Norse Greenland settlement: reflections on climate change, trade, and the contrasting fates of human settlements in the North Atlantic Islands

Changing economies and patterns of trade, rather than climatic deterioration, could have critically marginalized the Norse Greenland settlements and effectively sealed their fate. Counter-intuitively, the end of Norse Greenland might not be symptomatic of a failure to adapt to environmental change, but a consequence of successful wider economic developments of Norse communities across North Atlantic. Data from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and medieval Iceland is used to explore the interplay of Norse society with climate, environment, settlement, and other circumstances. Long term increases in vulnerability caused by economic change and cumulative climate changes sparked a cascading collapse of integrated interdependent settlement systems, bringing the end of Norse Greenland.     

The economics of sheep and goat husbandry in Norse Greenland

Insight into the relative importance of sheep and goat herding and of the economic significance of each species (i.e., milk vs. meat vs. wool) in Medieval Greenland is obtained through the application of Halstead et al.'s (2002) criteria for the identification of adult ovicaprine mandibles to faunal assemblages from three Norse farmsteads: Sandnes, V52a, and ?71S. The economic strategies identified are broadly comparable between the two species and the Eastern and Western Settlement sites examined, and are suggestive of the subsistence production of meat and milk. Comparison with farmsteads elsewhere in Greenland indicates that socio-economic status and/or farmstead size interacted with geographical location in determining the economic strategies employed by the Norse farmers. A broader use of resources and a more varied diet are evident at larger farmsteads in Greenland and this paper suggests that such sites would have been better able than their smaller counterparts to withstand environmental deterioration during the early Middle Ages. These analyses have also confirmed that goats were relatively more common in Norse sites in Greenland than in Norse sites in Iceland, Orkney, or Shetland.     

Disequilibrium,Adaptation, and the Norse Settlement of Greenland

There is increasing evidence to suggest that arctic cultures and ecosystems have followed non-linear responses to climate change. Norse Scandinavian farmers introduced agriculture to sub-arctic Greenland in the late tenth century, creating synanthropic landscapes and utilising seasonally abundant marine and terrestrial resources. Using a niche-construction framework and data from recent survey work, studies of diet, and regional-scale climate proxies we examine the potential mismatch between this imported agricultural niche and the constraints of the environment from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries. We argue that landscape modification conformed the Norse to a Scandinavian style of agriculture throughout settlement, structuring and limiting the efficacy of seasonal hunting strategies. Recent climate data provide evidence of sustained cooling from the mid thirteenth century and climate variation from the early fifteenth century. Archaeological evidence suggests that the Norse made incremental adjustments to the changing sub-arctic environment, but were limited by cultural adaptations made in past environments.     

Grazing impacts and woodland management in Eriksfjord: Betula, coprophilous fungi and the Norse settlement of Greenland

This paper focuses on the impact of Norse settlement on vegetation and landscape around the head of Tunulliarfik (Eriksfjord) in southern Greenland. Pollen, radiocarbon, microscopic charcoal and fungal spore data are presented from a peat monolith which was collected close to the ruins of a large Norse farm complex (group ?39 at Qinngua in the former Eastern Settlement). Landnám is identified at ca. cal. a.d. 1020 by a small decrease in pollen from Betula, a slight increase in Poaceae, and the appearance of pollen from Norse apophytes (native plants favoured and spread by human activity) and anthropochores (not native and unintentionally introduced by people). Increases in microscopic charcoal and palynological richness are also apparent. This pattern is broadly consistent with that seen in other pollen diagrams from this region. The sequence is unusual for Greenland, however, in that relatively high Betula pollen percentages (average 20% TLP) are recorded throughout the period of settlement, up to the end of the 14th century a.d. before the profile becomes truncated. If these data are primarily representative of the dry land vegetation, then they suggest that birch woodland and scrub may well have persisted close to the farm throughout the Norse period. Given the potential resource value of woodland to the settlers, this may imply that birch was being managed sustainably, as was the case in Iceland during the medieval period. Coprophilous fungal spores typically found on animal dung are abundant during the early phase of settlement, yet subsequently decline in abundance. This may indicate a likely decrease in grazing intensity or livestock numbers over time, possibly in response to climatic deterioration and/or soil erosion that is expected to have placed increased stress on the pastoral farming system.     

Palatine torus in the Greenlandic Norse.

Physical anthropologists have long been intrigued by the distinctive oral tori expressed by the medieval Norse populations of Iceland and Greenland. To assess the temporal and spatial variation of one form of oral tori, palatine torus, observations were made on all available Greenlandic Norse skeletons, as well as on samples of medieval Icelanders and Norwegians. In terms of temporal variation, 12th to 14th century (medieval) Greenlanders from the Eastern and Western settlements exhibited higher frequencies and more pronounced expressions of palatine torus compared with early 11th century Greenlanders. The early Greenlandic sample closely approximated the medieval Icelandic and Norwegian samples for total torus frequency, although the Norwegians exhibited the trait to a less pronounced degree. As degree of expression is the most distinctive aspect of torus variation among the Norse, some combination of environmental factors, including increased masticatory stress and chronic undernutrition, probably accounts for most of the difference between settlement period and medieval Greenlanders. Although palatine torus may be hereditary in part, environmental factors play a significant role in the expression of this trait.     

Early-Norse Home-Field Productivity in the Faroe Islands

In the early Norse settlement period throughout the North Atlantic, effective management of the land area surrounding the domestic settlement, the home-field, was essential. In the Faroe Islands, the extent of home-field land suitable for growing fodder or cereal crops is limited by topography and by drainage highlighting the need to optimize the management of these land areas. In this paper we examine the management of home-fields through a modeling approach, allowing the long-term sustainability of the past agrarian system in the home-field area to be examined. The CENTURY agroecosystem model is used to predict soil organic carbon levels and the potential hay meadow and cereal production for locations around three settlements on the islands of Su{–}deroy, Sandoy, and Eysteroy. Using paleoclimatic data and measurements from buried soil materials alongside ethnographic and historical evidence on land management, the results from this model reveal maximum hay and barley yields attainable through early agrarian practices. Comparisons between modeled outputs and recorded yields from the nineteenth century show that there is a strong moderating influence on longer-term climatic fluctuations. The role of soil management is emphasized through comparison of long-term climate/yield data. This has been undertaken using statistical time series analyses, which reveal fluctuations in yield related to climate are relatively slight, except going into the twentieth century. It is concluded that intensity of soil management is the primary determinant of yield and could buffer cereal and hay yields against climatic downturns, and that from a low yield baseline in the early Norse settlement period, yield improves to an equilibrium level by the twelfth century.     

Mandibular torus morphology

The morphology of the mandibular torus was examined, and comparisons were made between a Medieval Norse skeletal population from Greenland and a 14th to 17th century Greenland Eskimo skeletal series. Three parameters were analyzed: degree of development (on a 4-point scale), position and length, and surface morphology according to the number of knobs, or lobuli. It was found that the Eskimos have a high frequency of weakly developed tori and no cases of the extreme development, while over 20% of the Norsemen had tori in the “extreme” category. The Norse torus was generally found to be longer than that of the Eskimos, and both groups exhibited a slight asymmetry between the sides, the torus on the left side tending to be longer and more forward in position than the right. A great difference was found in surface morphology. The Norse torus is in general very irregular, while the Eskimo torus is rather smooth. These differences are believed to be genetically determined.     

Viking and Medieval Settlement in the Faroes: People,Place and Environment

Apart from the possible, but unproven presence of some Irish hermits, the Norse colonizers of the Faroe Islands arrived in an unsettled landscape around A.D. 800. The archipelago was essentially unwooded and rich in bird and marine life. The area of land suitable for settlement and farming was relatively meagre and concentrated in coastal areas; inland areas were suitable for shielings (summer pasture) and subsequently more extensive grazing (outfield) activities. Reconstruction of the settlement distribution has not been a well-developed aspect of Faroese historical study. Using archaeological and documentary evidence, we are able to present the first comprehensive distribution map of Norse settlement, which emphasizes an overwhelmingly coastal focus of considerable density. Using historical (including place-names), archaeological, and environmental evidence, we examine the nature and organization of the Viking (early Norse) and medieval (later Norse) settlement. Colonization and economic activity in the islands were strongly influenced by topographic and ecological factors. This, along with social organization, was subject to influences which may have derived, at least in part, from experiences in a Norwegian homeland.     

Cows,harp seals,and churchbells: Adaptation and extinction in Norse Greenland

The extinction of the Norse colony in West Greenland (ca A.D. 985–1500) has intrigued generations of historians, medieval archaeologists, and climatologists. This longstanding interest has generated a considerable body of basic paleoclimatic and paleoecological data, as well as a number of largely monocausal explanations for the communities' end. The 1976–1977 Inuit-Norse Project and a variety of recent geophysical and palynological studies have provided the greater detail necessary for a more systematic analysis of cultural adaptation and extinction in Norse Greenland. A dual maritime/terrestrial Norse subsistence economy, combined with a transatlantic trade and long- range arctic hunting, supported a hierarchical social organization and elaborate ceremonial architecture. Elite information management and economic decision- making seems to have been a source of ultimately fatal Norse conservatism in the face of fluctuating resources and Inuit competition.     

Pollen and non-pollen palynomorph evidence of medieval farming activities in southwestern Greenland

Radiocarbon dating, pollen and non-pollen palynomorph analyses from a lake core were used to establish the timing and effects of farming activities around Lake Igaliku, Eastern Settlement, Greenland. The absence of agro-pastoral impact before the medieval colonization by Europeans provides an opportunity to understand the development of farming activity in a pristine landscape. The results show that the first phase of clearance and grazing pressure, without the expansion of the Norse apophyte (native plant, in habitats created by humans) Rumex acetosa type, could have occurred in the 9–10th century a.d. The presence of Norse settlers and livestock is clearly recorded from the 11–12th century a.d. with increasing frequencies of the Norse apophytes Rumex acetosa type and Ranunculus acris type, and coprophilous fungi. This colonization phase is followed by a period of decreasing human impact at the beginning of the 14th century, with a decrease in weeds, apophytes and coprophilous fungi suggesting a reduced grazing pressure. The regrowth of Salix and Betula and the disappearance of anthropogenic indicators except Rumex acetosa type between the 15th and 18th century demonstrate the abandonment of the settlement, until the development of contemporary agriculture in the 20th century.     

Modern pollen–vegetation relationships in subarctic southern Greenland and the interpretation of fossil pollen data from the Norse landnám

Aim The objective of this paper is to explore the relationships that exist between vegetation and modern pollen rain in the open, largely treeless landscape of subarctic Greenland. The implications of these results for the interpretation of fossil pollen assemblages from the time of the Norse landnám are then examined. Location The study area is the sheep farming district of Qassiarsuk in the subarctic, subcontinental vegetational and climatic zone of southern Greenland (61° N, 45° W). Between c.ad 1000–1500 this region was contained within the Norse Eastern Settlement. Methods Detrended Correspondence Analysis (DCA) of harmonized plant–pollen data sets is used to compare plant cover in 64 vegetation quadrats with pollen assemblages obtained from moss polsters at matching locations. Presence/absence data are also used to calculate indices of association, over‐ and under‐representation for pollen types. Results Good correspondence between paired vegetation–pollen samples occurs in many cases, particularly in locations where Salix glauca–Betula glandulosa dwarf shrub heath is dominant, and across herbaceous field boundaries and meadows. Pollen samples are found to be poor at reflecting actual ground cover where ericales or Juniperus communis are the locally dominant shrubs. Dominant or ubiquitous taxa within this landscape (Betula, Salix and Poaceae) are found to be over‐represented in pollen assemblages, as are several of the ‘weeds’ generally accepted as introduced by the Norse settlers. Main conclusions Due to their over‐representation in the pollen rain, many of the Norse apophytes and introductions (e.g. Rumex acetosa and R. acetosella) traditionally used to infer human activity in Greenland should be particularly sensitive indicators for landnám, allowing early detection of Norse activity in fossil assemblages. Pteridophyte spores are found to be disassociated with the ground cover of ferns and clubmosses, but are over‐represented in pollen assemblages, indicating extra‐local or regional sources and long residence times in soil/sediment profiles for these microfossils. A pollen record for Hordeum‐type registered in close proximity to a field containing barley suggests that summer temperatures under the current climatic regime are, at least on occasion, sufficient to allow flowering.     

The biogeographical status of <Emphasis Type="Italic">Alnus crispa</Emphasis> (Ait.) Pursch in sub-Arctic southern Greenland: Do pollen records indicate local populations during the past 1500 years?

Phytogeographical studies of south-western Greenland suggest that Alnus crispa is not native to the far south of the island. Palynological investigations dating to the 1970s concluded that this was the case throughout the Holocene, with the regular occurrences of Alnus seen in pollen diagrams from this region explained as the result of long-distance transport of alder pollen from Canada. Recently, macrofossil evidence from an archaeological site in southern Greenland has emerged that indicates that alder was amongst the fuel resources available to the Norse settlers around AD 1000–1400. In light of this discovery, we present data from 13 pollen diagrams produced since 2008 to re-examine the past status of Alnus within southernmost Greenland over the last 1500 years. Only at one site with a very large pollen source area do Alnus pollen frequencies regularly exceed a threshold which may be interpreted as indicating a regional presence for the plant. This pattern is argued to be consistent with the presence of a small but variable regional population of the plant, perhaps restricted in its distribution to the inland district of Vatnahverfi.     

Northern Islands,human error,and environmental degradation: A view of social and ecological change in the Medieval North Atlantic

Between ca. 790 and 1000 AD, Scandinavian settlers occupied the islands of the North Atlantic: Shetland, the Orkneys, the Hebrides, the Faroes, Iceland, and Greenland. These offshore islands initially supported stands of willow, alder, and birch, and a range of non-arboreal species suitable for pasture for the imported Norse domestic animals. Overstocking of domestic animals, fuel collection, ironworking, and construction activity seems to have rapidly depleted the dwarf trees, and several scholars argue that soil erosion and other forms of environmental degradation also resulted from Norse landuse practices in the region. Such degradation of pasture communities may have played a significant role in changing social relationships and late medieval economic decline in the western tier colonies of Iceland and Greenland. This paper presents simple quantified models for Scandinavian environmental impact in the region, and suggests some sociopolitical causes for ultimately maladaptive floral degradation.     

A wheat histone H3 promoter confers cell division-dependent and -independent expression of the gus A gene in transgenic rice plants

To investigate developmental regulation of wheat histone H3 gene expression, the H3 promoter, which has its upstream sequence to ?1711 (relative to the cap site as +1), was fused to the coding region of the gus A gene (?1711H3/GUS) and introduced into a monocot plant, rice. Detailed histochemical analysis revealed two distinct types of GUS expression in transgenic rice plants; one is cell division-dependent found in the apical meristem of shoots and roots and in young leaves, and another is cell division-independent detected in flower tissues including the anther wall and the pistil. In this study, replication-dependent expression occurring in non-dividing cells which undergo endoreduplication could not be discriminated from strict replication-independent expression. The observed expression pattern in different parts of roots suggested that the level of the H3/GUS gene expression is well correlated with activity of cell division in roots. To identify 5′ sequences of the H3 promoter necessary for an accurate regulation of the GUS expression, two constructs containing truncated promoters, ?908H3/GUS and ?185H3/GUS, were analyzed in transiently expressed protoplasts, stably transformed calli and transgenic plants. The results indicated that the region from ?909 to ?1711 contains the positive cis-acting element(s) and that the proximal promoter region (up to ?185) containing the conserved hexamer, octamer and nonamer motifs is sufficient to direct both cell division-dependent and -independent expression. The use of the meristem of roots regenerated from transformed calli for the analysis of cell division-dependent expression of plant genes is discussed.     

Uncovering the Genetic History of the Present-Day Greenlandic Population

Because of past limitations in samples and genotyping technologies, important questions about the history of the present-day Greenlandic population remain unanswered. In an effort to answer these questions and in general investigate the genetic history of the Greenlandic population, we analyzed ∼200,000 SNPs from more than 10% of the adult Greenlandic population (n = 4,674). We found that recent gene flow from Europe has had a substantial impact on the population: more than 80% of the Greenlanders have some European ancestry (on average ∼25% of their genome). However, we also found that the amount of recent European gene flow varies across Greenland and is far smaller in the more historically isolated areas in the north and east and in the small villages in the south. Furthermore, we found that there is substantial population structure in the Inuit genetic component of the Greenlanders and that individuals from the east, west, and north can be distinguished from each other. Moreover, the genetic differences in the Inuit ancestry are consistent with a single colonization wave of the island from north to west to south to east. Although it has been speculated that there has been historical admixture between the Norse Vikings who lived in Greenland for a limited period ∼600–1,000 years ago and the Inuit, we found no evidence supporting this hypothesis. Similarly, we found no evidence supporting a previously hypothesized admixture event between the Inuit in East Greenland and the Dorset people, who lived in Greenland before the Inuit.     

Belowground carbon input and translocation potential of fodder radish cover-crop

We compared the soil C input potential of a common catch-crop (fodder radish) established in 6-year-old direct-drilled (DD) plots with adjacent conventionally tilled (CT) plots on a Danish sandy loam soil by use of ¹⁴C-isotope labelling techniques. Intact monoliths of soil with actively growing fodder radish seedlings were extracted in Autumn of 2008 from DD and CT field plots and labelled with ¹⁴CO₂ at different time intervals during fodder radish growth. Labelled monoliths were then sampled 6 and 100 days after termination of labelling by clipping above-ground biomass at soil level and separating below-ground components into macro-roots and macro-root-free soil at 0?C10, 10?C25 and 25?C45 cm soil depth. Using fodder radish ¹⁴C data and the preceding spring barley biomass yield data we estimated C input from the spring barley-fodder radish cycle in addition to evaluating the effect of the removal of spring barley harvestable straw on soil C input. Potential soil C input under straw removal scenarios with and without an established fodder radish crop was also evaluated. Relative to other depths, over 70% of labelled below-ground C was found in the 0?C10 cm soil depth in both DD and CT treatments for each of the two samplings. For both macro-root and macro-root-free soil and in both tillage treatments, labelled C decreased significantly with depth (P?<?0.05). A decline of labeled C in macro-root but an increase of labeled C in macro-root-free soil was observed from day 6 to day 100 for both tillage treatments. Over the autumn-winter growing period, total below-ground C input by fodder radish within the 0?C45 cm soil depth was approximately 1.0 and 1.2 Mg C ha^?1 for CT and DD, respectively. We used data from 100 days after labelling, which coincided with the incorporation of the field fodder radish biomass, to estimate that the total fodder radish contribution to below-ground C after biomass incorporation would range between 1.6 and 1.7 Mg C ha^?1 for DD and CT, respectively. The figures for spring barley straw removal with fodder radish establishment would be between 4.9 and 5.1 Mg C ha^?1, while with no fodder radish establishment, C input to the soil would range between 3.2 Mg C ha^?1 and 3.4 Mg C ha^?1, which is approximately 0.6 Mg C ha^?1 lower than the 4 Mg C ha^?1 biomass C input required to maintain long-term soil organic C. In comparison, under straw retention and fodder radish catch-crop establishment the total spring barley and fodder radish C input would be approximately 6.1 and 6.5 Mg C ha^?1 for DD and CT, respectively. We conclude that fodder radish catch-crops have a potential for mitigating against soil C depletion resulting from export of cereal straw to other uses.     

Plant subsistence and environment at the Mesolithic site T?gerup, southern Sweden: new insights on the “Nut Age”

Pollen was analysed from a sediment sequence collected in the close vicinity of the Mesolithic settlement T?gerup, southern Sweden. Macroremains were also retrieved from numerous samples taken at the site of the archaeological excavations of Kongemose and Erteb?lle settlement phases, 6700–6000 b.c. and 5500–4900 b.c. respectively. Plants and other organic remains were well preserved in the refuse layers from the settlements embedded in the gyttja. The pollen record includes no clear indications of human impact on the vegetation during the Mesolithic. The occurrence of charcoal particles and pollen of grass and herbs associated with nutrient-rich soils are contemporaneous with the Kongemose settlement. The Erteb?lle settlement phase, although characterised by considerable dwelling activities less than a hundred metres from the pollen sampling site, is scarcely seen in the pollen data. Numerous finds of crushed dogwood stones from the Kongemose phase, often partly carbonised, suggest that these stones were used for the extraction of oil. Other plants found in the Kongemose refuse layers that may have been used are apples, cherries, raspberries, acorns and rowan-berries. Based on the abundance of hazelnut shells found at the studied site and in other studies of Mesolithic sites in southern Scandinavia it is proposed that these remains may testify to an important food supply rather than just use as a supplement to animal protein. It is also hypothesised that a regional decrease in hazel populations and thus hazelnut availability at the end of the Mesolithic may have motivated the adoption of Neolithic subsistence.     

Epidemiology and risk factors associated with Anaplasma marginale infection of cattle in Peninsular Malaysia

Bovine anaplasmosis is a major concern to cattle farming in most parts of the world. Anaplasmosis negatively impacts the profitability of cattle farming by reducing the production, reproduction, and draft ability of cattle. Here, we report results from a one-year cross sectional study to determine the epidemiology and the risk factors for Anaplasma marginale infection of cattle in Peninsular Malaysia. Examination of one thousand and forty five blood samples of apparently healthy cattle from forty-three farms in all the states of Peninsular Malaysia by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assay revealed an overall prevalence of A. marginale infection of cattle of 72.6%, showing high endemicity of this heamoprotozoan among cattle in the country. Cattle breeds, production type, herd owner, herd size, management system, farm size, farm age, prophylactic treatment against blood parasites, presence of ticks, frequency of deticking, zones, closeness to forest, closeness to waste area, closeness to human settlement and closeness to body of water were the risk factors significantly associated (P?<?0.05) with the detection of A. marginale in cattle. Results of this first molecular study on the epidemiology and risk factors for A. marginale infection of cattle from all the states of Peninsular Malaysia suggest policies and strategies for the prevention and control of the parasite to improve profitability of cattle farming in the country.     

Environmental aspects of settlement site decisions among pastoral Maasai

Maasai settlements in Amboseli are distributed in a pattern which reflects various physical and biological characteristics of the landscape. The settlements avoid hillslope gradients exceeding 0.08, and the lower sections of long hillsides, which receive large amounts of runoff. Long, relatively high hillslopes are difficult for exhausted cattle to climb at the end of the dry season, and even the welldrained sites at the upper ends of these slopes are not commonly used. Deep, poorly drained, and light-colored soils are avoided because they affect the comfort of humans, and especially the milk production of cattle. The settlements are located away from dense tree and bush vegetation because of the danger of predators, but during occupation of the site important changes in the vegetation are wrought by the use of trees for settlement construction and firewood. The reasons for the pattern were elucidated by making a set of systematic measurements of settlement distributions and various environmental factors. The conclusions of this analysis were then checked and extended through conversations with Maasai elders. These latter exhibited a sophisticated knowledge of environmental characteristics and processes which is reflected in their choice of settlement sites. Such knowledge has commonly been overlooked by other writers on the subject of pastoralism.