Social-demographic influence on first birth interval in China, 1980-1992

This study examines the delay between first marriage and first live birth in China among a sample of women who married between 1980 and 1992. Most couples in China only use contraception after the first child is born. Most sample women had their first child within 2 years of marriage. However, there are significant rural-urban differences in the first birth interval, indicating that there was most probably deliberate fertility regulation after marriage among many urban couples. Survival analysis shows that place of residence, level of education, age at first marriage and marriage cohort affect the first birth interval.     

Changes in the timing of births in Melbourne, Australia

2 10-year marriage cohorts from 2 surveys of married women in Melbourne were compared on their timing of the 1st and 2nd births. The results showed that women who were married in the early 1970s were much more likely to delay their first birth until about the 3rd or 4th year of marriage compared with women who married in the 1960s. This tendency to delay the 1st birth was probably aided by effective contraception, as it coincided with widespread use of the oral contraceptive. There was no difference in the timing of the 2nd birth in relation th the 1st birth between the 2 marriage cohorts. Women who delayed childbearing also preferred smaller families. Indeed, the increase in the % of women delaying childbearing appears to be synonymous with the trend toward the two-child family. Altough the number of married women in the labor force increased significantly from the early to the later cohort, a desire to work was not usually cited as the reason for delaying childbearing. Rather, economic reasons were most frequently mentioned for delaying childbearing.     

Cessation of childbearing in the absence of contraception in Sri Lanka

In data from the Sri Lanka Fertility Survey, 1975, the cessation of childbearing is examined among women who have never used contraception. The sample consisted of 6810 currently or previously married women, 57% of whom reported that they had never used contraception. Cessation of childbearing is studied according to age and marriage duration. The variables analyzed are age at last birth, proportions infertile during the last 5 or 7 years, and the infertile open interval. The duration of breastfeeding is taken into account where necessary, and the contraceptive users and nonusers are compared where appropriate. Non-users tend to cease childbearing early, and therefore are infertile for longer periods during their marriages. It is probably age of the 1st child that influences decisions on future fertility. Among women aged 45-49 who married before age 20 and continued in their 1st marriage, mean age at last live birth in non-users, was 34.5 years, about 2 years earlier than in those who had used contraception. Non-users who married at any age below 30 years cease childbearing well below age 40. The proportion not currently pregnant and infertile over the past 5 years increases with marriage duration among the fertile non-users in each age group. When age at last birth and the duration of breastfeeding in the open interval are taken into account and the reference period is increased to 7 years, the period of infertility increases with marriage duration among nonpregnant non-users below age 45. The proportion of women who were currently not pregnant and had remained infertile over the past 7 years is higher among the older non-users whose 1st child was born more than 10 years ago.     

Traits,factors, and genes

Abstract

Relatively little is known about the motivational antecedents to the use of assisted reproductive technology (ART). In this paper we measure the fertility motivations of infertile couples who are considering the use of ART, using an established instrument, the Childbearing Questionnaire (CBQ). Our sample consists of 214 men and 216 women who were interviewed at home after an initial screening for ART but before making a final decision. We conducted two sets of analyses with the obtained data. In one set, we compared the scores on scales and subscales of the CBQ for the males and females in our sample with the scores for males and females from a comparable normative sample. For these analyses we first examined sample and gender differences with a four‐group analysis of variance. We then conducted a series of linear models that included background characteristics as covariates and interactions between sample, gender, and age and between those three variables and the background characteristics. The results showed the expected higher positive and lower negative motivations in the ART sample and a significant effect on positive motivations of the interaction between sample and age. In the second set of analyses, we developed several new subscales relevant to facets of the desire for a child that appear to be important in ART decision‐making. These facets include the desire to be genetically related to the child and the desire to experience pregnancy and childbirth. A third facet, the desire for parenthood, is already well covered by the existing subscales. The results showed the new subscales to have satisfactory reliability and validity. The results also showed that the original and new subscales predicted the three facets of the desire for a child in a multivariate context We conclude with a general discussion of the way our findings relate both to ART decision‐making and to further research on the motivations that drive it.     

Divorce in the early years of marriage in England and Wales: results from a prospective study using linked records

A representative sample of over 1000 couples who married during 1979 in England and Wales was followed from the date of marriage until mid-1984 to investigate the characteristics of couples who divorce soon after marriage. Results of this 5 year study show that couples who apparently lived together before marriage had a below average chance of early divorce, whereas couples where the addresses of the partners before marriage were very close had a significantly high rate of early breakdown. The chance of early divorce was significantly above average for spouses marrying in their teens and for both husbands and wives who, at their marriage, belonged to social class 5 (work in unskilled manual occupations). Couples who married with a civil ceremony had an above average (and those marrying with a religious ceremony a below average) risk of early divorce, but such differences were found to be negligible on analyzing the results from a matched case-control study in which each "case" marriage (one which did end in early divorce) was matched with a "control" marriage (one which did not end in early divorce). There is substantial evidence that age at marriage and previous marital status of the marriage partners have a decided influence upon the propensity to divorce. 2 conclusions concerning fertility are more likely than the average married couple to have had a pre-maritally conceived child, and 2) that couples who divorce relatively quickly tend on average to have larger family sizes, even if children who were pre-martitally conceived are exluded.     

A model of fertility motivation,desires, and expectations early in women's reproductive careers

Abstract

We propose a general model of the relationships connecting fertility motivations, desires, and expectations in which motivations are antecedent to desires, which in turn are antecedent to expectations. We describe differences in the model as it applies to women early in their reproductive careers, specifically, after marriage but before their first birth and after their first birth but before their second. We test the model with data from 311 just‐married and 318 just‐mothered women, using LISREL to estimate structural equations for both groups. The general model fits the data well. There are three primary differences in the model with respect to the two groups of married women. How soon a woman expects her next child affects how many children she expects only among the just‐married woman. The number of children expected by the woman is the only antecedent to how soon she expects her next child among the just‐mothered women. Both positive and negative maternal motivation has effects among the just‐married women, but only negative maternal motivation has effects among the just‐mothered women. These and other differences are discussed in terms of psychological and situational developments occurring early in women's reproductive careers.     

Determinants of adolescent pregnancy in an urban area in Turkey: a population-based case-control study

The aim of this study was to determine the degree to which socioeconomic status is a risk factor for first birth at age 19 or younger in married women in an urban area of Turkey. The research was a population-based case-control study. The study group comprised all married and pregnant women aged 15-19 (adolescent pregnancies) attending primary care centres (144 subjects). Married women between 20 and 29 years of age, experiencing their first pregnancy (adult pregnancies), were determined as the control group (144 subjects). A questionnaire was completed for each subject during face-to-face interviews. Adolescent pregnancy was more frequent in women from families with a low socioeconomic status, as determined by occupation (class) and income; both were associated with adolescent pregnancy. Multiple logistic regression analysis identified seven factors associated with adolescent pregnancy: exposure to violence within the family prior to marriage; families partially opposed or unopposed to adolescent marriage; secondary school or lower education level; lack of social security; living in houses in which the number of persons per room was over 1; unemployed women; and having sisters with a history of adolescent pregnancy.     

Decreased fecundability in Hutterite couples sharing HLA-DR.

To study the effects of parental HLA sharing on pregnancy outcome, we initiated population-based studies in the Hutterites. We previously reported longer intervals from marriage to each birth among couples sharing HLA, particularly HLA-DR. In the present report, we present the results of a prospective, 5-year study of fecundability and fetal loss rates in this population. Between April 1986 and April 1991, 154 pregnancies were observed in 104 couples. The median number of months of unprotected intercourse to a positive pregnancy test was significantly longer among couples sharing HLA-DR who stopped nursing prior to the first menses as compared with couples not sharing HLA-DR who stopped nursing prior to the first menses (5.1 vs. 2.0 mo, respectively; P = .016). Fetal loss rates were increased among couples sharing HLA-B as compared with couples not sharing HLA-B (.23 vs. .12, respectively; P = .041, adjusted for age, gravidity, and kinship). These data suggest that our earlier observations of increased birth interval lengths among Hutterite couples sharing HLA were predominantly due to longer intervals until a clinical pregnancy among couples sharing HLA-DR and, to a lesser degree, were due to increased fetal loss rates among couples sharing HLA-B.     

Duration between marriage and first birth and marital instability

This paper considers whether marital instability varies by the duration between marriage and 1st birth among ever-married white and black American women. Analysis of data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey suggests that the duration between marriage and 1st birth has a generally monotonic relationship with the probability of white women separating or divorcing from their 1st marriage; the relationship has remained relatively constant over time. For blacks, no consistent association is found between marital dissolution and the duration between marriage and 1st birth. Black women having a premarital conception and postmarital birth and those having their 1st birth during their 2nd year of marriage have a similarly high risk of dissolution. Conversely, blacks having their 1st birth 8-12 or 25-42 months after marrying have a low probability of dissolution. Childless women and those with premarital births generally has the greatest probability of marital disruption for whites. Racial differences may occur because blacks view the 1st birth and marriage differently than whites. That is, because blacks are much more likely to have premarital births and to have a shorter duration between marriage and 1st birth, blacks and whites in the same 1st birth interval category may be dissimilar and have different values resulting in a differential effect of the timing of the 1st birth on marital instability by race. Caution is needed when interpreting the pattern of association between delayed childbearing (and to a lesser extent, births occuring a few years after marriage) and marital instability. Results for whites were similar at each marriage duration and it is assumed delayed childbearing was not a result of marital instability. Marital instability was expected to have its strongest effect on the timing of the 1st birth during the 1st years of marriage. Marital instability may be partially responsible for the delaying of childbearing among blacks. However, blacks who delay but are married at 1st birth have a relatively low risk of separating or divorcing.     

Reproductive success and occupational class in eighteenth-century Lancashire, England

Data from parish registers on 182 couples married between 1754 and 1772 in Lancashire, England, were used to compare lifetime reproductive success of farmers and craftsmen. Farmers were expected to be of higher average status and wealth than craftsmen; thus, these data were used to test the hypothesis that status and reproductive success were postively correlated in this society. Farmers raised a significantly higher mean number of children to age 21 than did craftsmen, although mean numbers of children born to farmers and craftsmen were not significantly different. The proportion of children surviving to age 21 was significantly higher for farmers than for craftsmen. For the 51 couples for which both husband's and wife's age at marriage were known, age differences were calculated. Mean age difference was 7.81 years for farmers and 1.95 years for craftsmen. Both husband's age at marriage and wife's age at marriage were positively correlated with childbearing span in the 51 cases. Of 112 marriages involving farmers, 53 (47.3%) involved premarital pregnancies; of 70 marriages involving craftsmen, only 16 (22.9%) involved premarital pregnancy.     

Correlates of voluntary childlessness in a select population

In order to determine a sociological profile of voluntarily childless couples, 72 couples who had applied to the Association for Voluntary Sterilization for help in obtaining surgical sterilizations were surveyed. No pretense is made that this sample is representative of all childless couples, but this study provides the first step of such research. The average couple in this group was living in a large metropolitan area, about 30 years old, and had been married about 5 years. They tended to be of high socioeconomic status and claimed no religious affiliation. Most had been contracepting for several years, usually with the pill, and were not likely to have had a miscarriage or abortion. Population concerns and health considerations were found to be the 2 most mentioned reasons for these couples' desired childlessness. Other reasons included career commitments, lifestyle, or economic desires. Less common motivations for childlessness included dislike of children and fear of pregnancy. Before significant research on voluntary childlessness can be conducted, some accurate means of selecting a representative sample must be developed.     

Understanding the Social Meaning of Infertility and Childbearing: A Qualitative Study of the Perception of Childbearing and Childlessness in Northern Ghana

Background

Infertility is a major medical condition that affects many married couples in sub-Saharan African and as such associated with several social meanings. This study therefore explored community''s perception of childbearing and childlessness in Northern Ghana using the Upper West Region as a case study.

Methods

The study was exploratory and qualitative using in-depth and key informant interviews and focus group discussions. Fifteen marriage unions with infertility (childless), forty-five couples with children, and eight key informants were purposively sampled and interviewed using a semi-structured interview guides. Three focus group discussions were also carried out, one for childless women, one for women with children and one with men with children. The data collected were transcribed, coded, arranged, and analyzed for categories and themes and finally triangulated.

Results

The study revealed that infertility was caused by both social and biological factors. Socially couples could become infertile through supernatural causes such as bewitchment, and disobediences of social norms. Abortion, masturbation and use of contraceptives were also identified as causes of infertility. Most childless couples seek treatment from spiritualist, traditional healers and hospital. These sources of treatment are used simultaneously.

Conclusion

Childbearing is highly valued in the community and Childlessness is highly engendered, and stigmatised in this community with manifold social consequences. In such a community therefore, the concept of reproductive choice must encompass policies that make it possible for couples to aspire to have the number of children they wish.     

A Prospective Study of the Effect of Childbearing on Weight Gain in African‐American Women

Objective: To prospectively assess the influence of bearing a first, second, or later child on weight gain among African‐American women in the context of other risk factors. Research Methods and Procedures: Data were obtained in a prospective follow‐up study of African‐American women from across the U.S. who are participants in the Black Women's Health Study. Postal questionnaires were used to collect baseline data in 1995 and follow‐up data in 1997 and 1999. Parous and nulliparous women (11, 196) (21 to 39 years old at baseline), of whom 1230 had a singleton birth during follow‐up, are the subjects of the present analyses. We assessed change in BMI (kilograms per meter squared) in relation to childbearing during 4 years of follow‐up, with use of multivariable linear regression to control for important risk factors. Results: During 4 years of follow‐up, the BMI of participants increased by an average of 1.6 kg/m², equivalent to a weight gain of ～4.4 kg. Women who had a child during follow‐up gained more weight than women who remained nulliparous, and those who had a first child gained more than those who had a second or later child. The weight gain associated with childbearing increased with increasing baseline BMI and was appreciable among heavier women. For example, among women with a baseline index of 36, the increase in BMI for women who bore a first child was 1.1 kg/m² more than that of nulliparous women, equivalent to a difference in weight gain of ～3.0 kg. Discussion: Childbearing is an important contributor to weight gain among African‐American women.     

Early marriage and early motherhood in Nepal

This paper examines age patterns of first marriage and motherhood and covariates of early marriage, delayed consummation of marriage and early motherhood in Nepal using data from the 2000 Nepal Adolescent and Young Adult Survey (NAYA). Both unmarried and married male and female youths (age 14-22) were included in the survey. The analysis is based on 2800 urban youths and 5075 rural youths with complete information on the variables examined. Proportional hazard models are used to estimate covariates of early marriage and early motherhood, and logistic regression models are used to estimate covariates of delayed consummation of marriage. The results show that early marriage and early motherhood are quite common among Nepalese women, especially in rural areas. Early marriage is much less common among men. Delayed consummation of marriage is common among very young brides, especially in rural areas. The main covariates associated with early marriage and early motherhood are respondent's education, region of residence and ethnicity. The main covariates of delayed consummation of marriage are age at first marriage, region of residence and ethnicity. The study highlights the need to focus on less educated female youths in the Terai region in order to reduce the reproductive and child health risks associated with early marriage and early childbearing.     

Reproduction: the Canadian family in transition

3 trends suggest that the reproductive function of the Canadian family is in transition. 1st, fertility has fallen and remains below the replacement level. In 1985, the total fertility rate was 1.67, the lowest in 60 years. Since 1971, it has not risen above 2.1 births/woman, the replacement level. 2nd, an increasing proportion of women are spending a larger part of their lives without having any children. In the 1981 census, 22% of ever-married women between 15 and 44 years had not yet borne children, compared with only 14% recorded in the 1961 census. While the proportion of women who are childless at the end of their reproductive years has risen only slightly, a larger number of women are postponing having children even as the risk of becoming sterile in the interim becomes greater. The combined effect of postponing both marriage and childbearing will most probably be to increase the proportion of women remaining without children. The 3rd trend is the increasing proportion of women who are having children without getting married. Among the consequences of premarital pregnancy are the stress on single mothers, the need for social assistance, the cost of maintenance programs, and the need for more child care. These changes in attitude toward marriage and family formation could have major implications for individuals and society. A fertility rate below replacement level could be stressful for society, resulting in population decline, and changes in age structure that could negatively affect the economy.     

Fertility Intentions and Use of Contraception among Monogamous Couples in Northern Malawi in the Context of HIV Testing: A Cross-Sectional Analysis

Context

Knowledge of HIV status may influence fertility desires of married men and women. There is little knowledge about the importance of this influence among monogamously married couples and how knowledge of HIV status influences use of contraception among these couples.

Methodology

We carried out a cross-sectional analysis of interview data collected between October 2008 and September 2009 on men aged 15–59 years and women aged 15–49 years who formed 1766 monogamously married couples within the Karonga Prevention Study demographic surveillance study in northern Malawi.

Results

5% of men and 4% of women knew that they were HIV positive at the time of interview and 81% of men and 89% of women knew that they were HIV negative. 73% of men and 83% of women who knew that they were HIV positive stated that they did not want more children, compared to 35% of men and 38% of women who knew they were HIV negative. Concordant HIV positive couples were more likely than concordant negative couples to desire to stop child bearing (odds ratio 11.5, 95%CI 4.3–30.7, after adjusting for other factors) but only slightly more likely to use contraceptives (adjusted odds ratio 1.5 (95%CI 0.8–3.3).

Conclusion

Knowledge of HIV positive status is associated with an increase in the reported desire to cease childbearing but there was limited evidence that this desire led to higher use of contraception. More efforts directed towards assisting HIV positive couples to access and use reproductive health services and limit HIV transmission among couples are recommended.     

Marriage structure and contraception in Niger

Analysis of the 1992 Niger Demographic and Health Survey showed that although roughly two-thirds of both polygamous and monogamous women approve of birth control, polygamous wives are less likely than monogamous wives to discuss family size or birth control with their husband or to plan on using birth control. The study suggests that characteristics of polygamous couples have caused polygamous women to be more resistant to birth control use than monogamous women. The polygamous women tended to be married to older men who had not gone to primary school and who desired more children than monogamous husbands. The influence of marital structure is not significantly associated with intention to use birth control when the husband's age and the wife's ideal number of children were controlled for in the multivariate logistic regression model suggesting that background social factors may be more influential. In fact, educational level and age at first marriage were significantly associated with attitudes towards birth control and also with marital structure.     

Legalization of consensual unions in Mexico

Abstract

There is ample evidence that there are important behavioral differences in Latin America between couples living in consensual unions and those who are legally married. In this paper, we examine the frequency of and variations in legalization of consensual unions in Mexico, using data from the 1976–77 Encuesta Mexicana de Fecundidad. Our results indicate that the frequency of legalization of consensual unions appears to have risen among recent cohorts. Women in first unions, those who start a union at older ages, and those who are more highly educated are also more likely to marry their partners. Our results also indicate that pregnancy does not appear to be a major factor precipitating legalization, and that whether a couple lived together before marriage has no effect on the stability of the marriage.     

Changes in contraceptive use and fertility: El Salvador, 1978-88

In El Salvador from 1978 to 1988, contraceptive use among married women 15-44 years of age increased from 34% to 47%, and the total fertility rate declined from 6.3 to 4.6 children per woman. Most of this change took place from 1978 to 1985. Sterilization is the most prevalent method used, but nearly one-half of the women who are sterilized did not use any contraception before their operation. Few young couples use reversible methods of contraception to space births or delay the start of childbearing. On average, women wait 8 years after marriage and have nearly three children before they use contraception.