首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 8 毫秒
1.
ABSTRACT

In this Rejoinder we seek to address the key issues raised by the four commentaries on our edited book. We focus on the question of the shifting boundaries of the field of race and ethnic studies, the absences and gaps in what is covered, the limits of the post-racial, and the whitening of sociology. In conclusion, we suggest some alternative ways in which we would seek to address them.  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

From the political behemoths of the Democratic and Republican Parties, to the Civil Rights Era racially progressive Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party and reactionary American Independent Party, to the contemporary third party Green and Libertarian Parties, party politics in the USA has a long and storied relationship to the reproduction and contestation of racial domination. Recent works illuminate the strategic use of racial discourse by major party political elites, their deployment of racialized political platforms, and the relationship of these phenomena to power dynamics and racial interests but have yet to fully move beyond the two-party system and engage with innovations in political and cultural sociology. We outline openings for an empirically-grounded sociology of political parties that would reveal the micro- and meso-level features of racialized party politics and the operations of discursive and performative power within both major and minor political parties.  相似文献   

3.
This article explores significant factors influencing the process of Arab American racial formation. I bring into conversation theories of racial formation and ‘political shock’ in social movement scholarship to develop the notion of ‘racialized political shock’ as an important factor in how racial and ethnic groups mobilize and organize. Many moments of political shock are highly racialized and have the potential to reorder the racial and ethnic landscape in ways that can open opportunities or introduce constraints to mobilizations around racial formation. Drawing on existing studies of Arab Americans, this paper highlights how Arab American racial formation has been galvanized during moments of racialized political shock. In the Arab American case, these moments have led to a call for recognition outside the category of white. I conclude by outlining ways forward in the study of Arab Americans, who have been overlooked in studies of race and ethnicity in the US.  相似文献   

4.
This article analyzes how socioeconomic backgrounds, social capital, and school resources affect Korean American youths' educational attainment and aspirations. In the context of limited social and economic support, students delineate differences within coethnic communities along class lines and adopt an oppositional cultural frame of reference to endure and resist institutional barriers. This study demonstrates the significance of distinguishing socioeconomic differences within Korean American communities and for whom the enclaves may be more beneficial.  相似文献   

5.
The level of political mobilization among ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe has often been regarded as directly dependent on the strong or weak ethnic identity of the groups involved. Less attention has gone to the role of ethnic leaders in creating ethnic group identities for political purposes. This article explores the influence of political mobilization on ethnic group formation in the case of the Roma (Gypsies) in the contemporary Czech and Slovak Republics. It examines the various ways in which Romani activists in these two countries have “framed” Romani identity. The article suggests that activists’ conceptions of Romani identity are closely tied to their political strategies. At the same time, Romani activists have not been able to gain complete control over the production of Romani identity. They have had to deal with powerful schemes of ethnic categorization promulgated by the media, public officials and policy documents.  相似文献   

6.
Attitudes about racial inequality in the United States are often viewed through the lenses of discrimination and disadvantage. However, as whiteness studies suggest, systems of racial inequality produce both disadvantage and advantage. National surveys have documented explanations for African American disadvantage but have not collected data on explanations for white advantage. African American disadvantage and white advantage are two sides of the same coin – racial inequality. To understand attitudes about racial inequality, we need to know Americans' beliefs about both sides of the racialized system. This research uses national survey data to examine explanations for both sides of racial inequality and identifies which factors are believed to be most important in explaining white advantage, finding that racial attitudes are complex and are dependent upon the specific situation and context. This research will provide a valuable contribution to both whiteness studies and race relations research.  相似文献   

7.
Since 1996, state legislators, members of the U.S. Congress, and more recently President George W. Bush, have called for the protection of monogamous, heterosexual marriage and the promotion of marriage among poor women. The thrust of this policy making is directed at African American families, among which female headship doubled between 1965 and 1990. This doubling is temporally associated with enacting the legislation directed toward the War on Drugs, which resulted in a tripling of the African American prison population. In Syracuse, New York, the swelling African American population behind bars has resulted in a skewed sex ratio, in which women significantly outnumber men. The authors use national, state, and local epidemiological, environmental, and ethnographic data to argue that the proliferation of marriage-promotion policies is heterosexist and blames African American women for demographic realities over which they have little control.  相似文献   

8.
We analyse survey data from the National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color Project for asset accumulation in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The survey oversampled the American Indian/Alaska Native population in order to examine asset accumulation among a variety of racial, ethnic and legal status groups. We examine differences in asset accumulation across tribal members from a variety of American Indian tribes. Additionally, we make comparisons across those that are tribally enrolled to those that are not tribally enrolled. We find substantial difference across tribal affiliation in our data once we disaggregate the category of American Indian. Our research adds a new dimension to the literature examining differences in wealth accumulation by race and political status for a little-studied group. Specifically, we examine the intersection of race and legal status in wealth and asset accumulation.  相似文献   

9.
This article attempts to assess some of Herb Gans’s influential contributions, not only in his important paper on symbolic ethnicity, but also his wider discussion of the changing role of race, ethnicity, and religion in American society. In a period spanning more than half a century, he has helped to raise key questions and to suggest avenues of research that have stimulated debates and the re-evaluation of a complex, controversial, and highly dynamic field of social science research and policy.  相似文献   

10.
Previous scholarship has reported contradictory results regarding the impact of involvement by immigrant-origin individuals (IOIs) in ethnic organizations on political participation. In this article, we assess the effect of involvement in different types of organizations (ethnic, pan-immigrant and native) on participation in various types of political activities. We use cross-national micro-data from a population survey undertaken in 2004–2008 to IOIs in nine European cities. Our findings indicate that ethnic organizations perform an integrative function for IOIs in the political sphere, but they mainly affect participation linked to immigration-related issues concerning specific ethnic groups and IOIs. Moreover, most effects of involvement in ethnic organizations on the different types of political participation examined are similar in closed and in open political opportunity structures (POS). We only find evidence that involvement in ethnic organizations depresses conventional political action in open POS settings while it increases political action in closed POS settings.  相似文献   

11.
Black Feminist Thought is an iconic book. The fact that it is still in print twenty-five years after its initial publication is testament to the value of the arguments and the quality of the analysis. It has been both a scholarly beacon for researchers working through shared ideas and experiences, and an intellectual grounding from which further critical work has been enabled and more voices brought into conversation. Its influence ranges across disciplinary and geographical boundaries and dismantles conventional hierarchies in the process. The production of knowledge is always for some purpose and, as scholars, it is imperative that we are as straightforward and honest about those purposes as is Patricia Hill Collins. We must hope that we can be as effective as her in our own work in terms of communicating its purpose, politics and, crucially, its analytical import.  相似文献   

12.
This study employs regression analysis to explore population and sex differences in the pattern of age-associated bone loss, as reflected by histomorphometric variables that are measures of intracortical and endocortical bone remodeling. A comparison of an African American sample from the Washington Park Cemetery in St. Louis, Missouri, and a European American rib sample composed of cadavers, autopsies, and forensic cases from Missouri reveals the existence of complex age-associated patterns for differences in measures of intracortical remodeling and cortical area. Females from the two samples express similar bone dimensions and dynamics. The African American females appear to lose more bone than their male counterparts, but this difference is absent in the European American sample. When age-associated patterns are considered, it is in the younger cohorts that African Americans exhibit greater relative cortical area than European Americans, but this is reversed in the older ages, when the latter group manifests greater bone mass. The European American males consistently differ in the slopes and intercepts for the variables compared to the other groups, and differences are highly significant with African American females, with the former group maintaining bone mass while the latter exhibit a more rapid bone loss. Achieving larger relative cortical area due to smaller endosteal area, coupled with better bone quality due to lower intracortical porosity early in life, may be a mechanism by which African Americans, especially females, maintain adequate bone mass in older ages, which buffers them from bone loss and related fragility fractures despite higher rates of intracortical remodeling and endosteal expansion later in life. These results suggest that both genetic and environmental factors are responsible for the differences in bone remodeling and bone mass observed between these samples.  相似文献   

13.
Movements for the recognition and official establishment of particular languages in India, among the many hundreds that have been identified and classified by linguists, grammarians, and census takers, have been prominent and recurring features of politics in the subcontinent for a century-and-a-half. These movements have invariably been competitive in character, demanding preference for one, and displacement of other, actual or potential rivals. Further, they have sometimes been associated with hostile and venomous characterizations of both a rival language and its speakers, leading to intercommunal/interethnic violence. Despite the turbulent history of such movements in modern India, viable compromises have been reached concerning the status of the multiplicity of Indian languages and their hierarchical ordering for various purposes. These compromises, however, have profound consequences for the life chances, including the empowerment and disempowerment, of all India’s citizens. These consequences have only recently begun to attract scholarly attention.  相似文献   

14.
This article builds on recent attempts to explain divergent uses of sub-state nationalism to push for policies of assimilation or multiculturalism and drive popular support for independence. It analyses the dynamics of discourses and policies in Spain before, during and after peak times of identity politics to provide a more nuanced understanding of the conditions leading to the activation of identity-driven policies. Substantive ethnographic evidence is presented to explain recent alterations to national discourses of identity, surprising reversals of immigration policies, and the modulation of Catalan and Basque independence movements. The main finding is that both identity discourses and resulting policies depend on the affinity for identity politics at the sub-state level, and this affinity is in large part primed by the popular perception of how secure sub-state national identity is against the ‘official’ state narrative.  相似文献   

15.
The influence of the 2008 election of President Barack Obama on the naming of children born to African American mothers was investigated. Results indicated that children born after the election were given names that sounded more ‘African American’ than were children born before the election. In addition, African American mother’s Collective Self-Esteem scores were positively correlated with the ethnic sound of a child’s name. It was concluded that this difference in naming behaviour could be viewed through a social identity theory approach and might indicate a desire to ‘bask in the reflected glory’ of President Obama’s election.  相似文献   

16.
Much has been written in a short space of time about the rapid rise and equally sharp decline of Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party in Australia. Many of these studies have alluded to the importance of the race issue for One Nation, but argued that ultimately the anti-immigrant and anti-aboriginal sentiments associated with the party failed to mobilize voters. This study examines the debate using a multilevel analysis of One Nation [ON] support in the 148 federal electorates. The competing explanations for ON support are tested using a combination of survey data and aggregate political, demographic and socio-economic statistics. The results show that race and immigration were major factors mobilizing ON supporters, and concerns about economic insecurity were of lesser importance. Conclusions are drawn on the extent to which ON's emergence corresponds to the growth in radical right populism in many continental European nations.  相似文献   

17.
Any notion of political belonging is highly contested. Ultimately though, the political body of a society is shaped by contestation of two modes of belonging: civic and communal. In Australia, the relationship between these two modes of belonging has been negotiated through political conflicts, not least in reference to immigration, since the early years of European settlement. This article traces the trajectory of these conflicts by analysing political memories, specifically those of Australia Day commemorations, to engage with the underlying tension that constitutes the country's political body. Engaging with the long-standing civic/ethnic debate, it is argued that the actual relationship between civic and ethnic/communal belonging, rather than any separate references to them, is crucial to the specific constitution of sovereign political bodies, their particular form of social and political conflicts, and the ensuing implementation of policies, not least regarding migration.  相似文献   

18.
Objective: Both ethnicity and menopause appear to influence intra‐abdominal fat distribution. This study evaluated intra‐abdominal fat distribution and obesity‐related health risks in perimenopausal white and African American women. Research Methods and Procedures: Baseline data from a longitudinal study of changes in body composition and energy balance during menopause are reported. Healthy women (55 African Americans and 103 whites) who were on no medication and had at least five menstrual cycles in the previous 6 months were recruited. Body composition was assessed by DXA, and visceral adipose tissue (VAT) and subcutaneous adipose tissue (SAT) were assessed by computed tomography scan. SAT was divided into deep and superficial layers demarcated by the fascia superficialis. Results: African American women were slightly younger (46.7 ± 0.2 vs. 47.7 ± 0.2 years, p = 0.002) and fatter (42.4% ± 1.0% vs. 39.4% ± 0.8% body fat, p = 0.02) than white women. In unadjusted data, African Americans had significantly more total abdominal fat and total, deep, and superficial SAT than whites. After adjustment for percent body fat and age, only total and superficial SAT remained significantly higher in African Americans. VAT although slightly less in African American women, did not differ significantly by race. In multiple regression analysis, VAT was the strongest predictor of serum lipids, glucose, and insulin in women of both races, although superficial SAT was significantly associated with fasting glucose in whites. Conclusions: Middle‐aged African American women have larger SAT depots, adjusted for total body fatness, but do not differ from white women with regard to VAT. The complexity of the relationship between abdominal fat and metabolic risk is increased by ethnic differences in such associations.  相似文献   

19.
We present a longitudinal map of three overlapping organizational trajectories developed by Latin American immigrants in the city of Toronto. We propose the concept of bridging and boundary work to specify how new (1) intersectional political identities and organizational agendas are constituted by Latin American feminist women and artists in the interstice of (2) country-of-origin and (3) mainstream pan-ethnic organizations. Boundary work occurs as activists with intersectional priorities carve out a distinct political agenda; the ‘out-group’ relations based on a shared sectoral focus constitute bridging work. Tracing changes in the local and transnational political opportunity structures, we consider how negotiations over resources, representation and agendas between these three Latin American organizational forms generate multi-directional political learning and socialization and the coexistence of different Latin American political cultures. We define political socialization as in-group and out-group encounters between political cultures understood as civic toolkits or ways of doing politics.  相似文献   

20.
The American Anthropological Association's investigation of the charges in Darkness in El Dorado (Tierney 2000) found that the late James Neel and Napoleon Chagnon harmed the Yanomami in the course of their research in Venezuela and Brazil, and that Chagnon had violated the ethics code of the association. The association's inquiry contravened its own policy prohibiting ethics adjudications and was structured not by the standards of an objective investigation but by aspects of contemporary anthropology. Moralized approaches to information and postmodern rejection of objectivity mark the language and methods of the inquiry. The investigating task force did not observe reasonable standards of evidence, the targets of the investigation were not represented, and task force members were compromised by conflicts of interest. The investigation and its collateral activities reflect a culture of accusation and an anthropology uncertain of its ethical or scientific stature.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号