. Our results show that service attendance relates positively to engagement in both co-ethnic and mainstream organizations. These two forms of civic engagement translate into a greater intention to vote among Turks, but not Moroccans.     

Spiritual Aroma: Religion and Politics

Anthropological studies of religion have been largely concerned with belief, with ritual, and with the general integrative significance of religious institutions for society. But many issues in the power relations of religious affiliation are still not clear. The political implications of religion involve grave practical as well as theoretical problems. Abstractly, religion and politics are often conceived as opposed; concretely, they interact. While religion can be a powerful political instrument, it can also adapt to political ends and generate its own political structures. In contrast to the broadly affirmative role assigned by anthropologists to religion in society is Karl Marx's thesis of religion as political ideology. Reasons for granting some validity to this position but also for questioning its basic assumptions are given. The whole analysis is illustrated by a wide range of examples, from Polynesian ethnography to the history of Christianity and of Islam, and the situation of religion in modem socialist states .     

The global importance of the cereal cyst nematode (Heterodera spp.) on wheat and international approaches to its control

The Cereal Cyst Nematodes (CCNs) are a group of several closely related species which have been documented to cause economic yield loss on rainfed wheat production systems in several part of the world including North Africa, West Asia, China, India, Australia, America and several countries in Europe. The most commonly reported species is Heterodera avenae, however there are at least two other species H. filipjevi and H. latipons are implicated. It is well appreciated that plants under water and nutrient stress suffer greater yield loss. Control of CCNs requires maintaining nematode populations below economic thresholds. Chemicals are not environmentally sustainable or economic and the major emphasis on control has been with host genetic resistance applied with other integrated pest managent options. Unfortunately due to the number of species and pathotype variation genetic control of Cereal Cyst Nematode with plant resistance is complex. Turkey is one of the top ten wheat producers in the world and has identified these nematode as a major biotic constraint in their rainfed wheat systems. In 2001 a new joint intiative was established between CIMMYT International, the Turkish Ministry of Agriculture and (Ukurova University in Adana to understand i) the distribution of cereal nematodes on wheat; ii) assess the economic importance and improve our understanding of the population dynamics iii) culture, screen and assess known sources of resistance and identify new sources to both groups of nematodes; iv) integrate new sources of resistance into bread wheat cultivars for Turkey and International germplasm using conventional and molecular tools; v) investigate other integrated control options such as rotation and different wheat management strategies and finally vi) capacity build scientists to work in this important area. Some highlights of this work will be presented and the newly formed ICCNI - International Cereal Cyst Nematode Initative introduced.     

The “foxes” outfoxed: contestations between Koreans and Jews in South American textile industries

This paper is an analysis of the complex and contradictory experiences of Korean immigrants in South America. It critically analyzes the political economy of development and neoliberalism in South Korea, Brazil, and Argentina, while highlighting Korean immigrants in the apparel industry and analyzing their interactions with Jewish clothing manufacturers. The different position of Jews and Koreans in relation to the state apparatus, national belonging, global capitalism, and transnational networks and resources tends to create sociopolitical barriers which contribute to ethnic contestation and obstruct an otherwise meaningful social relationship. This paper will present and examine how these differences were formed and affected by global capitalism and neoliberalism.