Reproduction: the Canadian family in transition

3 trends suggest that the reproductive function of the Canadian family is in transition. 1st, fertility has fallen and remains below the replacement level. In 1985, the total fertility rate was 1.67, the lowest in 60 years. Since 1971, it has not risen above 2.1 births/woman, the replacement level. 2nd, an increasing proportion of women are spending a larger part of their lives without having any children. In the 1981 census, 22% of ever-married women between 15 and 44 years had not yet borne children, compared with only 14% recorded in the 1961 census. While the proportion of women who are childless at the end of their reproductive years has risen only slightly, a larger number of women are postponing having children even as the risk of becoming sterile in the interim becomes greater. The combined effect of postponing both marriage and childbearing will most probably be to increase the proportion of women remaining without children. The 3rd trend is the increasing proportion of women who are having children without getting married. Among the consequences of premarital pregnancy are the stress on single mothers, the need for social assistance, the cost of maintenance programs, and the need for more child care. These changes in attitude toward marriage and family formation could have major implications for individuals and society. A fertility rate below replacement level could be stressful for society, resulting in population decline, and changes in age structure that could negatively affect the economy.     

Duration between marriage and first birth and marital instability

This paper considers whether marital instability varies by the duration between marriage and 1st birth among ever-married white and black American women. Analysis of data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey suggests that the duration between marriage and 1st birth has a generally monotonic relationship with the probability of white women separating or divorcing from their 1st marriage; the relationship has remained relatively constant over time. For blacks, no consistent association is found between marital dissolution and the duration between marriage and 1st birth. Black women having a premarital conception and postmarital birth and those having their 1st birth during their 2nd year of marriage have a similarly high risk of dissolution. Conversely, blacks having their 1st birth 8-12 or 25-42 months after marrying have a low probability of dissolution. Childless women and those with premarital births generally has the greatest probability of marital disruption for whites. Racial differences may occur because blacks view the 1st birth and marriage differently than whites. That is, because blacks are much more likely to have premarital births and to have a shorter duration between marriage and 1st birth, blacks and whites in the same 1st birth interval category may be dissimilar and have different values resulting in a differential effect of the timing of the 1st birth on marital instability by race. Caution is needed when interpreting the pattern of association between delayed childbearing (and to a lesser extent, births occuring a few years after marriage) and marital instability. Results for whites were similar at each marriage duration and it is assumed delayed childbearing was not a result of marital instability. Marital instability was expected to have its strongest effect on the timing of the 1st birth during the 1st years of marriage. Marital instability may be partially responsible for the delaying of childbearing among blacks. However, blacks who delay but are married at 1st birth have a relatively low risk of separating or divorcing.     

Determinants of protogenetic interval in a west Mediterranean rural population: La Alpujarra (southeast Spain)

This paper analyzes the protogenetic interval determinants and the influence on family size. The data came from La Alpujarra (Southeast Spain), consisting on a sample of 847 families marrying through-out the first half of the present century. The marital fertility includes 85% deliveries, 5% premarital births and the remaining 10% premarital conceptions. The protogenetic interval was clearly associated with the reproductive success since family size was nearly one child greater for short intervals (= < 16 months). The protogenetic interval largely depends on the occurrence of miscarriages preceding the first liveborn delivery as well as on maternal age. Consanguineous couples show slightly shorter intervals. A temporal decrease of protogenetic intervals was observed.     

Extreme seasonality of births among nomadic Turkana pastoralists

Births to nomadic Turkana women in northwest Kenya follow one of the most highly seasonal distributions ever reported for a human population, with more than half of all births falling between March and June. Important aspects of the Turkana environment also fluctuate greatly over the course of the year. The rate of conception is apparently highest during the early dry season, when the food supply has been at its best for some time, and when women are attaining their peak nutritional status. The seasonal dynamics of Turkana fertility seem to be driven, ultimately, by fluctuations in rainfall; Fourier analysis indicates that changes in numbers of conceptions follow changes in rainfall with a lag of 3.6 months. The specific biological and behavioral changes in the human population through which the environmental changes may affect fertility are considered.     

Paternity Acknowledgment in 2 Million Birth Records from Michigan

Out-of-wedlock childbearing is more common in the U.S. than in other countries and becoming more so. A growing share of such non-marital births identify the father, which can create a legal entitlement to child support. Relatively little is known about individual determinants of the decision to establish paternity, in part because of data limitations. In this paper, we evaluate all birth records in Michigan from 1993 to 2006, which have been merged to the paternity registry. In 2006, 30,231 Michigan children, almost one quarter of all Michigan births, were born to unmarried mothers and had paternity acknowledged. We find that births with paternity acknowledged have worse outcomes along various health and socio-economic dimensions relative to births to married parents, but better outcomes relative to births to unmarried parents without paternity acknowledgement. Furthermore, unmarried men who father sons are significantly more likely to acknowledge paternity than fathers of daughters.     

Premarital fertility in Namibia: trends, factors and consequences

Premarital fertility, defined as fertility before first marriage, was found to be highly prevalent in Namibia. According to data from the 1992 and 2000 DHS surveys, the proportion of premarital births was 43% for all births, and 60% for the first birth. This seemed to be primarily due to a late mean age at first marriage (26.4 years) and low levels of contraception before first marriage. Data were analysed using a variety of demographic methods, including multiple decrement life table and multivariate logistic models. Major variations were found by ethno-linguistic groups: Herero and Nama/Damara had the highest levels of premarital fertility (above 60%); Ovambo and Lozi had intermediate levels of premarital fertility (around 40%); Kavongo and San appeared to have kept a more traditional behaviour of early marriage and low levels of premarital fertility (around 20%). The largest ethno-linguistic group, the Ovambo, were in a special situation, with fast increasing age at marriage and average level of premarital fertility. Whites and mixed races also differed, with Afrikaans-speaking groups having a behaviour closer to the average, whereas other Europeans had less premarital fertility despite an average age at marriage. Ethnic differences remained stable after controlling for various socioeconomic factors, such as urbanization, level of education, wealth, access to mass media, and religion. Results are discussed in light of the population dynamics and political history of Namibia in the 20th century.     

The survivance of French Canadians in New England (1865–1930): History,geography and demography as destiny*

This article analyses the Urban Poverty and Family Life Survey of Chicago and an urban subsample of the National Survey of Families and Households to examine race and ethnic variation in the occurrence and consequences of birth versus marriage pathways to family formation. Results based on multiple‐decrement life table analysis and multi‐variate life table regression analysis reveal strong race and poverty effects on pathways to family formation, but Hispanic origin does not systematically influence the odds that women will enter family life via marriage versus birth. We show stronger race effects on pathways to family formation for the Chicago sample owing to the much higher incidence of teen parenting among black inner‐city residents. Results also suggest lasting economic consequences of non‐marital fertility, irrespective of whether women eventually marry or divorce subsequent to a premarital birth.     

Causes and consequences of increase in child survival rates: ethnoepidemiology among the Hmong of Thailand.

The Hmong "hill tribe" minority in Thailand has much higher exposure to factors usually associated with risk of child mortality (high fertility, low status of women, low education, less use of modern medical care for births, exposure to warfare, economic and physical disruption, and poor hygienic conditions) than the rural ethnic Thai population. Nonetheless, infant mortality has declined from over 120 per 1000 to under 50 per 1000 live births among both these populations in the past 30 years. The reason for the rapid increase in child survival among the Hmong appears to be better access to and more use of modern curative and preventive medical care associated with road construction rather than major changes in social or hygienic conditions. Conventional wisdom suggests that high fertility is both a cause and a consequence of high infant and child mortality and that parents will not reduce fertility until they see that mortality has declined. Most Hmong parents recognize the decline in child mortality and attribute it to better access to modern medical care. Most Hmong parents also say that, if they were starting to have children now, they would want to have fewer children. Fear of child death is infrequently mentioned as a motive for having more children, and the perceived decline in child mortality is rarely mentioned as a reason for reduced fertility. Most Hmong parents explain their desired family size in terms of economic conditions rather than perceived risk of child mortality. Results of this study suggest that fertility and child mortality can vary independently of one another and that major reductions in child mortality can be accomplished without waiting for major social changes (e.g., improved education or status of women) or major reductions in fertility.     

Establishment of Legal Paternity for Children of Unmarried American Women

The establishment of a legal father for children of unmarried parents reflects both high paternity confidence and male willingness to commit to paternal investment. Whether an unmarried man voluntarily acknowledges paternity after a child is born has important consequences for both the mother and child. This paper brings to bear a life history perspective on paternity establishment, noting that men face trade-offs between mating and parental effort and that women will adjust their investment in children based on expected male investment. I predict that paternity establishment will be more likely when the mother has high socioeconomic status, when maternal health is good, and when the child is male, low parity, or a singleton (versus multiple) birth. I further predict that establishment of paternity will be associated with increased maternal investment in offspring, resulting in healthier babies with higher birthweights who are more likely to be breastfed. These predictions are tested using data on 5.4 million births in the United States from 2009 through 2013. Overall the results are consistent with the hypothesis that the trade-offs men face between reproductive and parental investment influence whether men voluntarily acknowledge paternity when a child is born.     

Birth spacing in Pakistan

Life table analysis was applied to data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey to identify child spacing differentials between population subgroups. Women in urban areas had shorter birth intervals than their rural counterparts from parities 1-6; only after parity 7 was this differential reversed. Similarly, women with some education had shorter birth intervals at the earlier parities than uneducated women. While overall family size is relatively homogeneous in Pakistan, women of more modern backgrounds seem to space their children more closely than traditional women. Age at marriage appears to play an important role not only in determining the length of the 1st interval, but also that of subsequent intervals. An unexpected finding was that ever users of contraception had distinctly more rapid spacing of their births than never users. The median interval to 1st birth was shortest in North West Frontier Province, but similar in Punjab and Sind. Multiple classification analysis revealed that some differentials in child spacing by education, residence, and province persisted even after other variables were controlled. Cohort of mother had an independent effect, with younger cohorts having shorter birth intervals. However, the variable that had the strongest effect on length of interval (aside from the 1st interval) was breastfeeding duration. It is likely that increasing urbanization and improved levels of education among women will lead to high levels of marital fertility associated with shorter birth intervals. Even though these trends tend to increase the age at marriage, they are associated with shorter durations of breastfeeding. In the longer term, greater use of contraception among women in the modern sector may partially counteract the fertility increasing effect of reduced birth intervals.     

Parents' testosterone and children's perception of parent-child relationship quality

We examine the link between parental testosterone and children's perceptions of their relationship with their mother and father. Using data from 352 predominantly white working and middle class families, we find no direct link between mother's and father's testosterone and parent–child closeness. However, the association between mothers' testosterone and mother–child closeness appears to be influenced by the quality of two other family relationships. When father's marital satisfaction is low, mothers with high testosterone have a poorer relationship with their children. And, when fathers report low levels of intimacy with their children, high testosterone women have a poorer relationship with their children. No comparable associations were observed among fathers.     

Widowhood, illegitimacy, marital reproduction and female longevity in a rural Spanish population

Using data from parish and civil registers in a rural community in northwest Spain (Los Nogales), family reconstitution provided 1502 complete reproductive histories, of which 584 corresponded to first marriages of women dying after their 50th birthday. A homogeneous sample consisting of women married in the period 1877–1899 (N = 311) provided information concerning their reproductive performance, including ages at first and last maternity and number of children born alive and surviving, which was related to the mother's post-menopausal longevity, also considering premarital fertility and her marital status (widow/married). The results obtained indicate that mothers with a lower proportion of children dying before the first birthday and the age of 15 (mainly males) have a greater post-reproductive longevity. Moreover, women with a more protracted end to their reproductive period and greater fertility live for more years beyond their 50th birthday. These results do not prove a causality between maternal longevity and more successful reproduction; instead, they are indicative of a holistic condition of health. A wide spectrum of favorable biological and environmental factors will have positive consequences for a woman's life trajectory, affecting both her reproductive performance and her own likelihood of surviving.     

The nutritional consequences of pregnancy sickness

The purpose of this paper is to assess Profet’s (1992) and others’ hypothesis that nausea and vomiting in pregnancy (NVP) is adaptive. A number of studies have found an association between NVP and a decreased risk for early fetal loss (<20 weeks). It is assumed that the adaptive benefits of improved survivorship associated with NVP outweigh the minimal nutritional consequences. However, in populations that experience marginal levels of nutrition, NVP may have important nutritional consequences. To test these potential consequences, a study on NVP, nutritional status, and pregnancy outcome was conducted among Turkana pastoralists, who experience seasonal and chronic nutritional stress. Interviews and anthropometric assessments were conducted on 68 pregnant Turkana women of Kenya during a 1993–1994 field season. The results from the case study suggest that women who experience NVP do encounter nutritional consequences in the later stages of pregnancy and are more likely to experience poor pregnancy outcomes. These results suggest that NVP may not be adaptive in all environmental settings, particularly among marginally nourished populations. Financial support for the Turkana study was provided by a dissertation fellowship from The Population Council, Wenner-Gren Foundation, and NSF grants BNS-8718477, and DBS-9207837. Ivy L. Pike, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Ohio State University. Her research interests include the evolutionary and ecological context of health, nutrition, and reproduction. She has conducted research among Turkana women of Kenya and is initiating a project among the Iraqw, an agro-pastoral population of Tanzania.     

Pregnancy outcome is associated with maternal marital status in Austria--even at the beginning of the 21st century

Human reproduction is a biological phenomenon, however, sociocultural factors such as marital status influence pregnancy outcome and reproductive success. In the present study the impact of maternal marital status on pregnancy outcome was tested for all births, which had taken place in Austria between 1999 and 2004, which met the following criteria: single births, nulliparity, mothers older than 19 years (n = 179 830). The rate of preterm delivery (< 37 beginning weeks of gestation) and rate of low birth weight (< 2500 g) among term births were significantly higher among unmarried mothers in comparison to married mothers. Additionally the newborns of unmarried mothers were significantly lighter and shorter than those of married mothers. This was especially true of immigrant mothers. No significant differences between married and unmarried mothers were found regarding mode of delivery. Even at the beginning of the 21st century unmarried status represents an important stress factor for pregnant women.     

Demographic and endocrinological aspects of low natural fertility in Highland New Guinea

The Gainj of highland Papua New Guinea do not use contraception but have a total fertility rate of only 4.3 live births/woman, 1 of the lowest ever recorded in a natural fertility setting. Reproductive and marital histories were obtained from 305 females and 206 males aged 10+. Each subject was asked about: number of live born offspring ever produced; number of stillbirths ever produced; number and names of offspring currently being nursed; number of current and past spouses; and the cause of dissolution of all past marriages. Blood samples were drawn from 172 volunteer female subjects aged 10-60 years and ovarian function was classified by concentration of progesterone. From an analysis of these cross-sectional demographic and endocrinological data, the causes of low reproductive output have been identified in women of this population as: late menarche and marriage, a long interval between marriage and 1st birth, a high probability of widowhood at later reproductive ages, low effective fecundability and prolonged lactational amenorrhea. These are combined with near-universal marriage, and a low prevalence of primary sterility similar to that found in other populations. Of all the factors limiting fertility, by far the most important are those involved in birth spacing, especially lactational amenorrhea. The effects of widowhood on Gainj fertility are negligible. Factors acting to lower fertility fall into 2 categories: those that determine the age of onset of reproduction and those that act to space births. Given the observed pattern of birth spacing, however, the delay in commencement of reproduction represents on average no more than 1 or 2 live births averted/woman. In contrast, were age at 1st reproduction held constant while reducing birth intervals to a mean of 2.0-2.5 years, total fertility would increase to about 7 or 8. Future research on natural fertility should focus on specific behavioral and physiological mechanisms governing the reproductive process.     

Clinical implications of genetic susceptibility to diabetes mellitus

Abstract

Relatively little attention has been given to the interpretation of age‐at‐marriage differences in fertility. This paper discusses possible demographic and sociological sources of this differential. The argument is made that sociological interpretations deserve increased attention since most of the observed differential persists after control for likely demographic components (premarital pregnancy, unwanted fertility, and subfecundity) and for correlated social and background variables (education of self and parents, religion, farm background, number of siblings, whether respondent's parental family was intact, and husband's age at marriage). Multiple‐classification analysis is employed. The analysis concludes by noting that age at first birth has an even stronger relationship with fertility than age at marriage and that the sociological dimensions of age relevant to age at marriage are even more appropriate to age at entrance into motherhood.     

Marital fertility in polygynous unions in Nigeria

The effect of polygyny on fertility, by age cohort, was examined in 4 regions of Nigeria through use of data from the 1981-82 Nigerian Fertility Survey. Simple tabulation of numbers of live births by maternal age and type of marriage union indicated that, with the exception of the 30-39-year age group, fertility in polygynous unions tends to be higher than that in monogamous marriages. Overall, such tabulations reveal an average of 3.90 births among polygynous women and 3.47 births among monogamous women. However, when age-specific fertility rates were compared, except for women under 20 and over 40 years of age, rates were higher in monogamous unions (7.286 overall) than for women in polygynous households (7.200 overall). Mean completed fertility, taking into account marriage duration as well, shows a tendency for women in polygynous unions to be more fertile (with the exception of women aged 25-44 years who had been married 10-19 years). The absolute difference in fertility between the 2 types of marital unions ranged from 0.32 children in the northwest to 0.64 in the southeast. With adjustment for independent variables such as education, the absolute mean differences were reduced, from between 0.28 children in the southeast to 0.42 in the northeast, but the direction of high fertility was still in favor of women in polygynous unions. But when the covariates (e.g., age at marriage) were taken into account as well as the independent variables, there was a dramatic reduction in the mean difference between the fertility of these 2 groups of women. These findings suggest that some changes in reproductive behavior are taking place in Nigeria that are restricting the fertility of women in polygynous unions. These changes are hypothesized to reflect the spread of formal education in Nigeria, with the expectation that women will contribute to the costs involved in educating their children.     

Harijans and Girijans of Andhra Pradesh: an application of analysis of variance in the study of fertility,mortality and family planning

Research on the Bagatha tribe and the Malas and Madigas in India has been done for economic and social planning purposes in regard to family planning. Bagatha are mostly agricultural people where the nuclear family is prevalent and polygamy is popular as well as cousin marriage. The Madigas and Males (Harijans) are lower caste with the 1st being leather workers and the latter being agricultural helpers. The data was collected by direct interview of 202 tribesmen and 202 caste households with women from 15-49 years of age. The data collected on fertility include live births, child survival rate, fetal wastage, husband and wives education, income, and occupations. On mortality, the number of deaths, age at marriage, number of and intervals of pregnancies. As expected, educated and employed families show healthier and higher levels of fertility especially if the wife is educated. The wife shows more of the responsibility for family planning. The age at marriage and the number of pregnancies appears to have little effect on mortality. In the caste group the education level of the husband has little effect on fertility and again the wife has the primary responsibility in using family planning techniques.     

Demographic Dimensions of an Intervillage Land Dispute in Nubri, Nepal

The demographic basis for a land dispute between two Tibetan villages in Nubri, Nepal, is examined in relation to family systems. Despite close proximity and sociocultural ties, the villages experience divergent population growth rates resulting from different frequencies of marriage. In one, old-age security concerns induce parents to retain female labor within the household by designating daughters to be nuns, a practice that has the unintended consequence of limiting aggregate population growth by barring many women from marriage and reproduction. In the other village the slightly different family system results in fewer nuns, faster population growth, and a need for more land. Comparisons with family systems and demographic outcomes in Europe and Asia reveal this to be a case in which preventive checks can exist in a context of early marriage and high marital fertility and demonstrate how concerns for old-age security can act as a restraint on aggregate fertility. [ Tibetans, family systems, demography, religious celibacy ]     

Stable aggregate fertility in a time of family change: a decomposition of trends in American fertility, 1970-1999

Population-level birth rates in the United States were largely stable between 1970 and 1999. This stability contrasts with rapid change in marriage rates and fertility timing during the same period. In this article, I use decomposition techniques to analyze this seeming paradox. I decompose the general fertility rate into four components: age distribution, marital status, age-specific nonmarital fertility, and age-specific marital fertility. Absent other changes, declining time spent married would have led to substantial decline in fertility. Several factors combined to counterbalance these changes in marital behavior. Among white women in the 1970s and 1980s, marital fertility rates increased at older ages, consistent with a scenario in which women postponed both marriage and childbearing; increased nonmarital birth rates during this period were not a driving factor in overall fertility trends. Increased nonmarital fertility was more important in compensating for declining time spent married among African American women and among white women in the 1990s.