Paleobiology of the first Americans

The majority of scholars studying the human colonization of the New World agree that the first Americans, traditionally identifed as Paleoindians, entered near the end of the Pleistocene via the Bering land bridge from northeast Asia. But this is where agreement ends. Questions about the number and timing of migrations, the physical appearance of the colonists, and the manner in which they lived have been examined since the turn of the century^1–7 and still engender lively debate.^8–16 Curiously lacking from the growing body of data on the peopling of the Americas is evidence from the physical remains of the first Americans. We summarize research on the earliest human remains from North America and discuss how these remains shed new light on these unanswered questions.     

Beringian standstill and spread of Native American founders

Native Americans derive from a small number of Asian founders who likely arrived to the Americas via Beringia. However, additional details about the initial colonization of the Americas remain unclear. To investigate the pioneering phase in the Americas we analyzed a total of 623 complete mtDNAs from the Americas and Asia, including 20 new complete mtDNAs from the Americas and seven from Asia. This sequence data was used to direct high-resolution genotyping from 20 American and 26 Asian populations. Here we describe more genetic diversity within the founder population than was previously reported. The newly resolved phylogenetic structure suggests that ancestors of Native Americans paused when they reached Beringia, during which time New World founder lineages differentiated from their Asian sister-clades. This pause in movement was followed by a swift migration southward that distributed the founder types all the way to South America. The data also suggest more recent bi-directional gene flow between Siberia and the North American Arctic.     

Biogeographic history of the butterfly subtribe Euptychiina (Lepidoptera,Nymphalidae, Satyrinae)

Peña, C., Nylin, S., Freitas, A. V. L. & Wahlberg, N. (2010). Biogeographic history of the butterfly subtribe Euptychiina (Lepidoptera, Nymphalidae, Satyrinae).—Zoologica Scripta, 39, 243–258. The diverse butterfly subtribe Euptychiina was thought to be restricted to the Americas. However, there is mounting evidence for the Oriental Palaeonympha opalina being part of Euptychiina and thus a disjunct distribution between it (in eastern Asia) and its sister taxon (in eastern North America). Such a disjunct distribution in both eastern Asia and eastern North America has never been reported for any butterfly taxon. We used 4447 bp of DNA sequences from one mitochondrial gene and four nuclear genes for 102 Euptychiina taxa to obtain a phylogenetic hypothesis of the subtribe, estimate dates of origin and diversification for major clades and perform a biogeographic analysis. Euptychiina originated 31 Ma in South America. Early Euptychiina dispersed from North to South America via the temporary connection known as GAARlandia during Eocene–Oligocene times. The current disjunct distribution of the Oriental Palaeonympha opalina is the result of a northbound dispersal of a lineage from South America into eastern Asia via North America. The common ancestor of Palaeonympha and its sister taxon Megisto inhabited the continuous forest belt across North Asia and North America, which was connected by Beringia. The closure of this connection caused the split between Palaeonympha and Megisto around 13 Ma and the severe extinctions in western North America because of the climatic changes of the Late Miocene (from 13.5 Ma onwards) resulted in the classic ‘eastern Asia and eastern North America’ disjunct distribution.     

Beringia and the global dispersal of modern humans

Until recently, the settlement of the Americas seemed largely divorced from the out‐of‐Africa dispersal of anatomically modern humans, which began at least 50,000 years ago. Native Americans were thought to represent a small subset of the Eurasian population that migrated to the Western Hemisphere less than 15,000 years ago. Archeological discoveries since 2000 reveal, however, that Homo sapiens occupied the high‐latitude region between Northeast Asia and northwest North America (that is, Beringia) before 30,000 years ago and the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). The settlement of Beringia now appears to have been part of modern human dispersal in northern Eurasia. A 2007 model, the Beringian Standstill Hypothesis, which is based on analysis of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) in living people, derives Native Americans from a population that occupied Beringia during the LGM. The model suggests a parallel between ancestral Native Americans and modern human populations that retreated to refugia in other parts of the world during the arid LGM. It is supported by evidence of comparatively mild climates and rich biota in south‐central Beringia at this time (30,000‐15,000 years ago). These and other developments suggest that the settlement of the Americas may be integrated with the global dispersal of modern humans.     

North American Glyptodontines (Xenarthra, Mammalia) in the Upper Pleistocene of northern South America

The Glyptodontidae is one of the most conspicuous groups in the Pleistocene megafauna of the Americas. The Glyptodontinae were involved in the Great American Biotic Interchange (GABI) and their earliest records in North America are about 3.9 Ma, suggesting an earlier formation of the Panamanian landbridge. Taxonomically it is possible to recognize two Pleistocene genera of Glyptodontinae:Glyptodon (ca. 1.8 – 0.008 Ma), restricted to South America, andGlyptotherium (ca. 2.6 – 0.009 Ma), including records in both North and Central America. Here we present the first report of the genusGlyptotherium in South America, from the Late Pleistocene of several fossil localities in Falcón State, northwestern Venezuela. A comparative analysis of the material, represented by cranial and postcranial parts, including the dorsal carapace and caudal rings, suggests a close affinity withGlyptotherium cylindricum (Late Pleistocene of Central Mexico). This occurrence in the latest Pleistocene of the northernmost region of South America Supports the bidirectional faunal migration during the GABI and the repeated re-immigration from North America of South American clades, as has been reported in other members of the Cingulata (e.g., Pampatheriidae).      

The historical ecology of yellow perch (Perca flavescens[Mitchill]) and their parasites

Aim To determine the origins of the host–parasite association between among yellow perch (Perca flavescens[Mitchill]) and the parasites Crepidostomum cooperi Hopkins, Proteocephalus pearsei La Rue and Urocleidus adspectus Beverly Burton. Of secondary interest are the parasites Bunodera luciopercae (Muller) and Proteocephalus percae (Muller) predictably associated with the Eurasian perch. Location The areas considered are the Holarctic, since the upper‐Cretaceous, and contemporary North America. Methods Published and new information from host and parasite phylogenies, palaeontology, palaeogeography and plate tectonics and host biology is incorporated to assess the origins of yellow perch and several of its parasites. This information is used to determine the origins for these host–parasite associations. Results Cladistic analysis suggests a Laurasian origin for Percidae and Perca, and that Perca is sister to the other genera in the family. Parasite phylogenies support a North American origin for the three species associated with yellow perch and a Laurasian origin for B. luciopercae. Proteocephalus pearsei and P. percae are not sister taxa. The fossil record for Perca dates to the Miocene in Europe and the Pleistocene in North America. North America and Europe were connected across the North Atlantic since at least the upper Cretaceous with separation complete by the Miocene. Europe was separated from Asia by the Obik Sea from the late Cretaceous until the Oligocene. Western cordillera orogeny and its accompanying high rates of water flow and Pleistocene glaciation represent barriers to Perca dispersal. Main conclusions The origin of Perca in North America dates at least to the late Oligocene when North America and Europe were connected across the North Atlantic and Europe and Asia were separate landmasses, and does not result from Pleistocene dispersal across Beringia from Asia. The present disjunction of Perca species in North America and Europe is due to the vicariant separation of North America and Europe. Based on the available information, yellow perch and its parasites have a North America origin. The association between yellow perch and the parasites in all cases is a consequence of host switching from other sympatric host species in North America and is not explained by co‐speciation. Even the association between the host‐specific Urocleidus adspectus and yellow perch originated with a host switch and is not due to co‐speciation. The basis for this host switching is geographical and ecological sympatry, especially shared feeding habits, with other North American fish hosts.     

Pleistocene migration routes into the Americas: Human biological adaptations and environmental constraints

Theories about the routes and timing of human entry into the Americas during the Late Pleistocene usually involve models of lowered sea levels and ice‐free land in Beringia, supported by locations and dates of archeological sites in Northeastern Asia and Northwestern America. Recently, paleoecological reconstructions made possible by advances in geochronology and climatology have received attention. Now morphological adaptations and environmental constraints that affect human activities and physiology need to be considered. Physical accessibility to an area, important as it is, does not alone determine a migration route. In considering any route, anthropologists need to ask: What would it have been like to live in this environment? Did it provide an amenable climate that supported human health and comfort? Between 16,000 and 11,000 cal BP, did this route provide enough food resources and enough hours of sunlight for people with an Upper Paleolithic technology to make a living? We discuss these questions and show ways in which the coastal‐entry model is superior to the interior route through Beringia and an ice‐free corridor.     

Phylogenomics and historical biogeography of the monocot order Liliales: out of Australia and through Antarctica

We present the first phylogenomic analysis of relationships among all ten families of Liliales, based on 75 plastid genes from 35 species in 29 genera, and 97 additional plastomes stratified across angiosperm lineages. We used a supermatrix approach to extend our analysis to 58 of 64 genera of Liliales, and calibrated the resulting phylogeny against 17 fossil dates to produce a new timeline for monocot evolution. Liliales diverged from other monocots 124 Mya and began splitting into separate families 113 Mya. Our data support an Australian origin for Liliales, with close relationships between three pairs of lineages (Corsiaceae/Campynemataceae, Philesiaceae/Ripogonaceae, tribes Alstroemerieae/Luzuriageae) in South America and Australia or New Zealand reflecting teleconnections of these areas via Antarctica. Long‐distance dispersal (LDD) across the Pacific and Tasman Sea led to re‐invasion of New Zealand by two lineages (Luzuriaga, Ripogonum); LDD allowed Campynemanthe to colonize New Caledonia after its submergence until 37 Mya. LDD permitted Colchicaceae to invade East Asia and Africa from Australia, and re‐invade Africa from Australia. Periodic desert greening permitted Gloriosa and Iphigenia to colonize Southeast Asia overland from Africa, and Androcymbium–Colchicum to invade the Mediterranean from South Africa. Melanthiaceae and Liliaceae crossed the Bering land‐bridge several times from the Miocene to the Pleistocene.     

Hyena hegemony: biogeography and taphonomy of Pleistocene vertebrate coprolites with description of a new mammoth coprolite ichnotaxon

Abstract

In 1822, William Buckland first recognized Pleistocene vertebrate coprolites, and they are now known from more multiple localities with a global distribution. Carnivore coprolites dominate, and there are two distinct biogeographic and taphonomic provinces for vertebrate coprolites in the Pleistocene. The Castrocopros province of North and South America is characterized by a dominance of herbivore coprolites, which are preserved almost exclusively in caves. The Hyaenacoprus province in Africa, Europe and Asia is dominated by hyena coprolites that occur mainly in caves, but also in other depositional environments. Pacific Islands may represent a third province characterized by dominant bird coprolites from caves, but the known localities are all Holocene. Mammuthocopros allenorum ichnogen. and ichnosp. nov. is a coprolite of Mammuthus columbi from Utah, USA.     

Phylogeographic relationships of the southern green stink bug Nezara viridula (Hemiptera: Pentatomidae)

Abstract The sequences of 16S rDNA, cytochrome oxidase subunit I (COI) and cytochrome b (Cyt b) genes from nine field collections (seven provinces in China: Guangxi, Hubei, Guangdong, Guizhou, Zhejiang, Hunan, Jiangxi, and also southern and northern part of Iran), plus the sequences of Africa, Europe, Americas and Japan obtained form GenBank were used to re-analyse the genetic variation in the southern green stink bug Nezara viridula (Linnaeus). The phylogeographic re-analysis by using four algorithms (NJ, MP, ML and Bayesian) showed three main lineages. The Iranian haplotypes fell into lineage II formed from Europe and America, rather than in lineage III from Asia; the Chinese haplotypes fell into the Asian clade. Our results suggested that African and non-African gene pools have been isolated since the Miocene era with the molecular clock calibrations for Heteroptera mtDNA, and not since the Pliocene as mentioned previously. The corresponding age of the separation of the eastern and western Asia clades is estimated to be 4.0–1.6 million years ago, coinciding with the Pliocene–Pleistocene epoch and with acute rising events in the Tibet Plateau locates in the western China, which may have formed the barriers observed today.     

The late Pleistocene cultures of South America

Important to an understanding of the first peopling of any continent is an understanding of human dispersion and adaptation and their archeological signatures. Until recently, the earliest archeological record of South America was viewed uncritically as a uniform and unilinear development involving the intrusion of North American people who brought a founding cultural heritage, the fluted Clovis stone tool technology, and a big-game hunting tradition to the southern hemisphere between 11,000 and 10,000 years ago.^1–3 Biases in the history of research and the agendas pursued in the archeology of the first Americans have played a major part in forming this perspective.^4–6 Despite enthusiastic acceptance of the Clovis model by a vast majority of archeologists, several South American specialists have rejected it.^6–11 They contend that the presence of archeological sites in Tierra del Fuego and other regions by at least 11,000 to 10,500 years ago was simply insufficient time for even the fastest migration of North Americans to reach within only a few hundred years. Despite this concern, and despite the discovery of several pre-Clovis sites in South America,^6,10–12 some specialists^2,3 keep the Clovis model alive. Proponents of the model claim that the pre-Clovis sites are unreliable due to questionable radiocarbon dates, artifacts, and stratigraphy. Solid evidence at the Monte Verde site in Chile^14–16 and other localities^6,8,10–12 now indicates that South America was discovered by humans at least 12,500 years ago. How much earlier than 12,500 years ago is still a matter of conjecture.^6,10,12,15 Some proponents prefer a long chronology of 20,000 to 45,000 years ago,⁸ while others advocate a short chronology of 15,000 to 20,000 years ago^10–12 or only 11,000 years ago.^1–3. © 1999 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Spatiotemporal fluctuations of population structure in the Americas revealed by a meta-analysis of the first decade of archaeogenomes

Objectives

Since 2010, genome-wide data from hundreds of ancient Native Americans have contributed to the understanding of Americas' prehistory. However, these samples have never been studied as a single dataset, and distinct relationships among themselves and with present-day populations may have never come to light. Here, we reassess genomic diversity and population structure of 223 ancient Native Americans published between 2010 and 2019.

Materials and Methods

The genomic data from ancient Americas was merged with a worldwide reference panel of 278 present-day genomes from the Simons Genome Diversity Project and then analyzed through ADMIXTURE, D-statistics, PCA, t-SNE, and UMAP.

Results

We find largely similar population structures in ancient and present-day Americas. However, the population structure of contemporary Native Americans, traced here to at least 10,000 years before present, is noticeably less diverse than their ancient counterparts, a possible outcome of the European contact. Additionally, in the past there were greater levels of population structure in North than in South America, except for ancient Brazil, which harbors comparatively high degrees of structure. Moreover, we find a component of genetic ancestry in the ancient dataset that is closely related to that of present-day Oceanic populations but does not correspond to the previously reported Australasian signal. Lastly, we report an expansion of the Ancient Beringian ancestry, previously reported for only one sample.

Discussion

Overall, our findings support a complex scenario for the settlement of the Americas, accommodating the occurrence of founder effects and the emergence of ancestral mixing events at the regional level.     

Rock art at the pleistocene/holocene boundary in Eastern South America

Background

Most investigations regarding the First Americans have primarily focused on four themes: when the New World was settled by humans; where they came from; how many migrations or colonization pulses from elsewhere were involved in the process; and what kinds of subsistence patterns and material culture they developed during the first millennia of colonization. Little is known, however, about the symbolic world of the first humans who settled the New World, because artistic manifestations either as rock-art, ornaments, and portable art objects dated to the Pleistocene/Holocene transition are exceedingly rare in the Americas.

Methodology/Principal Findings

Here we report a pecked anthropomorphic figure engraved in the bedrock of Lapa do Santo, an archaeological site located in Central Brazil. The horizontal projection of the radiocarbon ages obtained at the north profile suggests a minimum age of 9,370±40 BP, (cal BP 10,700 to 10,500) for the petroglyph that is further supported by optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dates from sediment in the same stratigraphic unit, located between two ages from 11.7±0.8 ka BP to 9.9±0.7 ka BP.

Conclusions

These data allow us to suggest that the anthropomorphic figure is the oldest reliably dated figurative petroglyph ever found in the New World, indicating that cultural variability during the Pleistocene/Holocene boundary in South America was not restricted to stone tools and subsistence, but also encompassed the symbolic dimension.     

1 067例不同年龄及地域人群肠道菌群特征

目的探索不同人群在不同年龄阶段的菌群结构特点,了解环境因素对肠道菌群组成及发展的影响。方法收集65例中国健康儿童粪便样本并进行16S rRNA检测,同时从已发表文献中获取来自亚洲、非洲、欧洲、北美洲及南美洲国家的1 002例健康人群肠道菌群数据,分析来自不同年龄阶段健康人群肠道菌群的特征。结果 3岁以下全球各地儿童肠道菌群的种类较为一致:拟杆菌属和双歧杆菌属在儿童肠道菌群中占据主导地位,且它们在免疫调节上有重要作用。3岁以上健康人群的肠道菌群则展示出了地域性特征:亚洲健康人群的肠道代表菌属为考拉杆菌属和巨单胞菌属,非洲健康人群的肠道代表菌属为粪杆菌属,欧洲健康人群的肠道代表菌属也是粪杆菌属,北美洲健康人群的肠道代表菌属为拟杆菌属,南美洲健康人群的肠道代表菌属为普氏菌属。另外,经济较发达的欧洲及北美洲健康人群的肠道菌群多样性显著高于其他经济较落后地区。结论本研究加深了对不同地域人群肠道菌群特点以及它们随年龄增长而发展变化的认识。     

Why we're still arguing about the Pleistocene occupation of the Americas

Although empirical issues surround the when, how, and who questions of New World colonization, much of current debate hinges on theoretical problems because it has become clear that our understanding of New World colonization is not resolute. 1 In fact, the central issues of debate have remained essentially unchanged for the last eighty years. The now classic and probably incorrect story of New World colonization begins in Late Pleistocene Siberia, with small a population of foragers migrating across Beringia (～13,500 calendar years before present (CYBP) (Box 1) through an ice‐free corridor and traveling through the interior of North America. High mobility and rapid population growth spurred southward expansion into increasingly distant unoccupied regions, culminating in the settlement of the Southern Cone of South America. Armed with the skills and weapons needed to maintain a megafauna‐based subsistence strategy, early colonists necessarily had the adaptive flexibility to colonize a diverse array of Pleistocene landscapes. For a time, this scenario seemed well substantiated. The earliest sites in South America were younger than their northern counterparts, fluted artifacts were found across the Americas within a brief temporal window, and projectile points capable of wounding elephant‐sized prey were commonly found in association with proboscidean remains. The Bering Land Bridge connecting Asia to Alaska and an ice‐free corridor providing passage between the Pleistocene ice masses of Canada seemed to provide a clear route of entry for Clovis colonists. However, recent archeological, paleoenvironmental, biological, and theoretical work largely questions the plausibility of these events.     

Historical biogeography of the Isthmus of Panama

About 3 million years ago (Ma), the Isthmus of Panama joined the Americas, forming a land bridge over which inhabitants of each America invaded the other—the Great American Biotic Interchange. These invasions transformed land ecosystems in South and Middle America. Humans invading from Asia over 12000 years ago killed most mammals over 44 kg, again transforming tropical American ecosystems. As a sea barrier, the isthmus induced divergent environmental change off its two coasts—creating contrasting ecosystems through differential extinction and diversification. Approximately 65 Ma invading marsupials and ungulates of North American ancestry, and xenarthrans of uncertain provenance replaced nearly all South America's non‐volant mammals. There is no geological evidence for a land bridge at that time. Together with rodents and primates crossing from Africa 42 to 30 Ma, South America's mammals evolved in isolation until the interchange's first heralds less than 10 Ma. Its carnivores were ineffective marsupials. Meanwhile, North America was invaded by more competitive Eurasian mammals. The Americas had comparable expanses of tropical forest 55 Ma; later, climate change confined North American tropical forest to a far smaller area. When the isthmus formed, North American carnivores replaced their marsupial counterparts. Although invaders crossed in both directions, North American mammals spread widely, diversified greatly, and steadily replaced South American open‐country counterparts, unused to effective predators. Invading South American mammals were less successful. South America's birds, bats, and smaller rainforest mammals, equally isolated, mostly survived invasion. Its vegetation, enriched by many overseas invaders, remained intact. This vegetation resists herbivory effectively. When climate permitted, South America's rainforest, with its bats, birds and mammals, spread to Mexico. Present‐day tropical American vegetation is largely zoned by trade‐offs between exploiting well‐watered settings versus surviving droughts, exploiting fertile versus coping with poor soil, and exploiting lowland warmth versus coping with cooler altitudes. At the start of the Miocene, a common marine biota extended from Trinidad to Ecuador and western Mexico, which evolved in isolation from the Indo‐Pacific until the Pleistocene. The seaway between the Americas began shoaling over 12 Ma. About 10 Ma the land bridge was briefly near‐complete, allowing some interchange of land mammals between the continents. By 7 Ma, the rising sill had split deeper‐water populations. Sea temperature, salinity and sedimentary carbon content had begun to increase in the Southern Caribbean, but not the Pacific. By 4 Ma, the seaway's narrowing began to extinguish Caribbean upwellings. By 2 Ma, upwellings remained only along Venezuela; Caribbean plankton, suspension‐feeding molluscs and their predators had declined sharply, largely replaced by bottom‐dwelling corals and calcareous algae and magnificent coral reefs. Closing the seaway extinguished the Eastern Pacific's reef corals (successors recolonized from the Indo‐Pacific 6000 years ago), whereas many molluscs of productive waters that once thrived in the Caribbean now survive only in the Eastern Pacific. The present‐day productive Eastern Pacific, with few, small coral reefs and a plankton‐based ecosystem contrasts with the Caribbean, whose clear water favours expansive coral reefs and bottom‐dwelling primary producers. These ecosystems reflect the trade‐off between fast growth and effective defence with attendant longevity. Overfishing with new technologies during the last few centuries, however, has caused population crashes of ever‐smaller marine animals, devastating Caribbean ecosystems.     

Climatic signals in growth and its relation to ENSO events of two Prosopis species following a latitudinal gradient in South America

Semiarid environments throughout the world have lost a major part of their woody vegetation and biodiversity due to the effects of wood cutting, cattle grazing and subsistence agriculture. The resulting state is typically used for cattle production, but the productivity of these systems is often very low, and erosion of the unprotected soil is a common problem. Such dry‐land degradation is of great international concern, not only because the resulting state is hardly productive but also because it paves the way to desertification. The natural distribution of the genus Prosopis includes arid and semiarid zones of the Americas, Africa and Asia, but the majority of the Prosopis species are, however, native to the Americas. In order to assess a likely gradient in the response of tree species to precipitation, temperature and their connection to El Niño southern oscillation (ENSO) events, two Prosopis species were chosen along a latitudinal gradient in Latin America, from northern Peru to central Chile: Prosopis pallida from a semi‐arid land in northern and southern Peru and P. chilensis from a semiarid land in central Chile. Growth rings of each species were crossdated at each sampling site using classical dendrochronological techniques. Chronologies were related with instrumental climatic records in each site, as well as with SOI and N34 series. Cross‐correlation, spectral and wavelet analysis techniques were used to assess the relation of growth with precipitation and temperature. Despite the long distance among sites, the two Prosopis species presented similar responses. Thus, the two species' growth is positively correlated to precipitation, while with temperature it is not. In northern Peru, precipitation and growth of P. pallida present a similar cyclic pattern, with a period of around 3 years. On the other hand, P. pallida in southern Peru, and P. chilensis also present this cyclic pattern, but also another one with lower frequency, coinciding with the pattern of precipitation. Both cycles are within the range of the ENSO band.     

The peopling of the Americas and the origin of the Beringian occupation model

The current model for peopling of the Americas involves divergence from an ancestral Asian population followed by a period of population isolation and genetic diversification in Beringia, and finally, a rapid expansion into and throughout the Americas. Studies in the 1970s sought to characterize the biological relationships between different indigenous populations and first proposed an occupation of Beringia. More recent studies using molecular genetic markers often neglect to reference early works that laid the groundwork for current colonization models. We address this matter, and briefly summarize the literature and technological advances that contributed to our current understanding of the peopling of the Americas. Furthermore, we argue that describing the process of peopling of the Americas as “migrations from Asia” minimizes the significant genetic diversification that occurred outside of Asia, and offends indigenous Americans by discounting their origin narratives and land rights. Rather than referring to the indigenous peoples of the Americas as “migrants” or “immigrants,” we recommend consistency in the language used to describe all post‐glacial expansions of people into Asia, Europe and the Americas.     

Circadian adaptation of airline pilots during extended duration operations between the USA and Asia

This study tracked circadian adaptation among airline pilots before, during, and after trips where they flew from Seattle (SEA) or Los Angeles (LAX) to Asia (7--9 time zones westward), spent 7--12?d in Asia, and then flew back to the USA. In Asia, pilots' exposures to local time cues and sleep opportunities were constrained by duty (short-haul flights crossing ≤1 time zone/24?h). Fourteen captains and 16 first officers participated (median age?=?56 versus 48 yrs, p.U)?<?0.001). Their sleep was monitored (actigraphy, duty/sleep diaries) from 3?d pre-trip to 5?d post-trip. For every flight, Karolinska Sleepiness and Samn-Perelli Fatigue scales and 5-min psychomotor vigilance task (PVT) tests were completed pre-flight and at top of descent (TOD). Participants had ≥3 d free of duty prior to outbound flight(s). From 72--24?h prior to departure (baseline sleep), mean total sleep/24?h (TST)?=?7.00?h (SD?=?1.18?h) and mean sleep efficiency?=?87% (SD?=?4.9%). Most pilots (23/30) flew direct to and from Asia, but 7 LAX-based pilots flew via a 1-d layover in Honolulu (HNL). On flights with ≥2 pilots, mean total in-flight sleep varied from 0.40 to 2.09?h outbound and from 0.74 to 1.88?h inbound. Duty patterns in Asia were variable, with ≤2 flights/d (mean flight duration?=?3.53?h, SD?=?0.53?h). TST on days 17 in Asia did not differ from baseline (p.F)?=?0.2031). However, mean sleep efficiency was significantly lower than baseline on days 5--7 (p.F)?=?0.0041). More pilots were on duty between 20:00 and 24:00?h on days 57 (mean?=?21%) than on days 24 (mean?=?14%). Sleep propensity distribution phase markers and chi-square periodogram analyses suggest that adaptation to local time was complete by day 4 in Asia. On pre-flight PVT tests in Asia, the slowest 10% of responses improved for flights departing 14:00--19:59?h (p.F)?=?0.0484). At TOD, the slowest 10% of responses improved across days for flights arriving 14:00--19:59?h (p.F)?=?0.0349) and 20:00--01:59?h (p.F)?=?0.0379). Sleepiness and fatigue ratings pre-flight and at TOD did not change across days in Asia. TST on post-trip day 1 was longer than baseline (estimated mean extension?=?1.68?h; adjusted p(t)?<?0.0001). On all post-trip days, sleep efficiency was comparable to baseline. Sleep propensity distribution phase markers and chi-square periodogram analyses suggest complete readaptation in 12?d. Two opposing influences appeared to affect sleep and PVT performance across days in Asia: progressive circadian adaptation to local time and increasing duty during local night, which displaced sleep from the optimal physiological time. Cumulative sleep restriction across the return flight may explain the large rebound in TST on day 1 post-trip. Thereafter TST, sleep efficiency, and sleep timing suggest that readaptation was complete. Rapid post-trip readaptation may be facilitated by pilots having unconstrained nocturnal sleep opportunities, coupled with stronger patterns of family and social cues than in Asia.     

Exploring the Formation of a Disjunctive Pattern between Eastern Asia and North America Based on Fossil Evidence from Thuja (Cupressaceae)

Thuja, a genus of Cupressaceae comprising five extant species, presently occurs in both East Asia (3 species) and North America (2 species) and has a long fossil record from Paleocene to Pleistocene in the Northern Hemisphere. Two distinct hypotheses have been proposed to account for the origin and present distribution of this genus. Here we recognize and describe T. sutchuenensis Franch., a new fossil Thuja from the late Pliocene sediments of Zhangcun, Shanxi, North China, based on detailed comparisons with all living species and other fossil ones, integrate the global fossil records of this genus plotted in a set of paleomaps from different time intervals, which show that Thuja probably first appeared at high latitudes of North America in or before the Paleocene. This genus reached Greenland in the Paleocene, then arrived in eastern Asia in the Miocene via the land connection between East Asia and western North America. In the late Pliocene, it migrated into the interior of China. With the Quaternary cooling and drying, Thuja gradually retreated southwards to form today’s disjunctive distribution between East Asia and North America.