Segmented political assimilation: perceptions of racialized opportunities and Latino immigrants' partisan identification

Abstract

To account for Latino immigrants' assimilation into the American political mainstream, I derive social psychological factors from the contextual notion of ‘modes of incorporation’ in the segmented assimilation literature. These social psychological factors, perceptions of racialized opportunities (PROPs), relate to immigrants' adoption of political party identities (i.e. Democrat, Republican). I test these PROPs factors utilizing the 2006 Latino National Survey (N=5,717 immigrant Latino respondents). Multinomial logistic regressions predicting party identification, compared to either ‘Don't Know’ or ‘Don't Care’ options, indicate that PROPs are significantly related to Latino immigrants' identification as either Democrats or Republicans. High levels of identification with perceived white opportunities are related to Republican identity and high levels of identification with perceived black opportunities differentiate Democrats from Republicans.     

Democrats and Republicans Can Be Differentiated from Their Faces

Background

Individuals'' faces communicate a great deal of information about them. Although some of this information tends to be perceptually obvious (such as race and sex), much of it is perceptually ambiguous, without clear or obvious visual cues.

Methodology/Principal Findings

Here we found that individuals'' political affiliations could be accurately discerned from their faces. In Study 1, perceivers were able to accurately distinguish whether U.S. Senate candidates were either Democrats or Republicans based on photos of their faces. Study 2 showed that these effects extended to Democrat and Republican college students, based on their senior yearbook photos. Study 3 then showed that these judgments were related to differences in perceived traits among the Democrat and Republican faces. Republicans were perceived as more powerful than Democrats. Moreover, as individual targets were perceived to be more powerful, they were more likely to be perceived as Republicans by others. Similarly, as individual targets were perceived to be warmer, they were more likely to be perceived as Democrats.

Conclusions/Significance

These data suggest that perceivers'' beliefs about who is a Democrat and Republican may be based on perceptions of traits stereotypically associated with the two political parties and that, indeed, the guidance of these stereotypes may lead to categorizations of others'' political affiliations at rates significantly more accurate than chance guessing.     

Political polarization of conservation issues in the era of COVID-19: An examination of partisan perspectives and priorities in the United States

As a zoonotic disease with unprecedented global impacts, COVID-19 may influence how people prioritize issues related to wildlife conservation. Using a nationally representative sample of US residents, we investigated: (1) how COVID-19 affected the relative importance of conservation issues among adults with different political ideologies, and (2) how the pandemic affected political polarization of conservation issues during the 2020 general election in the United States. Conservation issues such as endangered species and controlling zoonotic disease ranked low in importance among the 14 policy issues considered, even lower than environmental issues such as climate change and environmental protection; however, the importance of all conservation issues increased as a result of COVID-19. Political polarization surrounding the perceived importance of conservation issues also increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, with Democrats reporting larger increases in importance than Republicans. Polarization was driven by the most conservative Republicans and the most liberal Democrats. But this polarization was less extreme than it was for other issues such as climate change and healthcare. Findings highlight the need for communicating links between zoonotic disease and human interactions with wildlife and the environment. Acting quickly may be critical in areas where conservation issues are primed to succumb to political polarization.     

Are birth defects among Hispanics related to maternal nativity or number of years lived in the United States?

BACKGROUND: Literature on the risk of birth defects among foreign‐ versus U.S.–born Hispanics is limited or inconsistent. We examined the association between country of birth, immigration patterns, and birth defects among Hispanic mothers. METHODS: We used data from the National Birth Defects Prevention Study and calculated odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals and assessed the relationship between mothers' country of birth, years lived in the United States, and birth defects among 575 foreign‐born compared to 539 U.S.–born Hispanic mothers. RESULTS: Hispanic mothers born in Mexico/Central America were more likely to deliver babies with spina bifida (OR = 1.53) than their U.S.–born counterparts. Also, mothers born in Mexico/Central America or who were recent United States immigrants (≤5 years) were less likely to deliver babies with all atrial septal defects combined, all septal defects combined, or atrial septal defect, secundum type. However, Hispanic foreign‐born mothers who lived in the United States for >5 years were more likely to deliver babies with all neural tube defects combined (OR = 1.42), spina bifida (OR = 1.89), and longitudinal limb defects (OR = 2.34). Foreign‐born mothers, regardless of their number of years lived in the United States, were more likely to deliver babies with anotia or microtia. CONCLUSIONS: Depending on the type of birth defect, foreign‐born Hispanic mothers might be at higher or lower risk of delivering babies with the defects. The differences might reflect variations in predisposition, cultural norms, behavioral characteristics, and/or ascertainment of the birth defects. Birth Defects Research (Part A), 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Seeing Red: Anger Increases How Much Republican Identification Predicts Partisan Attitudes and Perceived Polarization

We examined the effects of incidental anger on perceived and actual polarization between Democrats and Republicans in the context of two national tragedies, Hurricane Katrina (Study 1) and the mass shooting that targeted Representative Gabrielle Giffords in Arizona (Study 2). We hypothesized that because of its relevance to intergroup conflict, incidental anger exacerbates the political polarization effects of issue partisanship (the correlation between partisan identification and partisan attitudes), and, separately, the correlation between conservative partisan identification and perceived polarization between Democrats and Republicans. We further hypothesized that these effects would be strongest for Republican identification because Republican leaders were targets of public criticism in both tragedies and because conservative (Republican) ideology tends to be more sensitive to threat. In the studies, participants first completed an emotion induction procedure by recalling autobiographical events that made them angry (Studies 1 & 2), sad (Studies 1 & 2), or that involved recalling emotionally neutral events (Study 2). Participants later reported their attitudes regarding the two tragedies, their perceptions of the typical Democrat’s and Republican’s attitudes on those issues, and their identification with the Democratic and Republican parties. Compared with incidental sadness (Studies 1 and 2) and a neutral condition (Study 2), incidental anger exacerbated the associations between Republican identification and partisan attitudes, and, separately between Republican identification and perceived polarization between the attitudes of Democrats and Republicans. We discuss implications for anger’s influence on political attitude formation and perceptions of group differences in political attitudes.     

THE PROBLEM OF THE FUTURE WORLD: W.E.B. DU BOIS AND THE RACE CONCEPT AT MIDCENTURY

Most studies of police–minority relations in America focus on blacks, usually in comparison with whites. This pattern is particularly puzzling in light of the growing population of Hispanic Americans throughout the US, now outnumbering blacks and consisting of the majority in some major cities. Aside from the need for more empirical research on the policing of Hispanics per se, comparing Hispanics’ relations with the police to other racial and ethnic groups offers some important insights into both the dimensions that are shared across groups and those that are distinctive to Hispanics. This article critically evaluates the small body of empirical research literature on this topic – highlighting both deficiencies in this literature as well as suggestive findings – and concludes by identifying a set of issues that should be addressed in future studies. The available evidence largely supports a racial-hierarchy perspective with regard to the policing of different racial and ethnic groups in the US.     

Natural Language Metaphors Covertly Influence Reasoning

Metaphors pervade discussions of social issues like climate change, the economy, and crime. We ask how natural language metaphors shape the way people reason about such social issues. In previous work, we showed that describing crime metaphorically as a beast or a virus, led people to generate different solutions to a city’s crime problem. In the current series of studies, instead of asking people to generate a solution on their own, we provided them with a selection of possible solutions and asked them to choose the best ones. We found that metaphors influenced people’s reasoning even when they had a set of options available to compare and select among. These findings suggest that metaphors can influence not just what solution comes to mind first, but also which solution people think is best, even when given the opportunity to explicitly compare alternatives. Further, we tested whether participants were aware of the metaphor. We found that very few participants thought the metaphor played an important part in their decision. Further, participants who had no explicit memory of the metaphor were just as much affected by the metaphor as participants who were able to remember the metaphorical frame. These findings suggest that metaphors can act covertly in reasoning. Finally, we examined the role of political affiliation on reasoning about crime. The results confirm our previous findings that Republicans are more likely to generate enforcement and punishment solutions for dealing with crime, and are less swayed by metaphor than are Democrats or Independents.     

Contraceptive use and efficacy in a genetically counseled population

Abstract

This paper reports contraceptive use and efficacy rates among 648 married women aged 15 to 44 who had received genetic counseling six months previously. Over half (53.5 per cent) of the counseled population were using non‐surgical contraception; 20 per cent were pregnant or postpartum; 10 per cent were seeking to become pregnant; 11 per cent were sterilized. Only 4.5 per cent were neither using contraceptives nor seeking to become pregnant. Women who were certain about their reproductive intentions after counseling utilized contraceptives effectively, with only two pregnancies at six months among those seeking to delay wanted pregnancies and only one pregnancy among those seeking to prevent pregnancy. This represents six‐month contraceptive failure rates of 4.3 and 2.1 per cent respectively for the two groups, rates similar to those with comparable intentions in the U. S. population at large. A distinguishing characteristic of the genetically counseled group was that 32 per cent of contraceptive users reported that their reproductive intentions were uncertain after counseling. The six‐month pregnancy rate in this uncertain group was 10 per cent.     

Drinking in different social contexts among white, black, and Hispanic men

This paper describes alcohol use by White, Black, and Hispanic men in eight different social settings. Data were obtained from a multi-stage probability sample of the household population of White, Black, and Hispanic adults aged 18 years and over, residing in the 48 contiguous United States. The response rate was 73 percent for Whites, 76 percent for Blacks, and 72 percent for Hispanics. Results show that Whites go more frequently and drink more frequently than Blacks and Hispanics at restaurants, in clubs or organizational meetings, and in bars. Blacks go more frequently than Whites and Hispanics to public settings such as parks, streets, and parking lots; however, the mean number of drinks consumed in these public places and the proportion of men drinking five or more drinks is higher for Hispanics than for Whites and Blacks. Other places where heavier drinking is common in all three ethnic groups are bars, taverns and cocktail lounges, and parties. In all three ethnic groups, men who are younger and those who are single go more frequently than other men to bars or public places such as streets, parks, and parking lots. Men who are younger and those who are single also have a higher rate of heavy drinking and of drunkenness than other men.     

Anencephaly and spina bifida among Hispanics: Maternal,sociodemographic, and acculturation factors in the National Birth Defects Prevention Study

BACKGROUND : We used data from the multisite National Birth Defects Prevention Study for expected delivery dates from October 1997 through 2003, to determine whether the increased risk in anencephaly and spina bifida (neural tube defects (NTDs)) in Hispanics was explained by selected sociodemographic, acculturation, and other maternal characteristics. METHODS : For each type of defect, we examined the association with selected maternal characteristics stratified by race/ethnicity and the association with Hispanic parents' acculturation level, relative to non‐Hispanic whites. We used logistic regression and calculated crude odds ratios (ORs) and their 95% confidence intervals (CIs). RESULTS : Hispanic mothers who reported the highest level of income were 80% less likely to deliver babies with spina bifida. In addition, highly educated Hispanic and white mothers had 76 and 35% lower risk, respectively. Other factors showing differing effects for spina bifida in Hispanics included maternal age, parity, and gestational diabetes. For spina bifida there was no significant elevated risk for U.S.–born Hispanics, relative to whites, but for anencephaly, corresponding ORs ranged from 1.9 to 2.3. The highest risk for spina bifida was observed for recent Hispanic immigrant parents from Mexico or Central America residing in the United States <5 years (OR = 3.28, 95% CI = 1.46–7.37). CONCLUSIONS : Less acculturated Hispanic parents seemed to be at highest risk of NTDs. For anencephaly, U.S.–born and English‐speaking Hispanic parents were also at increased risk. Finally, from an etiologic standpoint, spina bifida and anencephaly appeared to be etiologically heterogeneous from these analyses. Birth Defects Research (Part A), 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Total and Central Obesity among Elderly Hispanics and the Association with Type 2 Diabetes

Objective: To report the prevalence of total and central obesity in a representative sample of Puerto Rican and Dominican elders in Massachusetts, to compare them with a neighborhood‐based group of non‐Hispanic white elders, and to examine associations of obesity indices with the presence of type 2 diabetes. Research Methods and Procedures: We examined the prevalence of overweight, obesity, and central obesity in 596 Hispanics of Caribbean origin, ages 60 to 92 years, and 239 non‐Hispanic whites, and tested linear and logistic regression models to determine associations among body mass index (BMI), waist circumference (WC), and diabetes. Results: Obesity (BMI ≥ 30 kg/m²) was prevalent among all ethnic groups, ranging from 17% to 29% for Dominican and Puerto Rican men, respectively, and from 29% to 40% for non‐Hispanic white and Dominican women, respectively. These differences were not statistically significant. Among Hispanic men and women, diabetes was prevalent across all BMI and WC categories but tended to be greatest among those with BMI of 25 to 29 kg/m² (41% to 43%). In contrast, diabetes was most prevalent in the obese group (36% to 45%) of non‐Hispanic whites. Both BMI and WC were associated with the presence of diabetes, but the coefficients were greater for non‐Hispanic whites than for Hispanics. Discussion: Caribbean Hispanics and non‐Hispanic whites living in the same Massachusetts localities had high prevalences of overweight and obesity. Total and central obesity exerted a differential effect on the presence of diabetes among ethnic groups; for Hispanics, diabetes was prevalent even among non‐obese individuals, whereas for non‐Hispanic white women, the prevalence of diabetes was strongly associated with total and central obesity. Additional research is needed to investigate the factors associated with the differential effect of obesity on the prevalence of type 2 diabetes among Hispanic and non‐Hispanic white elders.     

Tracking Public Beliefs About Anthropogenic Climate Change

A simple question about climate change, with one choice designed to match consensus statements by scientists, was asked on 35 US nationwide, single-state or regional surveys from 2010 to 2015. Analysis of these data (over 28,000 interviews) yields robust and exceptionally well replicated findings on public beliefs about anthropogenic climate change, including regional variations, change over time, demographic bases, and the interacting effects of respondent education and political views. We find that more than half of the US public accepts the scientific consensus that climate change is happening now, caused mainly by human activities. A sizable, politically opposite minority (about 30 to 40%) concede the fact of climate change, but believe it has mainly natural causes. Few (about 10 to 15%) say they believe climate is not changing, or express no opinion. The overall proportions appear relatively stable nationwide, but exhibit place-to-place variations. Detailed analysis of 21 consecutive surveys within one fairly representative state (New Hampshire) finds a mild but statistically significant rise in agreement with the scientific consensus over 2010–2015. Effects from daily temperature are detectable but minor. Hurricane Sandy, which brushed New Hampshire but caused no disaster there, shows no lasting impact on that state’s time series—suggesting that non-immediate weather disasters have limited effects. In all datasets political orientation dominates among individual-level predictors of climate beliefs, moderating the otherwise positive effects from education. Acceptance of anthropogenic climate change rises with education among Democrats and Independents, but not so among Republicans. The continuing series of surveys provides a baseline for tracking how future scientific, political, socioeconomic or climate developments impact public acceptance of the scientific consensus.     

Latino racial choices: the effects of skin colour and discrimination on Latinos’ and Latinas’ racial self-identifications

Abstract

Are predictions that Hispanics will make up 25 per cent of the US population in 2050 reliable? The authors of this paper argue that these and other predictions are problematic insofar as they do not account for the volatile nature of Latino racial and ethnic identifications. In this light, the authors propose a theoretical framework that can be used to predict Latinos’ and Latinas’ racial choices. This framework is tested using two distinct datasets – the 1989 Latino National Political Survey and the 2002 National Survey of Latinos. The results from the analyses of both of these surveys lend credence to the authors’ claims that Latinas’ and Latinos’ skin colour and experiences of discrimination affect whether people from Latin America and their descendants who live in the US will choose to identify racially as black, white or Latina/o.     

Self-reported comorbidities among self-described overweight African-American and Hispanic adults in the United States: results of a national survey

Objective: To examine the concordance between self‐described weight status and BMI, the prevalence of self‐reported comorbidities, and the association between comorbidities and self‐rated health among overweight African‐American and Hispanic US adults. Methods and Procedures: A nationally representative sample of 537 African‐American and 526 Hispanic adults who were identified using a combination of random digit dialing and listed household sampling and self‐described as being slightly or very overweight participated in a telephone interview. Self‐reported height and weight were used to calculate BMI. Results: More than half of African Americans (56%) and one‐third of Hispanics (34%) who self‐described as “slightly” overweight would be classified as obese based on BMI. One‐third (33%) of African Americans reported high blood pressure, followed by arthritis (20%), high cholesterol (18%), and diabetes (15%). Among Hispanics, high cholesterol was the most frequently reported comorbidity (17%), followed by high blood pressure (15%), and difficulty sleeping (12%). Almost three‐quarters of African Americans surveyed (72%) reported that their overall health was good to excellent compared to 62% for Hispanics. Discussion: Self‐reported rates of obesity‐related comorbidities fall below what would be expected based on prevalence data derived from physiologic measures, suggesting a lack of awareness of actual risk. Despite the greater self‐reported prevalence of certain risk factors for poor health, African Americans have a more optimistic view of their overall health and weight status compared to Hispanics. Physicians have an important opportunity to communicate to their minority patients the serious health consequences associated with excess weight.     

Self-Reported Cancer Prevalence among Hispanics in the US: Results from the Hispanic Community Health Study/Study of Latinos

Cancer has surpassed heart disease as the leading cause of death among Hispanics in the U.S., yet data on cancer prevalence and risk factors in Hispanics in regard to ancestry remain scarce. This study sought to describe (a) the prevalence of cancer among Hispanics from four major U.S. metropolitan areas, (b) cancer prevalence across Hispanic ancestry, and (c) identify correlates of self-reported cancer prevalence. Participants were 16,415 individuals from the Hispanic Community Health Study/Study of Latinos (HCHS/SOL), who self-identified as Cuban, Dominican, Mexican, Puerto Rican, Central or South American. All data were collected at a single time point during the HCHS/SOL baseline clinic visit. The overall self-reported prevalence rate of cancer for the population was 4%. The rates varied by Hispanic ancestry group, with individuals of Cuban and Puerto Rican ancestry reporting the highest cancer prevalence. For the entire population, older age (OR = 1.47, p < .001, 95% CI, 1.26–1.71) and having health insurance (OR = 1.93, p < .001, 95% CI, 1.42–2.62) were all significantly associated with greater prevalence, whereas male sex was associated with lower prevalence (OR = 0.56, p < .01, 95% CI, .40-.79). Associations between study covariates and cancer prevalence also varied by Hispanic ancestry. Findings underscore the importance of sociodemographic factors and health insurance in relation to cancer prevalence for Hispanics and highlight variations in cancer prevalence across Hispanic ancestry groups. Characterizing differences in cancer prevalence rates and their correlates is critical to the development and implementation of effective prevention strategies across distinct Hispanic ancestry groups.     

Noblesse Oblige? Social Status and Economic Inequality Maintenance among Politicians

Economic inequality is at historically high levels in the United States and is among the most pressing issues facing society. And yet, predicting the behavior of politicians with respect to their support of economic inequality remains a significant challenge. Given that high status individuals tend to conceive of the current structure of society as fair and just, we expected that high status members of the U.S. House of Representatives would be more likely to support economic inequality in their legislative behavior than would their low status counterparts. Results supported this prediction particularly among Democratic members of Congress: Whereas Republicans tended to support legislation increasing economic inequality regardless of their social status, the social status of Democrats – measured in terms of average wealth, race, or gender – was a significant predictor of support for economic inequality. Policy implications of the observed relationship between social status and support for economic inequality are considered.     

HISPANIC AND NON-HISPANIC RESPONSES TO CONCEPTS FOR FOUR FOODS

Hispanics and non‐Hispanics Americans participated in four sets of studies dealing with health‐oriented foods, with the goal to identify how they respond to food categories relevant in any cuisine. Each study comprised a conjoint analysis using 36 elements followed by a self‐profiling questionnaire to learn more about Hispanic and non‐Hispanic food responses to concepts for four different product categories (morning bread, bottled water, healthful salad dressing and popcorn as a snack). The study identified patterns of preference of marketing statements in the areas of health information, sensory characteristics, emotional benefits and endorsements. Conjoint utility values generated by both Hispanics and non‐Hispanic respondents correlated highly, suggesting that their food attitudes are quite similar for“non‐signature”products despite the differences in their original cuisines.     

Do bedroom eyes wear political glasses? The role of politics in human mate attraction

Most social science research portrays attitudes and behaviors as a product of one's environment or social upbringing. Recently, however, scholars have begun to expand upon this paradigm by showing that biological factors such as genes, which are passed from parents to offspring, can also help explain differences in political attitudes and behaviors. As a result, illuminating how spouses select one another is the first step toward understanding both the genetic and social transmission of political preferences from parents to offspring. Yet the question of whether individuals actively seek out mates who are more politically similar is unknown. To address this lacuna, data were gathered from Internet dating profiles. These data show that most individuals are reluctant to advertise politics when attempting to attract a mate. However, the correlates of political attitudes and behavior, such as education and civic engagement, do predict whether a person uses politics as a way to attract a mate. Thus, although spouses share such predilections more than almost any other trait, individuals do not appear to initially select potential dates along political lines.