German law on circumcision and its debate: How an ethical and legal issue turned political

The article aims to illuminate the recent debate in Germany about the legitimacy of circumcision for religious reasons. The aim is both to evaluate the new German law allowing religious circumcision, and to outline the resulting conflict between the surrounding ethical and legal issues. We first elucidate the diversity of legal and medical views on religious circumcision in Germany. Next we examine to what extent invasive and irreversible physical interventions on infant boys unable to given their consent should be carried out for non‐medical reasons. To this end, the potential benefits and harms of circumcision for non‐medical reasons are compared. We argue that circumcision does not provide any benefits for the ‘child as a child’ and poses only risks to boys. We then set out to clarify and analyse political (rather than ethical) justifications of the new circumcision law. We demonstrate through this analysis how the circumcision debate in Germany has been transformed from a legal and ethical problem into a political issue, due at least in part to Germany's unique historical context. Although such a particular political sensibility is entirely comprehensible, it raises particular problems when it comes to framing and responding to medical ethical issues – as in the case of religious circumcision.     

Ethnic cohesion and division among American Jews: The role of mass‐level and organizational politics

Mass‐level and organizational politics contribute both to ethnic cohesion and division among American Jews. Political cohesion at the mass level, measured by location on the liberal side of the mass political structure, serves as a structural source of ethnic cohesion for many American Jews who are not characterized by alternative structural and cultural sources of ethnic cohesion, as measured by embeddedness in structural and cultural networks of interaction. However, political divisions among American jews converge with religious divisions and with variations in structural and cultural cohesion and assimilation; consequently, politics provides one of several reinforcing cleavages in the American Jewish community. Individual‐level data from the 1990 National Jewish Population Survey are used to support these claims. A strong linkage exists between patterns of ethnic cohesion and division and the role of politics at the mass and organizational levels. Jewish organizations involved in politics share consensus across a wide range of political issues, contributing to political cohesion. However, political conflicts emerge among organizations representing different Jewish denominations, leading again to reinforcing religious and political divisions. These claims are supported by data collected from the published reports of an umbrella agency which seeks to coordinate political positions among American Jewish organizations     

Corrective conversion: unsettling citizens and the politics of inclusion in Israel

Gauri Viswanathan's notion of religious conversion as an ‘unsettling’ political event has recently figured prominently in the scholarship on conversion. However, although numerous scholars have productively applied Viswanathan's understanding in their work, primarily in the context of conversion to religious minorities within the nation‐state, to focus too heavily on conversion's unsettling effects risks overlooking political constellations in which it might have rather settling effects. In contrast to the scholarly focus on conversion's disruptive qualities, this article offers an ethnographic account of the ‘settling’ ambitions and logics that underwrite the state politics of Jewish conversion (giur) in contemporary Israel. By looking ethnographically into the mundane discursive, pedagogic, and bureaucratic processes through which the Jewish state converts non‐Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union, I demonstrate how religious conversion works to restore the bureaucratic logic of Israeli nationalism, thereby reinstating unambiguous forms of Jewish belonging. Religious conversion can also be an act of taxonomic repair.     

In search of Ukrainian national identity: 1840–1921

Many recent scholars, influenced by nationalist historians, intellectual trends, or political leaders, seek to antedate and create a nation or national identity when in reality none existed. They tend to apply theories based on non‐rational, emotional aspects of ethno‐nationalism to the formation of national consciousness in general. Thus, the large‐scale vertical identity of modern nationalism is projected back into an era which was characterized by a set of horizontal identities. This article seeks to explore the genesis and development of modem national identity in Ukraine during the period 1840 to 1921. Focusing on social‐structural and circumstantial conditions, it attempts to demonstrate that the appeals to ethno‐national sentiments throughout this period failed to generate a group identity and solidarity among the Ukrainian people. The Ukrainian case, along with that of other subordinate ethnic groups, suggests that nationalism by itself was not operational before the emergence of the so‐called nation‐states of the ‘non‐historic’ nations of Eastern Europe. The formation of modern nations based on mass national consciousness was accomplished by the centralized bureaucratic state which, through conscious and deliberate socialization, succeeded in transforming potential nations into modern nations.     

The ‘curse’ of Westermarck 1

This article consists of a critical application of recent theory of nationalism to the unusual case of Mauritius. It is a poly‐ethnic and poly‐religious society whose inhabitants neither share a mythical distant past nor consider themselves culturally identical, but where nation‐building has nevertheless been moderately successful since the late 1960s. Through an examination of the processes of institutional and cultural nation‐building in the island, it is argued that the current Eurocentric view of the nation (notably as a culturally homogeneous imagined community) must be modified to fit cases like this one. Thus, the value of nationalism and nationhood as comparative concepts is questioned.     

THE NEW MILITARY MEDICAL ETHICS: LEGACIES OF THE GULF WARS AND THE WAR ON TERROR

United States military medical ethics evolved during its involvement in two recent wars, Gulf War I (1990–1991) and the War on Terror (2001–). Norms of conduct for military clinicians with regard to the treatment of prisoners of war and the administration of non‐therapeutic bioactive agents to soldiers were set aside because of the sense of being in a ‘new kind of war’. Concurrently, the use of radioactive metal in weaponry and the ability to measure the health consequences of trade embargos on vulnerable civilians occasioned new concerns about the health effects of war on soldiers, their offspring, and civilians living on battlefields. Civilian medical societies and medical ethicists fitfully engaged the evolving nature of the medical ethics issues and policy changes during these wars. Medical codes of professionalism have not been substantively updated and procedures for accountability for new kinds of abuses of medical ethics are not established. Looking to the future, medicine and medical ethics have not articulated a vision for an ongoing military‐civilian dialogue to ensure that standards of medical ethics do not evolve simply in accord with military exigency.     

Mitosis is not the only distributor of mutated cells: Non‐mitotic endopolyploid cells produce reproductive genome‐reduced cells

Giant endopolyploid nuclei (>16n) can spontaneously fragment by endomitosis (nuclear internal division) into near‐diploid cells with reproductive capacity (depolyploidization), and endotetra/octopolyploidy can undergo chromosome‐visible meiotic‐like genome reductional divisions also to replicative subcells. These unconventional divisions are associated with production of aneuploidy, which led to the question in this study of whether endopolyploidy, in general, can contribute genetic variability to tumorigenic potential. For this purpose, non‐proliferative endopolyploid cells (range: 4n–32n) in near‐senescence of normal diploid cell strains were analysed for nuclear–morphogenic changes associated with the presence of diploid‐sized nuclei in the cytoplasm. A one‐by‐one nuclear‐cutoff process gave rise to reproducing genome‐reduced cells. It was concluded that these unconventional cell divisions are, indeed, suspects of originating genetic variability. Details of these irregular mitoses were compared to ‘mitotic–meiosis’ in primitive organisms, which suggested activation of an ancestral trait in the mammalian cells.     

Pathways of ornamental and aquarium fish introductions into urban ponds of Epping Forest (London,England): the human vector*

To examine the role of humans in the non‐native fish introductions, we measured the frequency of occurrence and density of non‐native fishes in ponds (Epping Forest, Essex, England) that had been restored (drained of water and voided of fish or treated with rotenone) on a known date and into which no piscivorous or non‐native fishes had subsequently been stocked intentionally. For each pond, the period of time since pond restoration, pond area, distance to nearest residential housing, distance to nearest footpath, distance to nearest water body or stream, and the proportion of pond vegetated were measured. The occurrence of both non‐native and unexpected native fish species was non‐random, and the number of ornamental varieties was found to increase as pond distance from the nearest road decreased. Variety richness of each of three categories of fish (non‐native, goldfish Carassius auratus and native) was significantly correlated with at least two of the following variables: distance from nearest road, nearest footpath and nearest pond. The rate of non‐native fish introductions (adjusted variety richness per year) could also be estimated from pond distance to the nearest road, being about 3.5 ornamental varieties introduced per year in ponds adjacent to roads, but the rate appears to be much greater in ponds that had recently (<1.5 years) undergone restoration. Implications for conservation and management, as well as the potential role of societal issues such as recreational activities, cultural and religious practices, are discussed.     

Christian nationalism and white racial boundaries: examining whites' opposition to interracial marriage

How does the convergence of national and religious identities potentially fortify white racial boundaries in the USA? Focusing on openness to racial exogamy as an indicator of racial boundaries, we examine the link between Christian nationalism and white Americans' views towards their hypothetical daughter marrying an African American, Latino, or Asian. Drawing on insights from social identity complexity theory, we argue that the convergence of religious and national identities serves to reinforce in-group boundaries, thereby fortifying notions of white purity, and consequently, strengthening whites' discomfort with potential race-mixing in marriage. Multivariate analyses of national survey data demonstrate that Christian nationalism is strongly associated with an increase in white Americans' discomfort with a daughter marrying any racial minority, and particularly African Americans. We demonstrate how the convergence of religious and national identities in Christian nationalism influences whites' regulating of racial boundaries (evidenced in intermarriage attitudes) above and beyond the independent effects of political conservatism or religious exclusivism.     

The community structure of bird assemblages on urban strangler figs

Figs have been regarded as keystone plant resources that support diverse tropical vertebrate frugivore communities. Planting or conserving large fig trees, such as stranglers, have therefore been proposed for enhancing urban biodiversity. We compared the diversity and community structure of bird assemblages on strangler figs with non‐fig urban trees as well as between the fruiting and non‐fruiting fig trees in an urban setting in Singapore. The total bird abundance across all the fig trees when in fruit was 4.5‐fold higher than on non‐fig trees and 3.5‐fold higher than when the same fig trees were not fruiting, but only attracted two more species. On individual trees, after accounting for the presence of mistletoes, tree height, the area covered by buildings, road lane density, and the distance to natural vegetation, mean diversity was not different between non‐fig trees and fig trees when they were not in fruit. On the other hand, when fruiting, each fig tree on average had 1.4 more species, 3 more counts of non‐native birds, and 1.6 more counts of insectivorous birds than when not fruiting. There was significant compositional turnover between non‐fig trees and non‐fruiting fig trees, while community dispersion was significantly lower among fig trees in fruit. Our results demonstrate that fig trees provide fruit and non‐fruit resources for birds in an urban landscape but do not necessarily support more diverse total bird assemblages than non‐fig trees. Instead, bird communities on fruiting urban figs would be highly homogeneous and dominated by a few species. Abstract in Malay is available with online material.     

The conceptualization of an Albanian nation

The communist era of the mid‐twentieth century was a pivotal period for the coalescence of many national identities. Often Communism provided the first modern, stable, state governments and infrastructures upon which overarching ideas of identity, such as nationalism, could readily grow. The communist era was certainly a crucial one for Albanian national ideology and thus it is important to reevaluate Albanian nationalism in the light of the recent ebb of communist hegemony in Eastern Europe. Placing the current issues confronting Albanian ideas of self in perspective by tracing their historical background, we find that the situation of Albanian‐identifying communities, divided among three or more states and caught between Eastern and Western influences, is forcing upon Albanian ideas of self an extreme change from a decidedly introverted to an extroverted ideal. Such forces are counterpoised by prior ideology regarding Albanian nationalism and the history of the Albanian people, as well as by the perennial Albanian insecurity over issues of religion. It is from this interplay that the Albanian character will evolve and endure.     

Non‐equivalence in old‐ and new‐flagellum daughter cells of a proliferative division in Trypanosoma brucei

Differentiation of Trypanosoma brucei, a flagellated protozoan parasite, between life cycle stages typically occurs through an asymmetric cell division process, producing two morphologically distinct daughter cells. Conversely, proliferative cell divisions produce two daughter cells, which look similar but are not identical. To examine in detail differences between the daughter cells of a proliferative division of procyclic T. brucei we used the recently identified constituents of the flagella connector. These segregate asymmetrically during cytokinesis allowing the new‐flagellum and the old‐flagellum daughters to be distinguished. We discovered that there are distinct morphological differences between the two daughters, with the new‐flagellum daughter in particular re‐modelling rapidly and extensively in early G1. This re‐modelling process involves an increase in cell body, flagellum and flagellum attachment zone length and is accompanied by architectural changes to the anterior cell end. The old‐flagellum daughter undergoes a different G1 re‐modelling, however, despite this there was no difference in G1 duration of their respective cell cycles. This work demonstrates that the two daughters of a proliferative division of T. brucei are non‐equivalent and enables more refined morphological analysis of mutant phenotypes. We suggest all proliferative divisions in T. brucei and related organisms will involve non‐equivalence.     

Nationalism,displacement, and ethnoreligious differentiation in Turkey’s southern borderlands

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Turkey’s southern province of Hatay, near the Syrian border, this paper examines the shifts in the positioning of ethnoreligious differences vis-à-vis Turkish nationalism over the past decade. Hatay was annexed to Turkey from French Mandate Syria in 1939, 16 years after the foundation of the Turkish nation-state, and did not experience the national homogenization that characterized the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic in the post-WWI era. Its ensuing ethnoreligious diversity with a population composed of bilingual (Turkish-Arabic) Jewish, Christian, Alawi, and Sunni communities characterized the region’s peripheral border status until the new millennium. In this paper, I focus on two major shifts in Turkish politics which reoriented the ethnoreligious identities of these communities. First, I interrogate the short-lived turn to pluralism in mid-2000s to late-2000s when Hatay’s religious diversity gained prominence as an exemplar of Turkish Muslim tolerance. Built on the nostalgia for Ottoman cosmopolitanism against Turkey’s Republican model of nationalism, this regime celebrated the ethnoreligious difference of Hatay’s residents as long as they were identified as representable elements of the nation. I then turn my attention to the emergent ruptures in this discourse of multireligious nationalism with the outbreak of the Syrian War, Turkey’s foreign policy, and the arrival of Syrian refugees in Hatay. In showing how both polities operated within and through rather than replaced the formerly hegemonic understandings of national unity, this paper reveals the constant reworking of national and ethnoreligious identities at the Middle Eastern borderlands.     

Minority status in an ethnic democracy: The status of the Arab minority in Israel

It is commonly assumed that democracy in deeply divided societies takes either a majoritarian or consociational form. While the state in both types is ethnically neutral, there are some countries that combine viable democratic institutions with institutionalized ethnic dominance. The article introduces this third, so far not recognized, general type of ‘ethnic democracy’ and demonstrates its utility for Israel in treating its Arab minority. The tensions and contradictions in Israel's dual character as a Jewish democratic state give rise to five Arab demands that the Jewish majority reject: making Israel non‐Jewish and non‐Zionist, accepting Palestinian nationalism, lifting all restrictions on Arab individual rights, granting Arabs certain national collective rights and incorporating Arabs into the national power structure. Each Arab demand is discussed in detail and the rationale for Jewish objections is spelled out. The problem can be reduced, but not resolved, by establishing a separate Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip for the Palestinian people and by according Israeli Arabs the status of a Palestinian national minority within the Jewish state. These issues are not unique to Israel but rather common to ethnic democracies. It is concluded that the Israeli experience is becoming increasingly relevant to states which are democratizing but keeping appreciable ethnic dominance.     

The ideological contest between Greek‐Cypriot nationalism and Cypriotism 1974–1995: Politics,social memory and identity

As a result of the division of Cyprus in 1974, and until the mid‐1980s, Greek‐Cypriot nationalism was suppressed at the expense of Cypriotism, an ideology that pledged support to the political independence of the island. The retreat of nationalism, however, was temporary and it soon resurfaced as a dominant ideology, albeit in a changed form. The new Greek‐Cypriot nationalism does not go unopposed. Whereas the clash between Greek nationalism and Cypriotism is not a recent phenomenon, in the post‐1974 years it has acquired a greater intensity and constitutes the major battle in the Greek‐Cypriot contest over identity. This essay examines the post‐1974 period and especially the revival of Greek‐Cypriot nationalism since the mid‐1980s. The aim is to analyse the ideological contest between Greek nationalism and Cypriotism as it becomes articulated in the social construction of cultural and political identity and the collective memory of the Greek‐Cypriot community.     

Nuclear and chloroplast DNA phylogeography reveals Pleistocene divergence and subsequent secondary contact of two genetic lineages of the tropical rainforest tree species Shorea leprosula (Dipterocarpaceae) in South‐East Asia

Tropical rainforests in South‐East Asia have been affected by climatic fluctuations during past glacial eras. To examine how the accompanying changes in land areas and temperature have affected the genetic properties of rainforest trees in the region, we investigated the phylogeographic patterns of a widespread dipterocarp species, Shorea leprosula. Two types of DNA markers were used: expressed sequence tag‐based simple sequence repeats and chloroplast DNA (cpDNA) sequence variations. Both sets of markers revealed clear genetic differentiation between populations in Borneo and those in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra (Malay/Sumatra). However, in the south‐western part of Borneo, genetic admixture of the lineages was observed in the two marker types. Coalescent simulation based on cpDNA sequence variation suggested that the two lineages arose 0.28–0.09 million years before present and that following their divergence migration from Malay/Sumatra to Borneo strongly exceeded migration in the opposite direction. We conclude that the genetic structure of S. leprosula was largely formed during the middle Pleistocene and was subsequently modified by eastward migration across the subaerially exposed Sunda Shelf.     

Civilizing Muslim youth: Egyptian state culture programmes and Islamic television preachers

This article explores the similarities and differences between artist and Islamic preacher discourses on art, culture, and youth in Mubarak‐era Egypt in order to highlight the utility and limitations of current anthropological discussions of secularism and religious discursive traditions. By focusing on the shared civilizing and transformative associations of youth, art, and religion, it argues that there is an ingraining of Islamic civilizing traditions into modern governance and vice versa. Furthermore, explaining this phenomenon of ingraining requires that we give more attention to social class and geographical location, nationalism, global and national political‐economic shifts, and the complicated ways that globally circulating discourses become entangled.     

“The correlates of attitudes toward euthanasia” revisited

Abstract

In a 1979 Social Biology article, B. K. Singh found religious affiliation to be an insignificant variable for the prediction of euthanasia and suicide attitudes. Reanalysis of this same data indicated that religious affiliation, coded as a discrete variable, Catholic vs. non‐Catholic, was masking existing differences among religious denominations. Using a chi‐square partitioning analysis comparing Jewish, Catholic, Protestant, and Non Religion categories indicated significant differences between Protestant and a combined category of Non Religion‐Jews for both euthanasia and suicide attitudes. Future efforts to predict euthanasia and suicide attitudes should include religious affiliation as dummy variable instead of an artificially dichotomized variable.     

Secular and Religious Nationalism among Young Turkish Women in Belgium: Education May Make the Difference

In this article, I examine the role that education plays in influencing Turkish immigrant girls' choice between a more secular and a more religious nationalism. Their choice can be linked to the existence of strong forms of nationalism within their country of origin and to the concrete reality of the immigrant context. Education proves to play a decisive role for immigrant girls in defining their places within a specific nationalistic worldview and, as a result, within Western society.