Not black,but Habasha: Ethiopian and Eritrean immigrants in American society

In this article, I examine the identity choices of Ethiopian and Eritrean immigrants of Amhara, Tigrayan and Tigrinya ethnicity within the context of the larger debate on how non-white immigrants are being incorporated into American society. I argue that these immigrants resist racialization even while their actions and attitudes potentially reinforce America's racial divide. They implicitly challenge American racial categories by thinking of themselves as Habasha, which they view as a separate non-black ethno-racial category that emphasizes their Semitic origins. Meanwhile, they often distance themselves from American blacks through pursuing transnational connections, producing Habasha spaces, displaying the attributes of a ‘model minority’ and preserving Habasha beauty through endogamy. By remaining relatively isolated within their ethnic communities in Washington, DC, which is the focus of this study, they may succeed in differentiating themselves from American blacks, but they are not likely to join the American mainstream on a par with whites.     

Cultural Variations on Gender: Latin American Marianismo/Machismo in Australia

This paper concerns cultural and social ideas and practices on gender differences among Latin American immigrants in Australia. It explores the ways in which immigrants' notions of gender relations expressed as marianismo/machismo generated in their societies of origin, influence the social gender relationships among the settlers in Australia. The argument is that marianismo/machismo are ideological constructs which reinforce woman's oppression and at the same time help to perpetuate social relations of inequality between men and women.     

Host-country patriotism among European immigrants: a comparative study of its individual and societal roots

While research has traditionally focused on first- and second-generation immigrants' socio-economic incorporation and to a lesser extent on their cultural and political integration, we analyse their affective attachment to the host country. Specifically, we assess: (1) the extent to which immigrants appear more or less ‘patriotic’ than non-immigrants; (2) what individual-level characteristics lead immigrants to greater (or lesser) attachment and; (3) whether cross-national differences in affective feelings towards the host country can be explained by relevant contextual characteristics. Analysing the 2008 wave of the European Values Study, we arrive at the conclusion that immigrants are not disaffected in terms of national pride, and that their own attachment is largely a function of the community in which they find themselves.     

Return to sender? A comparative analysis of immigrant communities in ‘attrition through enforcement’ destinations

Drawing on surveys from two Mexican immigrant sending communities, this paper comparatively examines the link between subnational policy structures in US destinations and immigrants' settlement and residency behaviour. It focuses in particular on attrition through enforcement policy at the local and state level that is formed to trigger the voluntary exit of undesirable immigrants. With a twofold comparison of immigrants in three cities and two states, the analysis indicates that immigrants do not alter the duration of time they spend in receiving locales or change their state of residence due to restrictive subnational policies. Rather, economic and social factors more prominently shape immigrants' settlement and residency patterns. The implications of this analysis are discussed with particular attention to the incorporation process for immigrants who remain in destinations with attrition through enforcement policy.     

Nationalism and Support for Immigrants' Rights Among Adolescents in 25 Countries

Adolescents' attitudes toward immigrants develop in tandem with their sense of national identity. In this article we identify factors that influence restrictive views of nationalism and opposition or support for immigrants' rights during young people's formative years, among the generation that comprises today's young adults. Data were analyzed from 77,000 native-born 14-year-olds from 25 countries surveyed in the IEA Civic Education Study of 1999. National indicators of citizenship policies and demographics were incorporated into a multilevel analysis. High levels of protective nationalism were associated with negative attitudes toward immigrants' rights in long-established democracies, but not in newer ones; this relationship was stronger in religiously diverse countries. Adolescents in countries with more restrictive citizenship policies were less supportive of immigrants' rights, although these policies did not moderate the extent to which attitudes to immigrants were correlated with nationalism. The findings illustrate the importance of attention to the national context when studying the development of social attitudes.     

Contested Citizenship and Social Exclusion: Adolescent Arab American Immigrants' Views of the Social Contract

Drawing from social contract theory, we explore how some adolescent Arab immigrants' (n = 99) sensitivity to the image of their ethnic group as enemies of America colors their interpretation of the social contract. Analyses of data collected in 1997 reveal that those youth who reported that the American media portray Arab people and nations as enemies of the United States are more attuned to personal experiences of prejudice based on their ethnic identity and are more dubious that the tenets of the social contract apply equally across groups. Negative images of Arab Americans were well in place prior to September 11, 2001, a pivotal moment that altered the lives of Arab Americans as well as the discourse on immigration and citizenship.     

The construction of ‘Asian American’: Reflections on intermarriage and ethnic identity among second‐generation Chinese and Korean Americans

This article explores the ethnic self‐identification of second‐generation children whose immigrant parents came to the United States from Latin America. The focus of the analysis is the adoption of the pan‐ethnic label, ‘Hispanic’, in contrast to national designators and non‐hyphenated American identities. Using data from a recent large survey of children of immigrants in south Florida and southern California, the analysis explores the determinants of ethnic self‐identities and the potential consequences of the adoption of one of these symbolic labels on children's self‐esteem, educational expectations and perceptions of discrimination. Contrary to the commonly‐held assumption that the label ‘Hispanic’ denotes greater assimilation into the mainstream of US society, our findings indicate that children who adopt the Hispanic label are the least well assimilated: they report poorer English skills, lower self‐esteem and higher rates of poverty than their counterparts who identify themselves as Americans or as hyphenated Americans. Theoretical and policy implications of findings as they bear on prospects for successful adaptation of second‐generation youth are discussed.     

Segmented assimilation and socio-economic integration of Chinese immigrant children in the USA

Research on the new second generation has paid much attention to testing one of the hypotheses posed by segmented assimilation theory – downward assimilation into America's underclass – and has neglected to examine other possible outcomes. In this paper, I address a much understudied pathway – assimilation by way of the ethnic community – based on a case study of Chinese immigrant children in the USA. I show that the children of Chinese immigrants have made inroads into mainstream America through educational achievement, not only because of the strong value their parents put on education but also because resources generated in the ethnic community help actualize that value. The Chinese American experience suggests that, in order to advance to the rank of middle-class Americans, immigrant parents have chosen the ethnic way to facilitate children's social mobility and achieved success. Paradoxically, ‘assimilated’ children have also relied on ethnicity for empowerment to fight negative stereotyping of the racialized other.     

Balancing stigma and status: racial and class identities among middle-class Haitian youth

This article examines the identity formation of middle-class Haitian youth. Segmented assimilation theory predicts that the Haitian second generation will integrate into the black American underclass or maintain strong ethnic group identities. The black middle class, however, is an unexplored pathway of cultural assimilation. This paper uses the literature on the racial and class experiences of the black American middle class as a departure point for understanding the boundary work of middle-class Haitian youth. Based on qualitative interviews and a focus group, we uncover the mechanisms of identity formation for this invisible population. Racial, ethnic and class boundaries compel Haitian youths to create strategies of either empowerment or distancing. They negotiate between their middle-class status and ethnoracial exclusion in a racially segregated neighbourhood, an ethnically homogenous church and a mixed-race school setting. This study's findings extend our theoretical understandings of middle-class immigrants and their identity work.     

Segmented political assimilation: perceptions of racialized opportunities and Latino immigrants' partisan identification

Abstract

To account for Latino immigrants' assimilation into the American political mainstream, I derive social psychological factors from the contextual notion of ‘modes of incorporation’ in the segmented assimilation literature. These social psychological factors, perceptions of racialized opportunities (PROPs), relate to immigrants' adoption of political party identities (i.e. Democrat, Republican). I test these PROPs factors utilizing the 2006 Latino National Survey (N=5,717 immigrant Latino respondents). Multinomial logistic regressions predicting party identification, compared to either ‘Don't Know’ or ‘Don't Care’ options, indicate that PROPs are significantly related to Latino immigrants' identification as either Democrats or Republicans. High levels of identification with perceived white opportunities are related to Republican identity and high levels of identification with perceived black opportunities differentiate Democrats from Republicans.     

Becoming Italian,becoming American: ethnic affinity as a strategy of boundary making

Based on the case study of Albanian immigrant incorporation in a Little Italy in the Bronx, this paper develops the concept of ethnic affinity. It argues that boundary-work between ethnic Italians and Albanian immigrants resulted in intergroup relations that coupled Albanian occupational incorporation with the (re)construction of respective group identities as culturally similar – and distinct from Latino and African-American groups in the neighbourhood. Engaging recent literature on ethnic boundary making, I argue that ethnic affinity constitutes a new strategy of boundary reinforcing, in addition to established strategies of boundary crossing, blurring, and shifting (Zolberg and Woon 1999; Wimmer 2008). Developed in the context of shifting ethno-racial neighbourhood makeup, this affinity between ethnic Italians and Albanian immigrants relied on American constructions of shared European whiteness, overturning contemporary divides between Italians and Albanians in Europe. Ethnic affinity provides a conceptual framework that goes beyond notions of ethnic succession, passing, or assimilation.     

The intersection of social determinants of health,the microbiome,and health outcomes in immigrants: A scoping review

In the present scoping review, we explore whether existing evidence supports the premise that social determinants of health (SDoH) affect immigrant health outcomes through their effects on the microbiome. We adapt the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities' research framework to propose a conceptual model that considers the intersection of SDoH, the microbiome, and health outcomes in immigrants. We use this conceptual model as a lens through which to explore recent research about SDoH, biological factors associated with changes to immigrants' microbiomes, and long-term health outcomes. In the 17 articles reviewed, dietary acculturation, physical activity, ethnicity, birthplace, age at migration and length of time in the host country, socioeconomic status, and social/linguistic acculturation were important determinants of postmigration microbiome-related transformations. These factors are associated with progressive shifts in microbiome profile with time in host country, increasing the risks for cardiometabolic, mental, immune, and inflammatory disorders and antibiotic resistance. The evidence thus supports the premise that SDoH influence immigrants' health postmigration, at least in part, through their effects on the microbiome. Omission of important postmigration social-ecological variables (e.g., stress, racism, social/family relationships, and environment), limited research among minoritized subgroups of immigrants, complexity and inter- and intra-individual differences in the microbiome, and limited interdisciplinary and biosocial collaboration restrict our understanding of this area of study. To identify potential microbiome-based interventions and promote immigrants' well-being, more research is necessary to understand the intersections of immigrant health with factors from the biological, behavioral/psychosocial, physical/built environment, and sociocultural environment domains at all social-ecological levels.     

The growth of Korean immigrant entrepreneurship in Chicago

The growth of Korean immigrant entrepreneurship in Chicago is a product of three interacting factors: employment opportunities in the general labour market, resource mobilization, and business opportunity structures. Because of their language barrier and less transferable education and occupational skills in the American labour market, many Korean immigrants could not find white‐collar occupations for which they had been trained. Disadvantaged, but still strongly motivated for upward economic mobility in the United States, many of them became self‐employed business owners. Korean immigrants’ middle‐class backgrounds and their stable family structures and strong family ties helped them to realize their goal of business ownership. In addition, social networks based on kinship, friendship, church membership, and school ties provided prospective business owners with financial assistance, training, business advice, and information about business opportunities. The first business opportunities for Korean immigrants of Chicago opened in Korean ethnic markets and non‐ethnic minority markets almost simultaneously in the early 1970s. While the demand of Koreans for their cultural products created an economic niche for Korean‐oriented businesses, the export‐import trade linkage between South Korea and the United States has paved the way for the entrance of Korean businesses into minority areas. Because of different economic niches, the two types of Korean businesses developed independently. The interethnic succession of residence, which had occurred in the late 1960s and early 1970s also produced vacated business opportunities in Koreatown and black neighbourhoods, enabling Korean immigrants to enter these areas without great resistance from local businesses. After Korean immigrants had accumulated capital and experience in Korean ethnic markets and minority markets, they advanced into more capital‐intensive businesses like garment manufacturing. Korean immigrant professionals began to enter the Korean ethnic economy in the early 1980s when the foundation of the Korean ethnic economy was already established.     

“Whoever decides for you without you,s/he is against you!”: immigrant activism and the role of the Left in political racialization

Much of the migration literature neglects the questions of why and how “native” allies obstruct activism by immigrants and ethnic minorities. Left-wing organizations in particular are often assumed to be supportive of inclusion, and little research exists on the ways they have prevented the migrant population from having a voice in the political arena and from taking part in society as equals. Drawing on the critical theory literature, I introduce the concept of political racialization. This concept refers to mechanisms whereby political actors, in order to legitimize their work on immigration, have partially included immigrants in the political sphere, but in a relationship of “ethnic” or “racial” subordination. Through the analysis of 57 in-depth interviews with immigrant activists, I show how political racialization works within the Italian Left and how it contributes to marginalize the migrant population. I further explain how immigrant activists have challenged political racialization through their activism.     

The roots of contemporary attitudes toward immigration in Australia: contextual and individual-level influencesÞ

This paper examines the roots of attitudes toward immigration among Australians of English-speaking background using the 1998, 2001, 2004, and 2007 Australian Election Studies. The paper demonstrates that attitudes toward immigration in Australia have their roots in multiple sources, some of them relating to the local context in which individuals reside, others in the socio-economic and financial situation experienced by individuals. Attitudes toward immigration in Australia are also related to attitudinal factors and historical legacies that manifest themselves in mistrust and suspicion toward Asian neighbours. Finally, the paper demonstrates that the presence of immigrants and ethnic minorities influences Australians' attitudes toward immigration but that this effect must be understood in conjunction with the educational context of the areas of residence. While in high education areas Australians tend to react positively to the presence of immigrants, in low education areas they tend to react negatively to the presence of immigrants.     

The process of ethnogenesis among Haitian and Israeli immigrants in the United States

This article examines the process of ethnic identity formation among two different groups of recent immigrants to the United States: secular kibbutz‐born Israelis and middle‐class Haitians. While the two groups are different in a number of ways, they share an ambivalence with the identities that American society would assign to them ‐ as Jews and blacks respectively. By contrasting these two case studies we identify the role of the ‘proximal host’, the category to which the immigrants would be assigned following immigration. The determination of the ultimate definition of the ethnic identities of these immigrants is a result of the interaction of the conception of identity the immigrants bring with them from their countries of origin, the definitions and reactions of the proximal host group, and the overall ordering and definitions of American society. The ambivalence of both groups of immigrants towards their post‐immigration identities is a result of both macro‐forces determining the definition of categories and micro‐forces of individual choice. In conclusion we show that because of the primacy of race in American society, Israelis are likely to face many more options in the determination of their identities, than are Haitians, although they both face a similar structural dilemma.     

The importance of historical myths for the ethnic consciousness of Romanians and ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania

Conclusion The ethnic Hungarians and the Romanians share a number of myths about their ancestors and about their homeland, Transylvania. I fully agree with Anthony D. Smith, who states that the core of ethnic identity is made up of a myth-symbol complex, consisting of myths, symbols, historical memory and key values. According to Smith, myths and symbols guarantee the preservation and the passing down to future generations of ethnic identity.²⁵ The main problem with the ethnic Hungarians and the Romanians of Transylvania is that their convictions are not compatible, they are even contradictory. In the ethnic Hungarians' view, Transylvania is in fact Hungarian, but it was taken from them by Romania in 1920. According to the Romanians, Transylvania is Romanian but for centuries mistakenly considered as Hungarian by the Hungarians. The historical myths are part of the Hungarian as well as the Romanian collective consciousness. They strengthen cohesion within these groups but, as the convictions are incompatible, they widen the gap between them. In my view, these contradictory views are an additional cause of the current mutual oversensitivity, the mutual suspicion and mutual ignorance which characterize the relation between the two ethnic groups. I think that the success of the Romanian nationalist parties such as the PUNR and România Mare ²⁶ among the Romanian villagers of Transylvania ²⁷is partly due to their exploitation of these contradictory myths.However, the differing oral traditions in the villages do not cause open conflicts. That everyone in his own group passes on his own version helps to explain this. In mixed villages like Dumbrava and Mànàstireni, the sensitive issues are not discussed in ethnically mixed groups. Virtually everything to do with history is suppressed in the day-to-day life of the village. Nevertheless, that does not stop one ethnic group from gossiping about the other. Thus, mutual distrust persists. Such a sense of fear is a dangerous breeding-ground because it can easily be exploited by nationalist parties. When anything occurs in politics which appeals to these feelings of fear and distrust, two fronts are lined up in no time. This actually happened as a result of the controversy about the archaeological excavations in Cluj.Fortunately, there is a sufficiently large number of people who realize that this is pointless and who see through the extremist nationalist party leaders' malice. Bearing in mind the tragic example of the former Yugoslavia, they advocate understanding and peaceful interethnic co-existence.I have touched on only one of several conditions for ethnic survival and revival: the shared historical myths. Research in this field is essential if we are to begin to understand, and, thus, perhaps to alleviate, the many social and political problems in this area.Greet Van de Vyver is Aspirant of the National Foundation for Scientific Research of Belgium and a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Catholic University of Leuven in Belgium.     

The sociology of ethnic relations

The sociological problems presented by ethnic relations should be distinguished from problems of social policy. The foundations for a micro-sociology of ethnic relations laid by Max Weber in 1906–11 have to be interrelated with the macro-sociological contexts within which ethnic groups are constructed by collective action. When ethnic relations have their origin in trans-national migration, much depends on the immigrants’ points of entry into the receiving society's scale of socio-economic status, and, thereafter, on transmitted inequalities. While the nature and causes of social differences associated with ethnic origin have been illuminated by quantitative and qualitative studies, new styles of research are needed to bridge these modes of analysis, such as the measurement of relative preferences for association with co-ethnics.     

The effect of perceived cultural and material threats on ethnic preferences in immigration attitudes

This paper shows that cultural and material threats exist side by side, serving different psychological functions, and that they manifest in differential attitudes towards immigrants from different ethnic or racial origins. While culturally threatened individuals prefer immigrants akin to themselves, as opposed to those from different races and cultures, the materially threatened prefer immigrants who are different from themselves who can be expected not to compete for the same resources. We test our hypotheses using multilevel structural equation modelling, based on data from twenty countries in the 2002 wave of the European Social Survey. The disaggregation of these two types of perceived threat reveals responsiveness to the race of immigrants that is otherwise masked by pooling the two threat dimensions.