Tschermak: a non-discoverer of mendelism. II. A critique

An examination of Tschermak's two papers of 1900 not only reinforces our conclusion cited in our first paper on Tschermak that he was not a rediscoverer of Mendelism, but also he did not understand Mendel when he had read it. His concept of dominance differed from that of Mendel, and his use of his own concept is inconsistent and contradictory. His discussion of his backcross data indicated that he had no idea of the nature of Mendelian ratios. Nowhere did he develop the ideas of segregation and independent assortment.     

The singular fate of genetics in the history of French biology, 1900–1940

In this study we have examined the reception of Mendelism in France from 1900 to 1940, and the place of some of the extra-Mendelian traditions of research that contributed to the development of genetics in France after World War II. Our major findings are:

“The ‘Domestication’ of Heredity: The Familial Organization of Geneticists at Cambridge University, 1895–1910”

In the early years of Mendelism, 1900–1910, William Bateson established a productive research group consisting of women and men studying biology at Cambridge. The empirical evidence they provided through investigating the patterns of hereditary in many different species helped confirm the validity of the Mendelian laws of heredity. What has not previously been well recognized is that owing to the lack of sufficient institutional support, the group primarily relied on domestic resources to carry out their work. Members of the group formed a kind of extended family unit, centered on the Batesons’ home in Grantchester and the grounds of Newnham College. This case illustrates the continuing role that domestic environments played in supporting scientific research in the early 20th century.     

Mendelism, Plant Breeding and Experimental Cultures: Agriculture and the Development of Genetics in France

The article reevaluates the reception of Mendelism in France, and more generally considers the complex relationship between Mendelism and plant breeding in the first half on the 20th century. It shows on the one side that agricultural research and higher education institutions have played a key role in the development and institutionalization of genetics in France, whereas university biologists remained reluctant to accept this approach on heredity. But on the other side, plant breeders, and agricultural researchers, despite an interest in Mendelism, never came to see it as the breeders’ panacea, and regarded it instead as of only limited value for plant breeding. I account for this judgment in showing that the plant breeders and Mendelism designed two contrasting kinds of experimental systems and inhabited distinct experimental cultures. While Mendelian geneticists designed experimental systems that allowed the production of definite ratios of different forms that varied in relation to a few characters, plant breeders’ experimental systems produced a wide range of variation, featuring combinations between hundreds of traits. Rather than breaking this multiple variation down into simple elements, breeders designed and monitored a genetic lottery. The gene was a unit in a Mendelian experimental culture, an “epistemic thing” as Rheinberger put it, that could be grasped by means of statistical regularities, but it remained of secondary importance for French plant breeders, for whom the strain or the variety – not the gene – was the fundamental unit of analysis and manipulation.     

Toyama Kametaro and Vernon Kellogg: Silkworm Inheritance Experiments in Japan,Siam, and the United States, 1900–1912

Japanese agricultural scientist Toyama Kametaro’s report about the Mendelian inheritance of silkworm cocoon color in Studies on the Hybridology of Insects (1906) spurred changes in Japanese silk production and thrust Toyama and his work into a scholarly exchange with American entomologist Vernon Kellogg. Toyama’s work, based on research conducted in Japan and Siam, came under international scrutiny at a time when analyses of inheritance flourished after the “rediscovery” of Mendel’s laws of heredity in 1900. The hybrid silkworm studies in Asia attracted the attention of Kellogg, who was concerned with how experimental biology would be used to study the causes of natural selection. He challenged Toyama’s conclusions that Mendelism alone could explain the inheritance patterns of silkworm characters such as cocoon color because they had been subject to hundreds of years of artificial selection, or breeding. This examination of the intersection of Japanese sericulture and American entomology probes how practical differences in scientific interests, societal responsibilities, and silkworm materiality were negotiated throughout the processes of legitimating Mendelian genetics on opposite sides of the Pacific. The ways in which Toyama and Kellogg assigned importance to certain silkworm properties show how conflicting intellectual orientations arose in studies of the same organism. Contestation about Mendelism took place not just on a theoretical level, but the debate was fashioned through each scientist’s rationale about the categorization of silkworm breeds and races and what counted as “natural.” This further mediated the acceptability of the silkworm not as an experimental organism, but as an appropriately “natural” insect with which to demonstrate laws of inheritance. All these shed light on the challenges that came along with the use of agricultural animals to convincingly articulate new biological principles.     

Simulation of Mendelism revisited: the recessive gene for attending medical school.

Much of the recent confusion concerning studies of complex phenotypes such as neuropsychiatric disorders may derive from the inappropriate assumption of simple Mendelian transmission. This has sometimes led to unrealistic expectations regarding the potential benefits of linkage studies. To investigate how Mendelism may be simulated, we collected data on a common familial behavioral trait, attendance at medical school, among the relatives of 249 preclinical medical students. The "risk" of first-degree relatives going to medical school was approximately 61 times that of the general population. Complex segregation analysis carried out under a unified model provided strong evidence of vertical transmission. The results were compatible with transmission of a major effect, and a recessive model provided as satisfactory a fit as a general single-locus model. Moreover, a commonly applied test, allowing the transmission probability parameter (tau 2) to deviate from its Mendelian value, did not give a significant improvement of fit. Only a more general model where all three transmission probabilities (tau 1, tau 2, and tau 3) were unrestricted resulted in a significantly better fit than did the recessive model.     

Marvelling at the Marvel: The Supposed Conversion of A.D. Darbishire to Mendelism

The so-called “biometric-Mendelian controversy” has received much attention from science studies scholars. This paper focuses on one scientist involved in this debate, Arthur Dukinfield Darbishire, who performed a series of hybridization experiments with mice beginning in 1901. Previous historical work on Darbishire’s experiments and his later attempt to reconcile Mendelian and biometric views describe Darbishire as eventually being “converted”' to Mendelism. I provide a new analysis of this episode in the context of Darbishire’s experimental results, his underlying epistemology, and his influence on the broader debate surrounding the rediscovery and acceptance of Mendelism. Iinvestigate various historiographical issues raised by this episode in order to reflect on the idea of “conversion” to a scientific theory. Darbishire was an influential figure who resisted strong forces compelling him to convert prematurely due to his requirements that the new theory account for particularly important anomalous facts and answer the most pressing questions in the field. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Why is mendelian segregation so exact?

The precise 1:1 segregation of Mendelian heredity is ordinarily taken for granted, yet there are numerous examples of 'cheating' genes that perpetuate themselves in the population by biasing the Mendelian process in their favor. One example is the Segregation Distortion system of Drosophila melanogaster, in which the distorting gene causes its homologous chromosome to produce a nonfunctional sperm. This system depends on three closely linked components, whose molecular basis is beginning to be understood. The system is characterized by numerous modifiers changing the degree of distortion. Mathematical theory shows that unlinked modifiers that change the degree of distortion in the direction of Mendelism always increase in the population. This provides a mechanism for removing cheaters and preserving the honesty of the Mendelian gene-shuffle.     

Mendelism and medicine: controlling human inheritance in local contexts, 1920-1960

The rise of Mendelism has often been associated with the development of agricultural sciences and the attempts to improve varieties and select new plants. In contrast, historians have tended to stress the tensions between Mendelism and medicine originating in the influence of eugenicists. The use of Mendel's laws in the context of discussing human inheritance and the transmission of pathologies was nonetheless pervading the medical literature from the 1920s onwards. This paper investigates the dynamics of medical Mendelism by comparing developments in France and in Britain. In contrast to reluctant botanists and zoologists, the elite of the French medical profession was often 'Mendelian'. Mendel's laws have accordingly been integrated into a complex approach to the familial transmission of pathologies, into a theory of pathological inheritance, which combined genetics, germ theory and hygiene. This approach was widely accepted among the paediatricians and obstetricians active in both the eugenics movement and the natalist movement. The career of the pediatrician R. Turpin is a good example of the visibility of this form of medical Mendelism and of its long-lasting impact on genetic research in the country. In Britain, where the social basis of eugenics was not the medical profession, eugenics' claims often clashed with public health and hygiene priorities. Medical Mendelism was in the first place supported and advanced by doctors and scientists participating in the public debates about the care of 'feeble minded' and the classification of social groups. As revealed by the trajectory of L. Penrose this context favoured the linkage between statistics and pedigree analysis, thus leading to the 'Mendelization' of human pathologies. After the war, this Mendelization in turn facilitated the rise of medical genetics as a speciality focusing on genetic counselling and on the management of computable hereditary risks. This comparative analysis thus highlights: a) the influence of local medical cultures on the fate of Mendelism; b) the continuities between the pre-war studies of pathological inheritance and the post-war rise of medical genetics.     

Mendelian inheritance in Germany between 1900 and 1910. The case of Carl Correns (1864-1933)

Carl Correns (1864-1933) came to recognize Mendel's rules between 1894 and 1900 while trying to find out the mechanism of xenia, that is, the direct influence of the fertilizing pollen on the mother plant in maize and peas among other species. In this paper, I am concerned with the ten years of Correns' work after the annus mirabilis of 1900 until 1910, when the main outlines of the new science of genetics had been established. It is generally assumed that after 1900 Correns quickly began probing the limits of Mendelian inheritance, both as far as the explanatory force of formal transmission genetics and the generality of Mendel's laws are concerned. A careful examination of his papers however shows that he was much more interested in the scope of Mendelian inheritance than in its limits. Even his work with variegated Mirabilis plants, which historiographical folklore still presents as a result of Correns' growing interest in cytoplasmic inheritance, can be shown to have been conducted to corroborate just the opposite, namely, the validity of the nuclear paradigm. The paper will show that Correns' research results in those years (among them the Mendelian inheritance of sex in higher plants) were the outcome of a complex experimental program which involved breeding experiments with dozens of different species.     

Haldane’s <Emphasis Type="BoldItalic">The causes of evolution</Emphasis> and the Modern Synthesis in evolutionary biology

This paper argues that Haldane’s The causes of evolution was the most important founding document in the emergence of the received view of evolutionary theory which is typically referred to as the Modern Synthesis. Whether or not this historical development is characterized as a synthesis (which remains controversial), this paper argues the most important component of the emergence of the received view consisted of showing how the formal rules of Mendelian inheritance are based on (or emerge from) the material basis of heredity established by classical genetics primarily through the experimental work on Drosophila genetics of the Morgan school in the 1910s and 1920s. This is one of the most important achievements of Haldane’s book. Thus this paper rejects both (i) the view that the synthesis was a unification of biometry and Mendelism and (ii) the claim that it arose from work primarily done in the late 1930s and 1940s by naturalists rather than theoretical population and classical experimental geneticists.     

On the internal dynamics of Mendelian genetics

This paper offers a revisionist account of the development of Mendelian genetics, focusing on the 'problem of the gene', 1900-1930. I examine conflicting claims about the composition, location, and action of genes posed by Bateson, the Morgan group, and Goldschmidt. Their research programs focused on different phenotypes and were based on different assumptions about the nature of genes. The problem of the gene transcended such specific research programs, but their findings had to be taken into account to solve it. The need to resolve conflicting claims drove Mendelian geneticists to exploit the resources and invade the turf of other disciplines in their search for a sound characterization of the gene. The problem of reconciling conflicting views greatly influenced the development of genetics and provided the stimulus for many of the discoveries made by geneticists from 1900 to 1940.     

The rediscovery of Mendelism in agricultural context: Erich von Tschermak as plant-breeder

Why was Mendelism rediscovered? One way in which historians have addressed this issue is to look at wider trends in research during the 1890s of which the rediscoverers were part. Quite a lot is known about one such research tradition, namely the attempts to resolve the question of evolutionary mechanism through the use of varietal crosses. But another relevant research tradition is still largely unknown: the work of commercial breeders, several of whom were using hybridisation by the 1890s. In this paper I begin by looking at Tschermak's initial career, the sequence of events by which he came upon Mendel's work, and why he was excited by what he read. Then I place Tschermak's early work in the context of commercial plant-breeding in German-speaking Europe toward the end of the 19th century. Finally I look again at the question of Tschermak's somewhat ambivalent relationship to Mendelism after 1900. I argue that his initial misunderstanding of the concept of segregation was due to the fact that he approached Mendel's work with the perspective of a breeder rather than that of a geneticist.     

Scientific animal breeding in Moravia before and after the rediscovery of Mendel's theory

Leading Moravian sheep breeders, who joined with university professors and other educated citizens to form a Sheep Breeders' Society in 1814, looked to science to provide a reliable basis for breeding. Their activities reached a climax in the 1830s, when they defined and focused on heredity as the central research goal. Among the members taking part was Abbot Cyrill F Napp, who in 1843 would accept Mendel into the monastery. The contributions of Abbot Napp to the sheep breeders' view of heredity are here described. After 1900, when Moravian animal breeding sought to embrace Mendelism, in competition with other theories, a major influence was exerted by Jaroslav Krízenecky (1896-1964). In 1963, Krízenecky accepted responsibility for establishing the Mendel Museum (Mendelianum) in Brno as a vehicle for historical research into the origin and essence of Mendel's discovery.     

Physics in the Galtonian sciences of heredity

Physics matters less than we once thought to the making of Mendel. But it matters more than we tend to recognize to the making of Mendelism. This paper charts the variety of ways in which diverse kinds of physics impinged upon the Galtonian tradition which formed Mendelism's matrix. The work of three Galtonians in particular is considered: Francis Galton himself, W. F. R. Weldon and William Bateson. One aim is to suggest that tracking influence from physics can bring into focus important but now little-remembered flexibilities in the Galtonian tradition. Another is to show by example why generalizations about what happens when 'physics' meets 'biology' require caution. Even for a single research tradition in Britain in the decades around 1900, these categories were large, containing multitudes.     

Natural selection and self-organization

The Darwinian concept of natural selection was conceived within a set of Newtonian background assumptions about systems dynamics. Mendelian genetics at first did not sit well with the gradualist assumptions of the Darwinian theory. Eventually, however, Mendelism and Darwinism were fused by reformulating natural selection in statistical terms. This reflected a shift to a more probabilistic set of background assumptions based upon Boltzmannian systems dynamics. Recent developments in molecular genetics and paleontology have put pressure on Darwinism once again. Current work on self-organizing systems may provide a stimulus not only for increased problem solving within the Darwinian tradition, especially with respect to origins of life, developmental genetics, phylogenetic pattern, and energy-flow ecology, but for deeper understanding of the very phenomenon of natural selection itself. Since self-organizational phenomena depend deeply on stochastic processes, self-organizational systems dynamics advance the probability revolution. In our view, natural selection is an emergent phenomenon of physical and chemical selection. These developments suggest that natural selection may be grounded in physical law more deeply than is allowed by advocates of the autonomy of biology, while still making it possible to deny, with autonomists, that evolutionary explanations can be modeled in terms of a deductive relationship between laws and cases. We explore the relationship between, chance, self-organization, and selection as sources of order in biological systems in order to make these points.     

Role of de Vries in the recovery of Mendel's work. I. Was de Vries really an independent discoverer of Mendel?

Recently, doubt has been cast on the view that de Vries developed the idea of disjunction independently of Mendel. Arguments are based on de Vries' own writings that showed the F2 data of his numerous crosses are reported as 3:1 ratios only after 1900. They also show that his theory of inheritance becomes quasi Mendelian only after 1900. The authors of this review paper cannot but agree with de Vries' critics that he did not develop his law of disjunction independently of Mendel. They also raise some questions that, hopefully, will lead to a reanalysis of de Vries' theory of inheritance in 1900.     

Complex segregation analysis of obsessive-compulsive disorder in families with pediatric probands

OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study was to assess the mode of inheritance for obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) in families ascertained through pediatric probands. METHODS: We ascertained 52 families (35 case and 17 control families) through probands between the ages of 10 and 17 years. Direct interviews were completed with 215 individuals. Family informant data were collected on another 450 individuals without direct interviews, forming two data sets with one contained within the other. Complex segregation analyses were performed using regressive models as programmed in REGTL in the S.A.G.E. package.All models used in the analyses included sex-specific age and type parameters. RESULTS: All models that excluded a residual effect of an affected parent were rejected. With that parameter included, the environmental and sporadic models were rejected in comparisons with the most general model in both data sets (all p < 0.005). With the direct interview data, the general codominant Mendelian model was not rejected when compared with the most general model (p = 0.140). We could not distinguish between any of the simple Mendelian models using either data set. However, the dominant Mendelian model provided a somewhat better fit than the other Mendelian models to the direct interview data. CONCLUSIONS: The results provide evidence for a major susceptibility locus in families with OCD when age at onset is incorporated into the model. Mendelian factors at most partially explained the familial aggregation of the phenotype, and residual familial effects were necessary to fit the data adequately. The results support the importance of linkage efforts by suggesting that a major locus is segregating within a proportion of families with OCD ascertained through pediatric probands.