Islamic gatherings: experiences of discrimination and religious affirmation across established and new immigrant communities

To what extent are perceptions of discrimination associated with religious affirmation among Muslim minorities in the Netherlands? Drawing on recent nationally representative surveys among self-identified Muslims from five ethnic groups in the Netherlands, we test boundary conditions of reactive religiosity. Our findings indicate that for Muslims from established immigrant groups, perceptions of discrimination are associated with more frequent religious attendance, but that this is not the case for Muslims from smaller, less established ethnic communities. Findings are interpreted using a boundary framework.     

Exclusion through acculturation? Comparing first- and second-generation European Muslims’ perceptions of discrimination across four national contexts

ABSTRACT

Negative attitudes towards Muslims have increased substantially in Europe, but European Muslims’ perceptions of discrimination vary across national contexts. Three separate approaches explain perceptions of discrimination: social psychological theories at the micro-level, migration theories at the social structural level, and citizenship theories at the macro-level. We know less about how these approaches fit together to explain variation in perceptions of discrimination across national contexts. To evaluate this question, this article combines survey data of European Muslims (n?=?1,618) with indices of policy commitments to immigrant integration in four countries. Contrary to hypothesized findings, this article identifies a striking puzzle: (1) Muslims report more experiences of discrimination in more inclusive contexts and (2) native-born Muslims are more likely to perceive societal hostility than Muslim immigrants in more inclusive contexts. To make sense of this puzzle, I offer an integrated approach that explains how macro-level contexts condition individual-level perceptions of exclusion through cultural knowledge.     

The limits of post-national citizenship: European Muslims,human rights and the hijab

Innovative approaches to citizenship emerged in the 1990s. Post-national theory suggested that European minorities no longer needed national citizenship because supra-national political structures such as the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) offered them protections. Denationalized citizenship held that universal human rights were now available at the national level too as the Council of Europe's member countries had to incorporate human rights principles within their own jurisdictions. New forms of claims-making among European Muslims were cited as evidence of this trend as religious claims, especially relating to the hijab, began to be made through human rights litigation. This paper demonstrates the limits of post-nationalism through a discussion of the outcomes of such claims. While European Muslims are indeed mobilizing around human rights, there is no evidence – at the level of litigation – that this has helped them to win recognition of their religious or cultural rights. This paper explores the reasons for this.     

‘Islamophobia never stands still’: race,religion, and culture

Abstract

Islamophobia bundles religious, ethnic and cultural prejudices together even though a narrow definition of the term flags religion as playing the central part. Calls for decoupling religion from ethnicity and culture appear justifiable: religions are increasingly disconnected from the cultures in which they have been embedded. But established political discourse infrequently makes such distinctions and may go further to racialize cultural and religious attributes of non-Europeans through essentialist framing. Islamophobia becomes a cryptic articulation of race and racism even if overtly it appears as religiously-based prejudice. Islam has been culturalized and racialized by its adherents and antagonists alike. Survey data on attitudes towards Muslims confirm such framing: the most common grounds given for experiencing discrimination was race or ethnic origin; religion and belief system were cited less often. Racialization, race and differential racism have become more endemic to Islamophobesã stigmatizing of Muslims, but to categorize Islamophobes as racists is bad politics.     

Books received 1 May to 31 July 1990

Abstract

Rather than discourse this article argues that the challenge facing anti-racist scholars is to grasp the visceral, atavistic nature of the differential social imaginaries and deep-seated psychological fears of difference and sameness that constitute contemporary racisms and their historical mutations. Is it the case, as Said argued, that essentialized, contrastive racist constructions of Islam and Judaism persist over many centuries or is it possible that current affairs – globally transmitted violent encounters such as 9/11 or the Gaza Cast Lead operation – can transform racist imaginaries about the essential and unchanging nature of protagonists, Jewish and Muslims, and in doing so, unconsciously reverse earlier stereotypes? Depicting three paradigmatic racist folk devils, the paper examines the particular conundrums associated with anti-Zionism and its equation with the ‘new’ anti-Semitism. It concludes by exploring the implications of self-critique in seeking peace between Muslims and Jews.     

Muslim immigrants and religious group feelings: self-identification and attitudes among Sunni and Alevi Turkish-Dutch

Affective ratings of multiple religious (sub)groups (Muslims, Christians, Jews and non-believers, as well as Sunni, Alevi and Sjiit Muslims), the endorsement of Islamic minority rights and religious group identification were examined among Sunni and Alevi Turkish-Dutch participants. The findings show that both groups differ in important ways. Some Alevi participants considered themselves Muslims but others interpreted Alevi identity in a secular way. The Sunnis were quite negative towards Jews and non-believers, they more strongly endorsed Islamic minority rights and they had very high Muslim group identification. Furthermore, the Sunnis were negative towards Alevis and the Alevis were negative towards the Sunnis. Muslim group identification was positively and strongly related to feelings towards Muslims and to the endorsement of Islamic group rights.     

“The correlates of attitudes toward euthanasia” revisited

Abstract

In a 1979 Social Biology article, B. K. Singh found religious affiliation to be an insignificant variable for the prediction of euthanasia and suicide attitudes. Reanalysis of this same data indicated that religious affiliation, coded as a discrete variable, Catholic vs. non‐Catholic, was masking existing differences among religious denominations. Using a chi‐square partitioning analysis comparing Jewish, Catholic, Protestant, and Non Religion categories indicated significant differences between Protestant and a combined category of Non Religion‐Jews for both euthanasia and suicide attitudes. Future efforts to predict euthanasia and suicide attitudes should include religious affiliation as dummy variable instead of an artificially dichotomized variable.     

The ethnobotany of Christ's Thorn Jujube (Ziziphus spina-christi) in Israel

This article surveys the ethnobotany of Ziziphus spina-christi (L.) Desf. in the Middle East from various aspects: historical, religious, philological, literary, linguistic, as well as pharmacological, among Muslims, Jews, and Christians. It is suggested that this is the only tree species considered "holy" by Muslims (all the individuals of the species are sanctified by religion) in addition to its status as "sacred tree " (particular trees which are venerated due to historical or magical events related to them, regardless of their botanical identity) in the Middle East. It has also a special status as "blessed tree" among the Druze.     

Religious visibility: perceptions and experiences of residents in two Muslim concentration suburbs in Melbourne,Australia

In recent decades, and especially after the 9/11/2001 terrorist attack on US, an antipathy towards and fear of Muslim minorities in Western countries have increased, forming part of the current widespread anti-immigration sentiment. In this context, the ‘religiously visible’ Muslims are the most obvious target of negative perceptions, discrimination and other manifestations of ‘Islamophobia’. This paper uses quantitative and qualitative data on religious visibility collected through a survey and in-depth interviews in two suburbs with residential concentrations of Muslims in Melbourne, Australia. The two localities, ‘Broadburb’ and ‘Greenburb’, have similar proportions of Muslim residents (about 1/3) but the levels of religious visibility differ. The paper discusses perceptions and experiences of being religiously visible in a secular society, and particularly being a ‘visible Muslim’. We also discuss perceptions of Muslim visibility by others – non-visible Muslims and non-Muslims – who share neighbourhoods with the visible Muslim minority.     

Racial and ethnic differences in perceptions of discrimination among Muslim Americans

I use data from the 2011 Pew Survey (N?=?1,033) to examine the prevalence and correlates of perceived discrimination across Muslim American racial/ethnic groups. Asian Muslims report the lowest frequency of perceived discrimination than other Muslim racial/ethnic groups. Nearly, all Muslim racial/ethnic groups have a few times higher odds of reporting one or more types of perceived discrimination than white Muslims. After controlling for socio-demographic characteristics, the observed relationships persist for Hispanic Muslims but disappear for black and other/mixed race Muslims. Women are less likely than men to report several forms of discrimination. Older Muslims report lower rates of perceived discrimination than younger Muslims. White Muslim men are more likely to report experiencing discrimination than white, black and Asian Muslim women. The findings highlight varying degrees of perceived discrimination among Muslim American racial/ethnic groups and suggest examining negative implications for Muslims who are at the greatest risk of mistreatment.     

Gender equity in Canada's newly growing religious minorities

Using data from the 2001 Canadian census and the 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey, we find greater gender inequality in labour force participation among the newly growing religious minorities in Canada relative to mainstream Canadians. This gender inequality is only partly conditioned by the presence of young children. Although greatest among Muslim immigrants, other groups including Hindus and Sikhs also exhibit greater gender inequality in labour force participation relative to mainstream Canadians. These patterns fade with time in Canada. Lastly, the differences in gender inequality among religious groups reflect national cultures in the countries of origin more than differences in religious beliefs per se.     

What factors account for black–white differences in anti-Muslim sentiment in the contemporary USA?

I use data from the 2004 General Social Survey (N=719) and multivariate analyses to: explore the effects of race on attitudes toward Muslims; evaluate the extent to which the racial differences were mediated by psychological and religious factors; and assess whether the race effects differed significantly by gender. The findings show that blacks report significantly more favourable feelings toward Muslims than whites. Those respondents who are female, more educated and Catholic also hold significantly higher scores on the 100-point scale assessing feelings toward Muslims. After controlling for religious and psychological factors, I find that the racial difference in feelings toward Muslims is increased, indicating that the race effect is suppressed by these factors. Moderation analysis reveals that white men hold the highest level of negative feelings toward Muslims, compared to women and black men. The findings suggest challenging the misconstrued perceptions of Muslims through education and endorsement of positive images.     

Veiled Nannies and Secular Futures in France

ABSTRACT

This article focuses on recent French efforts to expand legal regulation of religious symbols to childcare. Controversies over ‘veiled nannies’ serve as points of departure for investigating laïcité – French secularism – through which religion is regulated. The investigation is based on fieldwork among Muslim women in Marseille and on the analysis of legal decisions, official documents, and media. The debates on whether to legislate on religious symbols in the domain of childcare reveal how the line between religion and politics, and private and public is continuously redrawn through state efforts to cultivate and govern (secular) Republican selves. Drawing on Agrama’s [2012a. Questioning Secularism: Islam, Sovereignty and the Rule of Law in Egypt. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press] conceptualisation of secularism as a ‘problem-space’, I argue that legal regulation of religious symbols institutionalises a ‘secular suspicion’ at the heart of efforts to imagine and govern French society and its future, a future in which Muslims increasingly find it difficult to imagine themselves.     

The democratic engagement of Britain's ethnic minorities

Abstract

Democratic engagement is a multi-faceted phenomenon that embraces citizens' involvement with electoral politics, their participation in ‘conventional’ extra-parliamentary political activity, their satisfaction with democracy and trust in state institutions, and their rejection of the use of violence for political ends. Evidence from the 2010 BES and EMBES shows that there are important variations in patterns of democratic engagement across Britain's different ethnic-minority groups and across generations. Overall, ethnic-minority engagement is at a similar level to and moved by the same general factors that influence the political dispositions of whites. However, minority democratic engagement is also strongly affected by a set of distinctive ethnic-minority perceptions and experiences, associated particularly with discrimination and patterns of minority and majority cultural engagement. Second-generation minorities who grew up in Britain are less, rather than more, likely to be engaged.     

The secondary sex ratio in Israel: 1980–1995

Abstract

This study deals with models and hypotheses that attempt to explain the underlying mechanisms determining the sex ratios at birth in human populations. Since the factors responsible are still questionable and research results are contradictory, we examine data available in Israel on the sex ratios at birth among two different sociodemographic groups, Jews and Moslems. Results suggest a difference between Jewish and Moslem patterns of secondary sex ratios with respect to parental age, education, and birth number. The difference may be described as a more regular and, by existing models, a more predictable pattern of secondary sex ratio among Moslems than among Jews. The possibility that Jewish religious laws play a role in this difference is discussed.     

Ethno-religious minorities and labour market integration: generational advancement or decline?

Abstract

This paper examines the generational progress of ethnic minorities in Britain by analysing four labour market outcomes: economic inactivity, unemployment, access to salaried jobs and self-employment. An important contribution of this paper is the possibility to examine the impact of a range of cultural and social resources on employment outcomes, namely language fluency, co-ethnic spouse, co-ethnic employer, bridging and bonding social capital. Controlling for ethnic and religious identities, individual, social and human capital characteristics, it finds clear advantages of language proficiency in obtaining employment and salaried jobs. However, the second generation shows little advancement in all the outcomes examined and a particularly strong religious penalty is found among Muslim women. It concludes that persistent ethno-religious penalty experienced by the second generation poses a serious policy challenge and does little to strengthen our economy or in building a cohesive society.     

Symbolic ethnicity and symbolic religiosity: Towards a comparison of ethnic and religious acculturation

This article begins with a brief section updating my 1979 Ethnic and Racial Studies article ‘Symbolic ethnicity: the future of ethnic groups and cultures in America’. However, its main aim is to describe and develop the somewhat parallel concept of symbolic religiosity, which I conceive as the consumption of religious symbols apart from regular participation in a religious culture or in religious organizations, for the purpose of expressing feelings of religiosity and religious identification. Since I assume that symbolic religiosity develops mainly among the acculturating descendants of immigrants, I also explore the possibility of separating and then comparing ethnic and religious acculturation. I assume further that among religio‐ethnic groups like the Jews, and ethno‐religious groups such as Russian, Greek and other Orthodox Catholics, ethnic and religious acculturation proceed in divergent ways. This raises a number of interesting empirical questions about the differences between and similarities of ethnicity and religion among these groups and in general. The article concludes with speculations about what might happen to ethnicity and religiosity in the future. Most of my illustrative data in this article are drawn from studies and observations about American Jewry.     

政府补偿与监管机制改革对医疗服务的影响分析

目的 分析政府补偿与监管机制改革前后闵行区公立医疗卫生机构的医疗卫生服务状况的变化,探索研究政府补偿与监管机制改革对医疗卫生机构运行绩效的影响。方法 进行机构调查和二手资料分析。结果 改革后,闵行区公立医疗机构医疗服务数量不断增加,服务质量保持在较高水平,服务效率有所改进,医疗费用得到控制;综合性医院和社区卫生服务中心的服务质量和费用控制均优于上海市平均水平。结论 政府补偿与监管机制改革在一定程度上提高了闵行区公立医疗卫生机构医疗服务的绩效。     

The Relationship Between Plains Indian Religion and Christianity: A Priest’s Viewpoint*

Abstract

The American Indian who is dedicated to his own religious tradition and to Christianity has the same identity crisis that the Jewish convert did in the early church. The Jews discovered that their religious tradition was the foreshadowing of Christianity, containing the types of Christ, and that Christ fulfilled and did not destroy their Jewish tradition. The Christian Indian today can do the same by discovering that his Sacred Pipe and the tradition for which it stands is also a foreshadowing of Christ in his office of mediator, and the type of the whole plan of salvation. The Christian Indian can understand that Christ is the Living and Eternal Pipe who fulfills and does not destroy their sacred pipe. Without this fundamental insight all blending of the two traditions will be superficial.     

A rhetorical discourse analysis of online anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic jokes

Abstract

Constructed with linguistic devices that resemble metaphor and other rhetorical devices, humour has the inbuilt ability to support racism in various readings. Through a discourse analysis of anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic jokes, this article outlines the connections between humorous and serious racism. It explains how online humour expresses two logics of racism: social inclusion and exclusion. Stereotypes and inferiorization are used in combination and separately to form ‘acceptable’ inclusive images in jokes. Where jokes depict exclusion, this is achieved through images of removal, violence or death. Although the stereotypes and exclusions of Muslims and Jews presented in the jokes are not the same, having both different histories and different trajectories in relation to contemporary racializations, it is argued that the underlying logic of racism is the same. This logic, in particular readings, supports the hard and extreme right-wing views of some of the websites, although the jokes are open to other interpretations as well.