No More Foreigners? The Remaking of German Naturalization and Citizenship Law, 1990–2000

Since the beginning of the 1990s, Germany has been taking controversial policy measures that had been quite unimaginable, even in the 1980s. On the one hand, regulations for asylum seekers and ethnic Germans have gradually become restrictive in nature. On the other hand, changes to the Citizenship and Nationality Law of 1913 (Reichs und Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetz) and the Alien Act of 1965 (Ausländergesetz) have dramatically altered the naturalization process. Before the passage of the new German citizenship law in 1999, the acquisition of citizenship in Germany was solely based on the principle of descent (jus sanguinis). This paper attempts to explain why German government altered its citizenship policy and introduced birthright citizenship. It reviews the post-war contextual factors that have shaped the debate on citizenship and asks whether it is external or internal factors, that is international-level norms and institutions or domestic politics, that led to the change. If domestic politics can fully explain the adoption of the new citizenship law, what domestic forces played an important role? Was state action taken in the name of protecting “the national interest” or was it party politics? What role did societal forces play in the making of new citizenship policy? Did the act seek to mitigate anti-foreigner sentiment growing in Germany since the 1990s? Using archival and documentary research and secondary data on socio-economic and demographic trends in Germany, this paper concludes that domestic politics explain the changes in the citizenship law. I argue that granting and withholding national citizenship, including birthright citizenship, is exclusively in the hands of a nation state. Considering a purely ethnocultural understanding of nation-hood now includes legal and territorial components, the new German citizenship law is a major reform at the both theoretical and conceptual level. However, the practical consequences of the new naturalization process remain to be seen. The main question for the future research agenda is whether the new naturalization and citizenship laws will bring full integration of foreigners living in German society.     

Policy actors' narrative constructions of migrants' integration in Malmö and Bologna

Governments have policies explicitly directed at the integration of migrants. This article addresses how policymakers and politicians privilege certain constructions of the social relationship between migrants and the majority society (expressed through narratives of ‘integration’), while making it seem as if they were presenting facts in their policies. These constructions provide the justifications for adopting a direction in policy-making over other alternatives. This article sets to analyse comparatively how policy actors in two urban contexts construct migrants' integration through policy narratives and how, within this, they evaluate migrants as ‘integrated’ and ‘non-integrated’. Through narrative analysis, the article sheds light on how migrants are positioned by political institutions within the normative order of the society in which they live. Furthermore, it shows that local policy-making is shaped by national citizenship regimes, models of steering, welfare regimes and stories about the nation and its people.     

The containment of the radical right in Western Europe: a response to Carvalho

Do extreme right parties in contemporary Europe shape policy in meaningful ways? Carvalho's book charts complicated intellectual terrain, and the author demonstrates that while radical right parties have made a modest political impact in some states, they have achieved much less than one might have expected in their central policy area (immigration). After reviewing the strengths and weaknesses of Carvalho's analysis, I suggest that his findings are consistent with the general ‘containment’ (as opposed to ‘contagion’) of the radical right in (Western) Europe. The notion that the populist right has been ‘contained’ in Europe may seem odd at first blush, but a comparison with the USA suggests that it may be a fruitful theoretical starting point.     

Accepting immigrants as fellow citizens: citizenship representations in relation to migration policy preferences

Citizenship representations within national populations have mainly been deduced from state policies on migration. Yet, at the individual level, no studies have investigated whether citizenship representations are reliably associated with preferences for specific migration policies (i.e. the underlying assumption for deducing citizenship representations from state policies). Because several studies have shown that state policies may not reflect understandings of citizenship within national populations, it may be more relevant to study citizenship representations at the individual level, in relation to personal preferences regarding migration policies. This study examined how ethnic, cultural and civic citizenship representations relate to migration policy preferences at the individual level among majority group high-school students (N = 1,734) in seven EU countries. Findings add to the understanding of citizenship representations and may have implications for the implementation of migration policies.     

Struggling over the mode of incorporation: backlash against multiculturalism in Europe

Documenting the extraordinary potency and reach of the European backlash against multiculturalism, this essay provides a new theoretical model for explaining it. Rather than focusing primarily on demographic and institutional facts about Islamic immigration – such as education, wealth, participation and mobility – the author proposes a cultural-sociological approach that focuses on meanings and emotions as core issues for civil societies. As the demographic presence of Islamic immigrants has intensified, the anti-civil construction of Islamic qualities has led European masses, leaders and intellectuals, not only from the right but from the centre and left, to demand homogenizing assimilation. Representing public practices of Islam as threatening European democracy, newly restrictive citizenship tests have emerged alongside growing xenophobic political parties and newly threatening neo-fascist violence. Initially brought to Europe for economic and political reasons, the question has now become whether the children and grandchildren of Islamic immigrants can be incorporated into European civil society. The conflict is not over whether immigrants should be incorporated but over the grounds for doing so.     

Examining arts education policy development through policy frameworks

ABSTRACT

While policy formation frameworks are commonly used to understand public policy developments, scholars rarely have used them to reflect on arts education policies. Such analysis is important because it can assist both in identifying the genesis of past policies, including who the important actors are, how issues are framed and problematized, and how specific solutions are designed, as well as how to interpret unfolding policies. In this article, I review three prominent policy frameworks: Kingdon's “multiple streams framework,” Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith's “advocacy coalition framework,” and Baumgartner and Jones' “punctuated equilibrium framework.” After reviewing the frameworks, I address the following questions: (a) How would these conceptual frameworks predict arts education policy development to proceed? (b) How would these conceptual frameworks explain constituents and coalitions that affect the arts education policy sphere? (c) How would these conceptual frameworks illuminate precipitating events that drive the policy development process? I apply the frameworks to several instances of arts education policy development, including the formal designation of the arts as a core subjects under the Goals 2000: Educate America Act of 1994 (P.L. 103-227), the development of the 2014 National Core Arts Standards, and music's enumeration in the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015. Because these three policy issues differ in important ways, they can help to illuminate the breadth of arts education policy.     

Nationalism and Support for Immigrants' Rights Among Adolescents in 25 Countries

Adolescents' attitudes toward immigrants develop in tandem with their sense of national identity. In this article we identify factors that influence restrictive views of nationalism and opposition or support for immigrants' rights during young people's formative years, among the generation that comprises today's young adults. Data were analyzed from 77,000 native-born 14-year-olds from 25 countries surveyed in the IEA Civic Education Study of 1999. National indicators of citizenship policies and demographics were incorporated into a multilevel analysis. High levels of protective nationalism were associated with negative attitudes toward immigrants' rights in long-established democracies, but not in newer ones; this relationship was stronger in religiously diverse countries. Adolescents in countries with more restrictive citizenship policies were less supportive of immigrants' rights, although these policies did not moderate the extent to which attitudes to immigrants were correlated with nationalism. The findings illustrate the importance of attention to the national context when studying the development of social attitudes.     

Mapping migrants' inclusion: an analytical framework for examining policy output

Comparative studies on the extension of rights, including naturalization rights, to migrants have grown exponentially. We propose a theoretically informed analytical framework to examine state policies relating to the extension of rights to aliens and citizenship acquisition. It consists of three frames: the rights frame, the citizenship eligibility frame and the earned citizenship frame. The framework enables the examination and mapping of policy developments in this broad field, while also elucidating how the notions of membership, status and identity – key constructs associated with the nation state – are articulated in states’ policy attempts to ‘integrate’ migrants, and, importantly, how they are reformulated over time. In the process, the framework nuances ideas about the coherence and stability of national citizenship regimes, brings greater conceptual clarity to the field, and delimits and delineates the citizenship construct. It also provides scope for additional and new comparative insights within and across states.     

Return to sender? A comparative analysis of immigrant communities in ‘attrition through enforcement’ destinations

Drawing on surveys from two Mexican immigrant sending communities, this paper comparatively examines the link between subnational policy structures in US destinations and immigrants' settlement and residency behaviour. It focuses in particular on attrition through enforcement policy at the local and state level that is formed to trigger the voluntary exit of undesirable immigrants. With a twofold comparison of immigrants in three cities and two states, the analysis indicates that immigrants do not alter the duration of time they spend in receiving locales or change their state of residence due to restrictive subnational policies. Rather, economic and social factors more prominently shape immigrants' settlement and residency patterns. The implications of this analysis are discussed with particular attention to the incorporation process for immigrants who remain in destinations with attrition through enforcement policy.     

Denmark between liberalism and nationalism

Abstract

What explains the restrictive turn towards immigrants in European countries like Denmark? Are countries returning to nationalism, or are they following a general European trend towards a perfectionist, even ‘repressive’ liberalism that seeks to create ‘liberal people’ out of immigrants? Recent developments in Danish policies of integration and citizenship, education and anti-discrimination suggest a combination of these two diagnoses. The current Danish ‘integration philosophy’ leaves behind a previous concern with private choice and equal rights and opportunities to emphasize other historical elements, especially the duty to participate in upholding democracy and the egalitarian welfare community, and to promote autonomous and secular ways of life. However, the virtues of this ‘egalitarian republicanism’ are seen by right-of-centre intellectuals and politicians as rooted in a wider Christian national culture that immigrants must acquire in order to become full citizens.     

Interaction between Fiscal and Monetary Policy in a Dynamic Nonlinear Model

The objective of this study is to verify the dynamics between fiscal policy, measured by public debt, and monetary policy, measured by a reaction function of a central bank. Changes in monetary policies due to deviations from their targets always generate fiscal impacts. We examine two policy reaction functions: the first related to inflation targets and the second related to economic growth targets. We find that the condition for stable equilibrium is more restrictive in the first case than in the second. We then apply our simulation model to Brazil and United Kingdom and find that the equilibrium is unstable in the Brazilian case but stable in the UK case.     

Physiological Responses and Partisan Bias: Beyond Self-Reported Measures of Party Identification

People are biased partisans: they tend to agree with policies from political parties they identify with, independent of policy content. Here, we investigate how physiological reactions to political parties shape bias. Using changes in galvanic skin conductance responses to the visual presentation of party logos, we obtained an implicit and physiological measure of the affective arousal associated with political parties. Subsequently, we exposed subjects to classical party cue experiments where the party sponsors of specific policies were experimentally varied. We found that partisan bias only obtains among those exhibiting a strong physiological reaction to the party source; being a self-reported party identifier is not sufficient on its own. This suggests that partisan bias is rooted in implicit, affective reactions.     

Are radical right-wing parties the black holes in party space? Implications and limitations in impact assessment of radical right-wing parties

Radical right-wing parties have been a constant force in party systems of Western Europe since the late 1980s, despite cycles of development and support. Still, measurement of their impact has proven difficult. Scholars assessing the impact of radical right-wing parties in recent years have produced mixed findings in terms of whether effects tend to be direct or indirect and more or less salient. The recent book by Carvalho engages existing literature on impact assessment examining the cases of the UK, France and Italy. His findings caution against overstatement of impacts on immigration policy, suggesting that effects are contingent on party system competition and mainstream party agency. This article considers the mixed results pointing to a lack of existing tools for measuring indirect party impacts. It contends that existing theory on party impact struggles to conceptualize empty spaces in political ideology, attributing agency to moving parties and not to others that may be pushing them.     

‘Have you got the Britísh?’: narratives of migration and settlement among Albanian-origin immigrants in London

Studies on migration and integration in Britain have noted the paucity of research on ‘new’ migrants, especially ‘illegal’ migrants and asylum seekers. This paper focuses on one understudied group – Albanian immigrants and their children – and looks at their migration and settlement, based on sixty interviews conducted in two phases either side of a 2003 mini-amnesty that gave many indefinite leave to remain. This regularization is the fulcrum around which our analytical narrative is built. Focusing on the interaction of migrants' agency with host-country structure, the paper shows that an unsettled asylum policy and delays in implementation have had deleterious effects on migrants' integration and sense of belonging, even after citizenship acquisition. As they search for a social and ethnic positioning within a multi-ethnic host society, the eventual realization of Albanians' migration project is accompanied by culture shock, intergenerational difference and ambivalence towards integration.     

Immigrants and the Basque nation: diversity as a new marker of identity

Basque nationalism is singled out in the literature as a case of minority nationalism that faces an ongoing struggle between those in support of a liberal-inclusive definition of the nation and those favouring an exclusive-racialist one. Nevertheless, Basque nationalist parties have been welcoming of immigration and have legislated to create a regional citizenship based on residence rather than ethnicity. This article argues that, at least in part, the ‘positive’ response of Basque nationalists to the immigration wave that began in the early 2000s is an attempt to strengthen national solidarity by contrasting Basque values of openness and tolerance against the restrictive nature of the reforms to the immigration law in Spain that were initiated in 2000. This argument challenges the notion that sub-state nationalists are hostile to immigration because of the threat diversity poses to the nationalist project.     

Citizenship and Resource Competition in Nigeria

This article discusses the growing tension between constitutionally defined citizenship and socially accepted practices of “we–they dichotomies” as a turbulent component of the national question discourse in Nigeria. It examines the adoption of dual citizenship across the country as well as how this generates violent ethnic conflict. Importantly, while citizenship refers to one’s full membership of a sovereign political community acquired either by birth, naturalisation or any other process legitimised and recognised by the supreme law of the state, indigeneship, on the other hand, is a discriminatory policy employed by local or provincial governments for protecting the rights of their so–called indigenous populations to employment, political power and other resources of the regions or states against domination by alien populations and outsiders. It is argued that while such distinctions have been made possible inter alia by Nigeria’s multi–ethnic character, the ensuing struggles and tensions have been driven by the normless competition over resource allocation. These have especially been the case in instances where ethno–territorial cleavages have been the primary beneficiaries and targets of such resource allocation. This article discusses land as a major economic resource over which heated ethnic conflicts have taken place in Nigeria. Drawing on the conflicts between Hausa–Fulani pastoralists and Yoruba farmers in South–Western Nigeria, it examines the question of how disputed access to land and water has underlain an almost permanent basis of conflict in Nigeria as well as their implications for the country’s fledgling democracy. How does the struggle over land affect the articulation of the citizenship question in Nigeria? How have scarcity and competition over resources affected the contest over citizenship and the forging of nationhood among natives and settlers in South–Western Nigeria? How have colonial framings of socially accepted practices of indigeneship entrenched an understanding of the state in Nigeria as a representation of permanently defined subnational conceptions of ethnic citizenship? What role can the state in Nigeria play towards transforming the multiplicities of traditional societies into coherent political societies as a basis for (i) eliciting deference and devotion from the individual to the claims of the state, and ultimately for (ii) increasing cultural homogeneity, political integration and value consensus? Drawing on data generated from an ethnographic study carried out in South–Western Nigeria between October 2009 and March 2015, this study interrogates these questions.     

美国国家生物工程食品信息披露标准法案评析

美国“国家生物工程食品信息披露标准”法案出台的主要目的是统一转基因食品标识立法,避免出现州各自为政、部分州与联邦对立的局面,减少州际食品生产和交易的成本。法案优先于州标识立法,它在要求“强制”的同时,也为经营者提供了多种信息披露方式。披露要求及标准则由农业部在两年内制定规章予以确定。这一法案是美国各方妥协的结果,并未影响原有的生物技术政策和管理原则。在我国,转基因技术相关立法上亦存在矛盾和冲突,转基因食品标识问题尚未有定论。美国立法妥协的艺术值得我国借鉴,各方应当认可国家发展生物技术的目标。我国转基因食品标识立法需要高层次立法的明确授权,设置更多样的标识方式,并进行充分的法律实施评估。     

Fisheries-Led Development in the South Pacific: Charting a “Pacific Way” to a Sustainable Future

Considerable debate surrounds the appropriate mix of policies to drive fishing-led development among the developing nations in the South Pacific. Since the 1970s, South Pacific small island states have committed themselves to policies of tuna industry domestication, but serious doubts have emerged as to whether these can deliver improvements to the well-being of Pacific peoples. An alternative policy approach has been suggested by development economists that would see Pacific Island nations largely abandon direct involvement in the industry and return to collective efforts to secure reasonable access fees from distant water fishing nations that take the majority of the region's tuna catches. This article argues that one reason that this policy shift has not been taken is that tuna industry domestication policies remain bound up within the influential discourse of “resource nationalism.” It is contended that any movement toward a more environmentally and developmentally sustainable ocean fisheries policy will require close engagement and transformation of this sovereignty-focused narrative.     

Effect of an abrupt change in sexual and reproductive health policy on teen birth rates in Ecuador, 2008–2017

Several countries have implemented “family-centered” abstinence-only policies for teenagers, as opposed to encouraging utilization and expansion of reproductive health services and education. Little is known, however, about the effects of these more restrictive policies on adolescent birth rates at the national level or their differential effects by race and ethnicity. The extant literature is even scarcer in low- and middle-income countries. We analyze an unexpected policy change in Ecuador that abruptly reversed course and restricted reproductive health services for teenage women in 2014. We use a canton- and time-fixed effects difference-in-differences analysis of Ecuador’s 221 cantons with time-varying controls to analyze the impact of the abrupt policy change on the difference of teen (15−19 years) minus young adult (20−24 years) birth rates. In a difference-in-difference-in-differences analysis, the policy change increases birth rates by 8.5 births per 1000 women in cantons with higher indigenous concentration. Results are robust to changes in the comparison population (young adults vs. women in their late 20 s or in their early 30 s), pre-intervention control periods, population weighting, serial correlation, logarithmic model specification, adjustments for intervention year, definition of indigenous concentration, and potential delays in policy implementation.     

Disciplinary citizenship in South Korean NGOs' narratives of resettlement for North Korean refugees

This article explores how non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in South Korea articulate and implement disciplinary citizenship in the resettlement of North Korean refugees. Fieldwork based on in-depth interviews reveals that NGOs play a pivotal role in carrying out the state-led resettlement project at the local level. As disciplinary agents, NGOs mirror the state's policy in their emphasis on self-sufficiency and workfare as they encourage North Koreans to become economically productive citizens. Concomitantly, they emphasize civic contributions and volunteerism as a remedy for improving the social reputation of North Koreans as welfare recipients to that of contributing citizens. This focus on active, responsible citizenship aims at disciplining North Koreans to become docile subjects at the bottom of the social ladder, despite persistent economic difficulties and social marginalization in South Korea. Thus, refugees are pressured not only to achieve economic self-sufficiency, but to contribute to society in order to claim their sociocultural citizenship.