Where Have All Their Lineages Gone? Cattle and Descent Among the Nuer

Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer not only served as the paradigm of "segmentary lineage systems," but it also inspired a wide range of ethnographic literature which contributed to the elaboration of "descent theory." The Nuer ethnography was reanalyzed many times and most recently it was declared that the "segmentary lineage system" constituted a "representational model" only, quite different from the actors' "operational rules" (Holy 1979a). Despite the remarkable insight that it proved in the formation of Nuer local groups and the mechanics of Nuer politics, Holy's analysis falls short of a satisfactory reinterpretation of the Nuer polity for those interested in comparison because it restricted itself to local groups and failed to tackle the Nuer concepts of buth, thok dwiel and mar, central to Evans-Pritchard's interpretation. By relegating lineages to the status of "representation," Holy further obscures the course of comparative analysis since he does not provide any criterion to discover when lineages belong to the "representational" or the "operational" levels. Using a different conceptual framework, it is demonstrated that the groups which Evans-Prit chard interpreted as lineages are not "representations" but are in fact defined around cattle. It is concluded that the Nuer simply did not have any lineages, segmentary or not.     

Rethinking Ancient Maya Social Organization: Replacing "Lineage" with "House"

Long-standing disagreements concerning prehispanic Maya kinship and social organization have focused on the nature of their corporate groups, generally presumed to have been lineages. Specific debates center on whether the lineages were patrilineal or incorporated some kind of double-descent reckoning, how descent was combined with locality to define a group, and the status of lineage-outsiders within a group. It is argued here that Maya social organization is better approached within the contemporary critique of kinship, replacing "lineage" with Lévi-Strauss's model of the "house"—a corporate group maintaining an estate perpetuated by the recruitment of members whose relationships are expressed "in the language" of kinship and affinity and affirmed by purposeful actions. In this perspective, the operation of corporate groups is the primary concern, and relationships construed in terms of consanguinity and affinity are seen as strategies pursued to enhance and perpetuate the group, [ancestor veneration, house society, kinship, Maya, social organization]     

Founding Amerindian mitochondrial DNA lineages in ancient Maya from Xcaret, Quintana Roo

Ancient DNA from the bone remains of 25 out of 28 pre-Columbian individuals from the Late Classic-Postclassic Maya site of Xcaret, Quintana Roo, was recovered, and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) was amplified by using the polymerase chain reaction. The presence of the four founding Amerindian mtDNA lineages was investigated by restriction analysis and by direct sequencing in selected individuals. The mtDNA lineages A, B, and C were found in this population. Eighty-four percent of the individuals were lineage A, whereas lineages B and C were present at low frequencies, 4% and 8%, respectively. Lineage D was absent from our sample. One individual did not possess any of the four lineages. Six skeletons out of 7 dated from the Late Classic period were haplotype A, whereas 11 skeletons out of 16 dated from the Postclassic period were also haplotype A. The distribution of mtDNA lineages in the Xcaret population contrasts sharply with that found in ancient Maya from Copán, which lack lineages A and B. On the other hand, our results resemble more closely the frequencies of mtDNA lineages found in contemporary Maya from the Yucatán Peninsula and in other Native American contemporary populations of Mesoamerican origin.     

The Collapse of the Classic Maya: A Case for the Role of Water Control

This article focuses on the role of water control in the emergence and demise of Classic Maya political power (c. C.E. 250-950), one that scholars have long underestimated. The scale of water control correlates with the degree of political power, reflected in three levels of Maya civic-ceremonial centers—regional, secondary, and minor. Such power derives from a complex relationship among center location, seasonal water supply, amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. Maya kings monopolized artificial reservoirs and other water sources during annual drought, providing the means to exact tribute from subjects. Climate change undermined the institution of rulership when existing ceremonies and technology failed to provide sufficient water. The collapse of rulers' power at regional centers in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) had differing impacts on smaller centers. Secondary and minor centers not heavily dependent on water control survived the drought and the collapse of regional centers. [Keywords: political power, water control, Classic Maya collapse]     

On the Irrelevance of the Segmentary Lineage Model in the Moroccan Rif

In attempting to analyze the precolonial Moroccan Rif in terms of the segmentary lineage model, David Hart overlooked the fact that violence in this region typically involved brothers and the sons of brothers in competition for inherited land, which was a commodity controlled by individuals, not lineages. What Hart depicted as a segmentary lineage system was actually a network of factions that cut across genealogical lines. Moreover, the political impact of the Moroccan state on the precolonial Rif was far more important than Hart suggested.     

Classic Maya State, Urbanism, and Exchange: Chipped Stone Evidence of the Copán Valley and Its Hinterland

In this article I use quantitative data from 91,916 pieces of chipped stone artifacts from the Copán Valley and its hinterland in Honduras to understand better the nature and role of exchange in the development of a Classic Maya state-level society. The results of this study suggest that intraregional exchange was more crucial for state development than was longdistance exchange. The management of procurement and exchange of utilitarian commodities, such as Ixtepeque obsidian blade cores, along with other factors, played a significant role in the development of the Copán state. In contrast to other major Maya lowland states, the Copán state directly obtained obsidian blade cores from nearby sources, distributed them to local leaders at Copán, and exported them to local rulers in neighboring regions. In this sense, the Classic Copán state maintained a centralized and integrated political and economic organization based on far more than kinship, ideology, and ritual, [exchange, complex society, urbanism, Classic Maya state]     

Conquests of the Imagination: Maya-Mexican Polarity and the Story of Chichén Itzá

For generations scholars have explained the marked difference in the ruins of Chichén Itzá by attributing the southern buildings to indigenous Yucatecan Maya and then telling of central Mexican Toltec invaders who built (or forced the Maya to build) the Tula-like plaza to the north. But evidence now suggests that the infamous "Toltec conquest of the Maya" never happened. The story may actually be the manifestation of a Western tendency to express ambivalent attitudes toward Native Americans in terms of polar opposites, in this case, "gentle Maya priests" versus "brutal Mexican warriors." In the end, the story may reveal more about the Western politics of knowledge than about pre-Columbian Mesoamerican history.     

Status of biomethanation development in the Philippines

Summary Two major agro-industrial enterprizes have commercialized the biomethanation technology in the Philippines: the Maya Farm and the Central Azucarera de Tarlac. The Maya Farm produces biogas from the manure of 25 000 pigs. The reactors are of the batch type. The gas production is used for electricity generation, water pumping and heating, solid wastes drying etc. The Central Azucarera de Tarlac produces biogas from distillery slops and filter cake. The principle of the treatment is decantation followed by thermophilic anaerobic digestion lagooning with and without aeration and finally, irrigation of the sugar-cane fields with the final liquid effluent. The pollution load of the influent is reduced by 80% after anaerobic digestion and by 99% at the end of the treatment. The biogas produced is used to reactivate the spent carbon in the refinery kilns and in the boilers.

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Resumen Dos importantes fábricas agro-industriales han comercializado la técnología de la biometanación en Filipinas: la Granja Maya y la Central Azucarera de Tarlac. La Granja Maya produce biogas a partir del estiercol de 25 000 marranos. Los reactores son de una sola fase. Elagas producido se utiliza para generar electricidad, bombear y calentar agua, secar residuos sólidos, etc. La Central Azucarera de Tarmac produce biogas a partir de desechos de destilerias y de posos de filtrado. El tratamiento consiste en una decantación seguida de una digestión termofílica anaerobia mediante encharcamiento con o sin aereación y finalmente el riego de los campos de caña de azucar con el efluente líquido resultante. El nivel de polución del afluente se reduce en un 80% después de la digestión anaerobia y en un 99% al final del tratamiento. El biogas producido se utiliza para reactivar el carbón gastado en los hornos y calderas de la refinería.

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Résumé Deux importantes agro-industries ont commercialisé, la technologie de la biométhanisation aux Philippines: la ferme Maya et la sucrerie Central Azucarera de Tarlac (CAT). La ferme Maya produit du biogaz à partir du lisier de 25 000 porcs. Les digesteurs sont du type batch et la production de gaz est utilisée pour la production d'électricité, le pompage et le chauffage de l'eau, le séchage, etc. La sucrerie CAT produit du biogaz à partir de boues de distilleries et de gâteaux de filtration. Le principe du traitement est une décantation suivie d'une digestion

     

Annales History and the Ancient Maya State: Some Observations on the "Dynamic Model"

Joyce Marcus has recently proposed a "dynamic model" for the ancient Maya state. In doing so she has emphasized the importance of spatiotemporal fluctuations between centralization and decentralization. Although this idea has obtained wide-ranging support, there has been little consideration of why these oscillations occurred. This article proposes that one of the key factors was the fundamental tension between the institutions of kinship and kingship. Viewed through the lens of Annales, or "French Structural" history, this appears to constitute a classic example of the contradictions between a long-term structure (kinship) and medium-term (longship) cycle. [Key words: Maya, sociopolitics, integration, cycling, Annales]     

Status and Power in Classic Maya Society: An Archeological Study

This article uses archeological data to examine how social relations allocate economic and political power in ancient complex societies. Based on recent excavations in the Copan Valley, Honduras, the socioeconomic organization of the basic residential group is reconstructed and the existence of a pervasive social hierarchy demonstrated. I argue that during the Late and Terminal Classic periods, the Maya were organized into a series of internally ranked and externally stratified status lineages (Goldman 1970) that structured social, economic, and political relationships.     

The ethnobotany of Chaya (Cnidoscolus aconitifolius SSP.Aconitifolius breckon): A nutritious Maya Vegetable

Chaya (Cnidoscolus aconitifolius ssp. aconitifolius Breckon) is a domesticated leafy green vegetable of the Maya region of Guatemala, Belize, southeast Mexico and the Yucatán Peninsula, and parts of Honduras. Though relatively unknown outside of this area, evidence suggests that chaya was of significant importance to ancient peoples of the Yucatán Peninsula and perhaps elsewhere within the Maya region. Here we review what little research has been done on this impressive plant, as well as recount our own ethnobotanical investigation into its use as a food plant and medicine, and discuss its botany, nomenclature, and agricultural use. Due to its ease of cultivation, potential productivity, and above all its substantial nutritional value, we propose chaya as a potential crop for areas outside Mesoamerica.

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La Etnobotanica de Chaya (Cnidoscolus aconitifolius ssp.aconitifolius Breckon): Una Verdura Nutritiva Maya

Resumen  La chaya (Cnidoscolus aconitifolius ssp.aconitifolius Breckon) es una verdura domesticada de la región Maya de Guatemala, Belice, el Sureste de México y la península de Yucatán, y partes de Honduras. Aunque es poco conocida afuera de esta región, la evidencia sugiere que la chaya era una planta importante para los antiguos Mayas de la peninsula de Yucatan, y tal vez en otras partes de la región Maya. A continuatión presentamos la poca investigation realizada sobre esta sorprendente planta, a la vez presentamos resultados de nuestra investigatión etnobotánica acerca de su uso como verdura y medicina, y discutimos su botdnica, nomenclatura, y su agricultura. Dada la facilidad de cultivarla, su productividad potential, y sobre todo su alto valor nutritivo, proponemos la chaya como cultivo potential para regiones afuera de Mesoamérica.

     

Organization and differentiation of the segmentary plate in common toad embryo Bufo bufo L., following heat shock (author's transl)

A heat shock greatly disturbs the shaping and the growth of embryos with 4 or 5 somites. One part of a segmentary plate with a size including four control somites stays inorganized, whereas posterior segmentation gets on normally. The differentiation of the unsegmented somitic block (fusing myoblasts, myogenesis) is the same as the one of the previous somites; the dermatome and the sclerotome issued from the unsegmented block are not cut up. Ultrastructural observations of treated segmentary plates show that the somitic block undergoes important changes. The non-segmented somitic mesoderm of the control animals obtains a loose aspect; its constitutive cells separated by lacunae are brought into contact by the means of filopods and junctions. 18 hours after the heat shock, the cells of the unsegmented block keep close to each other and are tightened together by many "pseudo-desmosomes", the intercellular spaces are reduced to small meatus. The nuclei of the somitic cells are clear and provided with a restricted amount of chromatine spots; dark granular nuclear like chromatin material is thrown out of the nucleus. In embryos fixed 40 hours after heat shock, several large plurinucleated cells, are formed in the non-segmented somitic block. Inside these plurinucleated cells, there is synthesis of myofilaments and differentiation of myofibrilles. Numerous intercellular lacunae are formed, some yet apparent "pseudo-desmosomes" form "pinchings" between the membranes of muscular cells and therefore confine series of intercellular lacunae.     

Insect photoperiodic calendar and circadian clock: independence, cooperation, or unity?

The photoperiodic calendar is a seasonal time measurement system which allows insects to cope with annual cycles of environmental conditions. Seasonal timing of entry into diapause is the most often studied photoperiodic response of insects. Research on insect photoperiodism has an approximately 80-year-old tradition. Despite that long history, the physiological mechanisms underlying functionality of the photoperiodic calendar remain poorly understood. Thus far, a consensus has not been reached on the role of another time measurement system, the biological circadian clock, in the photoperiodic calendar. Are the two systems physically separated and functionally independent, or do they cooperate, or is it a single system with dual output? The relationship between calendar and clock functions are the focus of this review, with particular emphasis on the potential roles of circadian clock genes, and the circadian clock system as a whole, in the transduction pathway for photoperiodic token stimulus to the overt expression of facultative diapause.     

The causes and consequences of deforestation among the prehistoric Maya

The collapse of the Classic Maya state is investigated from an ecological perspective. Settlement and palynological data from the Maya center of Copan, Honduras, are presented which indicate that substantial clearing of the upland pine forest had occurred prior to and during the abandonment of that urban center. A comparative use- rate analysis suggests that the increased clearing of pine was primarily caused by demands for domestic fuel wood by an expanding urban population. This forest mismanagement is directly linked to accelerated erosion rates which are considered primary elements in the collapse of the Maya state.     

Diseases of maize in the wet lowland tropics and the collapse of the Classic Maya civilization

The Classic Maya civilization was centered in lowlands of the Petén in northern Guatemala, and collapsed mysteriously in the ninth century AD. Abandoned were rich agricultural lands carved without metal tools out of a tropical rain forest, lands that had been farmed with increasing intensity for six to sixteen centuries. The Maya evidently resettled in highlands to the south or in less productive dry lowlands to the north. No reoccupation occurred of the Petén farms, homes or ceremonial centers until their discovery in the past two centuries. Sustained crop failure of maize (Zen mavs L.) due to an epidemic of the planthopper-borne virus, maize mosaic virus (MMV), is proposed as a primary contributing cause of the collapse. Major diseases and pests of maize in the tropics are assessed for their relative significance in and near the Petén vs. the highlands, and the viruses are highlighted. Maize mosaic virus is a devastating virus disease transmitted by the corn planthopper,Peregrinus maidis, an insect restricted to tropic lowlands. Maize and teosinte are its only definitively known hosts. Thus the disease has been serious only where maize is grown more-or-less continuously through the year in wet or irrigated tropics (e.g., Caribbean Islands, Venezuela, Hawaii, Tanzania, Australia). It is reported here for southern Mexico and the Petén of Guatemala. Resistance in maize occurs only in one known form, the gene Mv. that confers a high level resistance but not immunity. Resistance data are presented for 63 of the 67 races of maize thought to have evolved in the Northern Hemisphere. The Mv gene is shown to occur in all seven of the races of maize evolved in the Caribbean, but in none of the primitive Mexican or Central American races. It is proposed that maize mosaic virus originated in northern South America at or about the time maize was brought into the Caribbean by the Arawak around the time of Christ. The sympatric origin or selection in maize of the Mv resistance mutant in this region is assumed to have led to its incorporation in all seven Caribbean maize races. It is conjectured that viruliferous leafhoppers were blown from the Caribbean into the Petén around the eighth century allowing the disease to become epidemic in susceptible maize races such as Nal-Tel and Tepecintle, grown by the Petén Maya. Sustained failure of maize production due to MMV would have characterized areas of intensive maize cultivation, particularly where it was year-round. The disease would have been less severe in areas with a long dry season, as to the north of Yucatán and it would not have occurred in the highland areas to the south and west, areas to which surviving Maya presumably migrated.     

At most three ES cells contribute to the somatic lineages of chimeric mice and of mice produced by ES-tetraploid complementation

Chimeric or entirely embryonic stem (ES) cell-derived mice ("ES mice") can be produced by injecting ES cells into diploid (2n) or tetraploid (4n) host blastocysts, respectively. Usually, between 10 and 15 ES cells are injected into the host blastocyst, but it is not clear how many of the injected cells contribute to the somatic lineages, thus serve as "founder cells" of the embryo proper. We have used genetically labeled ES cells to retrospectively determine the number of founder ES cells that generate the somatic lineages of chimeric and of ES mice. ES cell clones individually labeled with provirus were mixed in equal numbers and injected into 2n or 4n blastocysts to generate chimeric or ES mice. Southern analysis of DNA from the resulting animals indicated that the somatic lineages were most often derived from one or two and sometimes from up to three founder ES cells. The number of founder cells was independent of the total number of cells injected into the host blastocysts. Our results are consistent with the notion that constraints of the host embryo restrict the number of ES cells that can contribute to a chimeric or an ES mouse.     

Language and cultural contacts among Yukatekan Mayans

The Yukatekan branch of the Maya language family, spread across the Yucatán Peninsula of Mexico, northern Guatemala, and Belize, began to diversify approximately 1,000 years ago. Today it has four branches: Mopan Maya, Itzaj Maya, Lakantun Maya and Yukatek Maya proper, which have widely varying language statuses. Lakantun and Itzaj Maya are seriously threatened, while Mopan appears to have a stable or growing population of approximately 10,000 speakers and Yukatek has a very large number of speakers, perhaps 750,000. However, even many Yukateks believe that their language is threatened and that shift to Spanish is underway. During the past millennia there has been a series of contacts involving migration, trade, warfare, and flight among the different branches, as well as with other Mayan languages and with the Spanish. This paper examines a variety of different kinds of contact, and how the different language varieties were involved and affected. One goal of the paper is to better understand how the dynamics of inter-cultural contacts affects language practices resulting in very different language statuses and ideologies.     

Plasticity,political economy,and physical growth status of Guatemala Maya children living in the United States

Migration of Maya refugees to the United States since the late 1970s affords the opportunity to study the consequences of life in a new environment on the growth of Maya children. The children of this study live in Indiantown, Florida, and Los Angeles, California. Maya children between 4 and 14 years old (n = 240) were measured for height, weight, fatness, and muscularity. Overall, compared with reference data for the United States, the Maya children are, on average, healthy and well nourished. They are taller and heavier and carry more fat and muscle mass than Maya children living in a village in Guatemala. However, they are shorter, on average, than children of black, Mexican-American, and white ethnicity living in Indiantown. Children of Maya immigrants born in the United States tend to be taller than immigrant children born in Guatemala or Mexico. Families that invest economic and social resources in their children tend to have taller children. More economically successful families have taller children. Migration theory and political economy theory from the social sciences are combined with plasticity theory and life history theory (parental investment) from biology to interpret these data. Am J Phys Anthropol 102:17–32, 1997. © 1997 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

American Indian prehistory as written in the mitochondrial DNA: a review.

Native Americans have been divided into three linguistic groups: the reasonably well-defined Eskaleut and Nadene of northern North America and the highly heterogeneous Amerind of North, Central, and South America. The heterogeneity of the Amerinds has been proposed to be the result of either multiple independent migrations or a single ancient migration with extensive in situ radiation. To investigate the origin and interrelationship of the American Indians, we examined the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) variation in 87 Amerinds (Pima, Maya, and Ticuna of North, Central, and South America, respectively), 80 Nadene (Dogrib and Tlingit of northwest North America and Navajo of the southwest North America), and 153 Asians from 7 diverse populations. American Indian mtDNAs were found to be directly descended from five founding Asian mtDNAs and to cluster into four lineages, each characterized by a different rare Asian mtDNA marker. Lineage A is defined by a HaeIII site gain at np 663, lineage B by a 9-bp deletion between the COII and tRNA(Lys) genes, lineage C by a HincII site loss at np 13259, and lineage D by an AluI site loss at np 5176. The North, Central, and South America Amerinds were found to harbor all four lineages, demonstrating that the Amerinds originated from a common ancestral genetic stock. The genetic variation of three of the four Amerind lineages (A, C, and D) was similar with a mean value of 0.084%, whereas the sequence variation in the fourth lineage (B) was much lower, raising the possibility of an independent arrival. By contrast, the Nadene mtDNAs were predominantly from lineage A, with 27% of them having a Nadene-specific RsaI site loss at np 16329. The accumulated Nadene variation was only 0.021%. These results demonstrate that the Amerind mtDNAs arose from one or maybe two Asian migrations that were distinct from the migration of the Nadene and that the Amerind populations are about four times older than the Nadene.     

A consensus ethnobotany of the Q’eqchi’ Maya of Southern Belize

An ethnobotany study in collaboration with Q’eqchi’ Maya healers of Southern Belize led to a collection of 169 medicinal plant species, belonging to 67 different families. The data show the use of a majority of species from primary or secondary semi-evergreen rainforests of Southern Belize, rather than weedy species. The medicinal uses of the plants were grouped into 17 usage categories. The frequency of use for each plant and the informant consensus factor for each usage category reveals a consensus among the healers on the use of plant species as well as on the diseases treated. These results suggest a well-defined medicinal tradition.