Ethnic mobilization and the state: the Roma in Eastern Europe

The political mobilization of marginalized ethnic groups is a process indispensable for the realization of their political objectives. This article identifies the key criteria and conditions that promote and impede successful ethnic mobilization and analyses the determinants of state policy towards newly mobilizing ethnic minorities. The theoretical arguments receive empirical support from the findings of a comparative study of the Romani (Gypsy) minority in seven East European states.     

Characterization of Fecal Microbiota across Seven Chinese Ethnic Groups by Quantitative Polymerase Chain Reaction

The human gut microbiota consists of complex microbial communities, which possibly play crucial roles in physiological functioning and health maintenance. China has evolved into a multicultural society consisting of the major ethnic group, Han, and 55 official ethnic minority groups. Nowadays, these minority groups inhabit in different Chinese provinces and some of them still keep their unique culture and lifestyle. Currently, only limited data are available on the gut microbiota of these Chinese ethnic groups. In this study, 10 major fecal bacterial groups of 314 healthy individuals from 7 Chinese ethnic origins were enumerated by quantitative polymerase chain reaction. Our data confirmed that the selected bacterial groups were common to all 7 surveyed ethnicities, but the amount of the individual bacterial groups varied to different degree. By principal component and canonical variate analyses of the 314 individuals or the 91 Han subjects, no distinct group clustering pattern was observed. Nevertheless, weak differences were noted between the Han and Zhuang from other ethnic minority groups, and between the Heilongjiang Hans from those of the other provinces. Thus, our results suggest that the ethnic origin may contribute to shaping the human gut microbiota.     

新疆克拉玛依市维吾尔族和汉族成年人体部体质特征

为探讨新疆克拉玛依市维吾尔族与汉族成年人体部体质特征。采用整群分层随机抽样原则,按照《国民体质测试指导站各指标的测试方法及判断标准》规定的方法,测量并获得新疆克拉玛依市维吾尔族、汉族20~59岁共4108个成年人的有效样本,并按Martin法对所测体部项目进行体质特征研究。新疆克拉玛依市维吾尔族:除肩型男性为中肩型、女性为窄肩型外,男女均为超中等身材、宽胸型、宽骨盆型、窄手型、矮胖型。新疆克拉玛依市汉族:除身材分型男性为高型、女性为超中等身材外,男女均为宽胸型、窄肩型、宽骨盆型、窄手型、中间胖瘦型。维吾尔族与汉族之间体质特征总体水平差异具有统计学意义(p<0.01),且差异主要存在于维吾尔族与汉族女性之间。克拉玛依市维吾尔族和汉族成年人体质特征均具有北方人群的体质特征。     

新疆维吾尔族与汉族乙型肝炎患者HBVDNA 及肝功能检测结果的比较

目的:探讨新疆乌鲁木齐地区伴有肝功能指标:丙氨酸氨基转移酶(ALT)浓度异常的维吾尔族(维族)及汉族HBeAg阳性乙型肝炎初次就诊患者,乙型肝炎病毒DNA复制载量及ALT浓度是否存在差异及其对患者诊断、预后的意义。方法:回顾性选取门诊伴有ALT浓度异常的汉族、维族初次就诊患者并筛选出HBeAg阳性患者汉族、维族共373例。采用实时荧光定量聚合酶链反应、生化测定及酶联免疫吸附试验法分别测定HBV DNA、ALT浓度及乙肝HBeAg。结果:(1)汉族HBV DNA组秩和8869,维族HBV DNA组秩和10359.36,经Mann-Whitney Test检验两组间尚不能肯定HBVDNA分布有统计学意义,即伴有肝功能损害的汉族、维族初次就诊HBeAg阳性患者HBV DNA复制程度没有差异。(2)汉族ALT组秩和26818.50,维族ALT组秩和22009.50,经Mann-Whitney Test检验两组间ALT分布有统计学意义,即伴有肝功能损害的初次就诊HBeAg阳性患者汉族肝功能损害程度高于维族。(3)HBVDNA低复制组(103-104copy/mL):汉族秩和3771.46,维族秩和4993.2;中复制组(104-106copy/mL):汉族秩和6412.4,维族秩和5088.2;高复制组(>106copy/mL):汉族秩和929.04,维族秩和666.96,经Mann-Whitney Test检验在低复制组两民族间ALT分布无统计学意义,在中、高复制组两民族间ALT具有统计学意义。即:伴有肝功能损害的初次就诊HBeAg阳性患者在HBV DNA低复制组两民族间肝功能损害程度无差异,但在中、高复制组汉族肝功能损害程度高于维族。结论:新疆乌鲁木齐地区伴有肝功能损害的初次就诊的HBeAg阳性的汉族与维族之间HBV DNA的病毒复制无统计学意义(P>0.05),但两民族间的ALT具有统计学意义,可能跟维族的民俗、饮食习惯及生存环境、免疫相关基因HLA基因频率分布差异等因素有关。     

Frequencies of ABO, Rh and Kell phenotypes in couples from Han, Kazak, Uyghur and Hui in Xinjiang: an inheritance simulation model for blood group incompatibility in new-born

The Xinjiang region with residents from more than 13 minorities represents an area of many diverse ethnicities. This ethnic diversity in relation to their blood groups and immune status may have a consequential impact on the clinical status of married couples. To evaluate the risks of haemolytic disease in new-born infants, we investigated the rate of blood-group incompatibility among 487 married couples from four ethnic minorities, namely the Han, Hui, Uyghur and Kazak populations. Han minority married couples showed significantly different ABO, Rh and K phenotype frequencies between marrial relationship, whereas there was no significant difference in ABO, Rh and K phenotypes between the Uyghur, Hui and Kazak .There was a significant difference between ABO blood types in Han married couples, in the Kazak Rh-C phenotype and in the Uyghur Rh-D phenotype. The Hui married couples only demonstrated ABO, Rh and K phenotypes. The Hui minority showed the highest incompatibility rate for Rh-C and Rh-E phenotypes between mothers and their new-born infants. The highest incompatibility rate for the ABO phenotype occurred in the Kazak group. These results particularly demonstrate the clinical issues relating to ABO and Rh incompatibility, in the Kazak and Hui minorities, respectively.     

An Analysis of HLA-A, -B,and -DRB1 Allele and Haplotype Frequencies of 21,918 Residents Living in Liaoning,China

HLA-A, -B and -DRB1 allele frequencies and their haplotype frequencies in 21,918 Chinese residents living in Liaoning Province, who were registered as volunteer donors of China Marrow Donor Registry, were investigated. They are composed of 93.37% Han Chinese, 5.1% Manchus, 0.57% Mongols, 0.46% Hui persons, 0.29% Koreans and 0.14% Xibe ethnic group. In total eighteen different HLA-A alleles, forty-eight different HLA-B alleles and fourteen different HLA-DRB1 alleles have been identified. Their frequencies are in agreement with the Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium. For Han Chinese in Liaoning, 1,534 different HLA-A-B-DRB1 haplotypes were identified, with a frequency of higher than 0.01%. A*30-B*13-DRB1*07, A*02-B*46-DRB1*09 and A*02-B*13-DRB1*12 are the most frequent haplotypes among Liaoning Han. While Liaoning Han, Liaoning Manchu, Liaoning Mongol, Liaoning Hui and Liaoning Korean share the northern Han characteristic haplotypes, all minority ethnic groups with the exception of Liaoning Manchu have developed their own unique HLA profiles. This dataset characterizes the HLA allele and haplotype frequencies in the Liaoning area and suggests that it is different from those in other parts of China and ethnic groups, which implicates transplant donor searching strategies and studies on population genetics.     

A theory of ethnic violence: ethnic incorporation and ethno-political mobilization in Bulgaria and Cyprus

This article argues that the political accommodation of ethnic groups is a major determinant of ethnic violence and its effects vary depending on the pre-existing levels of mobilization. Accordingly, civic assimilationism is the most effective ethnic incorporation mode in terms of ensuring that weakly mobilized ethnic groups remain peaceful. Liberal multiculturalism is most effective in terms of eliciting peaceful mobilizations from highly mobilized ethnic groups. The ethnocratic mode tends to be the most conducive to violent mobilization at both low and high pre-existing mobilization levels. The theory is explored through case studies of Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus. By demonstrating how the effects of ethnic incorporation policies vary depending on pre-existing mobilization levels, the article also challenges previous assumptions about the relationship between political opening and ethnic mobilization. Such an account not only explains the political determinants of ethnic violence, but also indicates potential political remedies to such problems.     

Ethnic minority identity and movement politics: The case of the Roma in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

The level of political mobilization among ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe has often been regarded as directly dependent on the strong or weak ethnic identity of the groups involved. Less attention has gone to the role of ethnic leaders in creating ethnic group identities for political purposes. This article explores the influence of political mobilization on ethnic group formation in the case of the Roma (Gypsies) in the contemporary Czech and Slovak Republics. It examines the various ways in which Romani activists in these two countries have “framed” Romani identity. The article suggests that activists’ conceptions of Romani identity are closely tied to their political strategies. At the same time, Romani activists have not been able to gain complete control over the production of Romani identity. They have had to deal with powerful schemes of ethnic categorization promulgated by the media, public officials and policy documents.     

Genetic polymorphism of mitochondrial DNA HVS-I and HVS-Ⅱ of Chinese Tu ethnic minority group

We analyzed the two hypervariable segments HVS-Ⅰ and HVS-Ⅱ of 108 Chinese Tu ethnic minority group samples for forensic and population genetics purposes.Comparing with Anderson sequence,79 polymorphic loci in HVS-Ⅰ and 40 in HVS-Ⅱ were found in Chi-nese Tu ethnic minority group mtDNA sequences,and 90 and 64 haplotypes were then defined.Haplotype diversity and the mean pair-wise differences were 0.9903±0.0013 and 5.7785 in HVS-Ⅰ,and 0.9777±0.0013 and 3.5819 in HVS-Ⅱ,respectively.By analyzing the hypervariable domain from nucleotide 1,6180 to 1,6193 in HVS-Ⅰ,we defined some new types of sequence variations.We also compared the relationship between Tu population and other populations using mtDNA HVS-Ⅰ sequences.According to Rst genetic distances,the phylogenetic tree showed that the Tu population,the Xi'an Han population,the Chinese Korean,and the Mongol ethnic group were in a clade.This indicated a close genetic relationship between them.There were far relations between the Tu population and other Chinese southern Han populations,Siberian,European,African,and other foreign populations.The results suggest that Tu population has a multi-origin and has also merged with other local populations.     

The first collective protest of black African migrants in postcolonial France (1960–1975): a struggle for housing and rights

The study of the political activism of black African diasporas in France after the independence era remains a neglected area of research. This paper fills a gap in the literature by exploring the first notable postcolonial protests in the country by sub-Saharan migrants. The struggle of black African workers against their dire housing conditions opened up a ‘cycle of collective action’ that led to the better-known Sonacotra migrant hostels (foyers) rent strike of 1975–1980. Even before the Sonacotra strike, however, black African workers had been able to call on the authorities from both their origin and residence countries and to mobilize transnational networks in order to support their demands. This article provides the first comprehensive historical study of this decisive period. It highlights how ethnic ties are intertwined with political and social ones, focusing on the solidarities that these migrants developed in political networks and in their neighbourhoods.     

Reconfiguring Uyghurness in multilingualism: an internal migration perspective

This qualitative inquiry investigates how the experiences of learning and using multiple languages influenced the transformation of self-perceived ethnic identities in a group of tertiary-level Uyghur minority students in the context of internal migration in China. Data analysis showed that the majority of Uyghur participants developed a greater affinity with and attachment to their ethnic group by emphasizing the language differences between Uyghur and the dominant Han in intercultural encountering. However, they gradually probed into the meaning of “being Uyghur” in the receiving community. Participants following mother tongue and Chinese educational paradigms were found to offer contrastive answers to the question “what should be the distinguishing features of being Uyghur?”. It was further found that learning English as a third language enabled participants to develop a positive personal ethnic identity by enhancing their understanding of ethnicity and its associations with its constituent elements. We conclude with suggestions for relevant stakeholders.     

Genetic polymorphism of mitochondrial DNA HVS-I and HVS-Ⅱ of Chinese Tu ethnic minority group

We analyzed the two hypervariable segments HVS-Ⅰ and HVS-Ⅱ of 108 Chinese Tu ethnic minority group samples for forensic and population genetics purposes.Comparing with Anderson sequence,79 polymorphic loci in HVS-Ⅰ and 40 in HVS-Ⅱ were found in Chi-nese Tu ethnic minority group mtDNA sequences,and 90 and 64 haplotypes were then defined.Haplotype diversity and the mean pair-wise differences were 0.9903:±0.0013 and 5.7785 in HVS-Ⅰ,and 0.9777±0.0013 and 3.5819 in HVS-Ⅱ,respectively.By analyzing the hypervariable domain from nucleotide 1,6180 to 1,6193 in HVS-Ⅰ,we defined some new types of sequence variations.We also compared the relationship between Tu population and other populations using mtDNA HVS-Ⅰ sequences.According to Rst genetic distances,the phylogenetic tree showed that the Tu population,the Xi'an Han population,the Chinese Korean,and the Mongol ethnic group were in a clade.This indicated a close genetic relationship between them.There were far relations between the Tu population and other Chinese southern Han populations,Siberian,European,African,and other foreign populations.The results suggest that Tu population has a multi-origin and has also merged with other local populations.     

The politics of ethnic representation in Philippine bureaucracy

The good governance argument for diversity in civil service is based on the notion that creating a bureaucracy that represents the diverse communities it serves strengthens government accountability and legitimacy. This paper argues that ethnic representation in national bureaucratic governance in the Philippines primarily constitutes a means for political reallocation of space, as it is embedded in the government's framework of asymmetric political autonomy. Mired in intersecting political and ethnic tensions (i.e. blurred ethnic distinctions/ethnic identity disputes and politico-ethnic conflicts), patrimonial forces could easily exploit the country's bureaucratic representation policies as spaces for patronage and as superficial tokens to mollify interethnic factions of their share of the national polity. Thus, instead of facilitating equitable voice in bureaucratic governance, such policy framework could only hold ordinary indigenous and minority ethnic communities captive in the elite-dominated interethnic struggle for representation.     

Mongolian Ethnicity and Linguistic Anxiety in China

Language is one of the official criteria of defining a nationality in socialist China, but it simultaneously has been subjected to an "ideology of contempt" by the Chinese regime that builds nationality only to destroy it. This article examines the linguistic anxiety displayed by the Mongols and their controversial language revitalization efforts in a social environment in which they have become an absolute minority even while they have formal autonomy under their name. The tremendous cost—both emotional and economic—at which such language maintenance comes suggests that nationality in China may not be understood as primarily cultural but, instead, as political. As more Mongols lose their language, arguably the last bastion of their "nationality" status, they face the prospect of becoming a deinstitutionalized, depoliticized, and deterritorialized "ethnic group" in a racialized "Chinese Nation." [Keywords: language, nationality, ethnic group, Mongols, Chinese National Multiculturalism]     

Law and ‘race’ in the citizenship spaces of Myanmar: spatial strategies and the political subjectivity of the Burmese Chinese

As Myanmar undergoes political and societal transition, observers are asking questions about citizenship and ethnic identity. How does one think about citizenship and people's negotiations with law in political-legal regimes that do not subscribe to liberal democratic norms? This paper investigates how law marginalizes the Burmese Chinese minority in Myanmar and the nature of their legal participation. Since law asserts cultural power impacting the way people think and behave, we engage with the concept of legal consciousness to understand how perceptions of legal vulnerability shape political subjectivity ambivalently. The paper highlights the spatial strategies and everyday practices that the Burmese Chinese deploy to navigate oppressive laws, but signals that internal social divisions and geopolitical considerations deter collective action towards rights assertion. It argues that studying the multiple sites and scales through which law is engaged contributes towards recovering citizenship aspirations where engagement with power and authority are articulated differently from Western norms.     

Absence in technicolour: protesting enforced disappearances in northern Sri Lanka

This essay examines the political uses of photography in the protests of the Tamil families of the disappeared in northern Sri Lanka. Enforced disappearances have long featured as an instrument of state terror. Their lingering effects have been noted as a significant challenge to transitional justice processes in the aftermath of the island's civil war. By examining how protesters make their political demands and grievances known through photography, I explore the tensions between visibility and surveillance. The competing photographies of the protests subvert conceptual understandings of the medium as an ideological tool, but also complicate claims of its capacities for enabling emancipation. Against a backdrop of ethno-nationalist conflict, this mobilization of and through photography serves as a defiant articulation of post-war ‘irreconciliation’. It is further tethered to a global visual vernacular of civilian resistance challenging state atrocity, as well as irreconcilable assertions of nation and state.     

Citizenship in Question: evidentiary birthright and statelessness

Existing research demonstrates that black population size in a given area correlates with the passage of racially restrictive policies in that area. This paper examines the mechanisms through which minority population size translates into exclusionary policies. It does so by examining a little-known but critical aspect of US civil rights history: the development of policies which allowed white communities to close their public schools entirely rather than desegregate. Using comparative-historical methods to build on existing quantitative studies, this analysis demonstrates that, while black population size does correlate with the passage of restrictive policies, the adoption of school closing policies was primarily a political strategy used to counter rising black political mobilization. That is, whites were not responding to a demographic threat per se or to increasing contact with blacks, as extant work might suggest. Rather, restrictive policies were a response to increasing political activity and mobilization within black communities.     

Water flowing north of the border: export agriculture and water politics in a rural community in Baja California

Favored by neoliberal agrarian policies, the production of fresh crops for international markets has become a common strategy for economic development in Mexico and other Latin American countries. But as some scholars have argued, the global fresh produce industry in developing countries in which fresh crops are produced for consumer markets in affluent nations implies “virtual water flows,” the transfer of high volumes of water embedded in these crops across international borders. This article examines the local effects of the production of fresh produce in the San Quintín Valley in northwestern Mexico for markets in the United States. Although export agriculture has fostered economic growth and employment opportunities for indigenous farm laborers, it has also led to the overexploitation of underground finite water resources, and an alarming decline of the quantity and quality of water available for residents’ domestic use. I discuss how neoliberal water policies have further contributed to water inequalities along class and ethnic lines, the hardships settlers endure to secure access to water for their basic needs, and the political protests and social tensions water scarcity has triggered in the region. Although the production of fresh crops for international markets is promoted by organizations such as the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank as a model for economic development, I argue that it often produces water insecurity for the poorest, threatening the UN goal of ensuring access to clean water as a universal human right.