The injustice of fat stigma

Fatness stigma is pervasive. Being fat is widely regarded a bad thing, and fat persons suffer numerous social and material disadvantages in virtue of their weight being regarded that way. Despite the seriousness of this problem, it has received relatively little attention from analytic philosophers. In this paper, I set out to explore whether there is a reasoned basis for stigmatizing fatness, and, if so, what forms of stigmatization could be justified. I consider two lines of reasoning that might be advanced to defend fat stigma. The first is broadly consequentialist. It seeks to justify stigmatizing fatness based on the public health benefits that might be produced by doing so. The second argument takes stigmatizing fatness to be a warranted response to the morally blameworthy failure to slim down exhibited by fat persons. Clarifying and assessing each of these two lines of reasoning is the main task of this paper. I argue that, upon careful examination, both these attempts to justify the stigmatization of fatness fail.     

Stigmatization in the long-term treatment of psychotic disorders

Stigma is linked to negative prejudices without examining whether there is any justification for such behaviour. Over time, various efforts have been made to reduce prejudice toward people with mental illness. Yet, the World Health Organization (WHO) World Health Report still describes stigma as one of the greatest obstacles to the treatment of mental illness. While schizophrenia, among other mental illnesses, is the most stigmatized even to the point that some want the name of the illness to be hidden or changed, patients with bipolar illness may also be exposed to stigma. The degree of stigmatization has been found to be positively associated with the severity of the mental disorder, and stigma is carried out not only by patients but also by their families in correlation with the severity. Tragically, people with mental illness themselves are as negative in their opinions about mental illness as is the general public, and concerns about stigma adversely affect self-esteem and adaptive social functioning. There are many programmes worldwide for the fight against stigmatization, and there is clear recognition of the fact that stigma can only be successfully eliminated if the programme becomes a normal part of health service rather than of campaigns of limited duration.     

Characterization of Courtesy Stigma Perceived by Parents of Overweight Children with Bardet-Biedl Syndrome

Background

A child’s obesity is generally perceived by the public to be under the control of the child’s parents. While the health consequences of childhood obesity are well understood, less is known about psychological and social effects of having an obese child on parents. We set out to characterize stigma and courtesy stigma experiences surrounding obesity among children with Bardet-Biedl syndrome (BBS), a multisystem genetic disorder, and their parents.

Methods

Twenty-eight parents of children with BBS participated in semi-structured interviews informed by social stigmatization theory, which describes courtesy stigma as parental perception of stigmatization by association with a stigmatized child. Parents were asked to describe such experiences.

Results

Parents of children with BBS reported the child’s obesity as the most frequent target of stigmatization. They perceived health care providers as the predominant source of courtesy stigma, describing interactions that resulted in feeling devalued and judged as incompetent parents.

Conclusions

Parents of children with BBS feel blamed by others for their child’s obesity and described experiences that suggest health care providers may contribute to courtesy stigma and thus impede effective communication about managing obesity. Health care providers may reinforce parental feelings of guilt and responsibility by repeating information parents may have previously heard and ignoring extremely challenging barriers to weight management, such as a genetic predisposition to obesity. Strategies to understand and incorporate parents’ perceptions and causal attributions of their children’s weight may improve communication about weight control.     

American Association of Clinical Endocrinology Consensus Statement: Addressing Stigma and Bias in the Diagnosis and Management of Patients with Obesity/Adiposity-Based Chronic Disease and Assessing Bias and Stigmatization as Determinants of Disease Severity

ObjectiveTo focus on the intersection of perception, diagnosis, stigma, and weight bias in the management of obesity and obtain consensus on actionable steps to improve care provided for persons with obesity.MethodsThe American Association of Clinical Endocrinology (AACE) convened a consensus conference of interdisciplinary health care professionals to discuss the interplay between the diagnosis of obesity using adiposity-based chronic disease (ABCD) nomenclature and staging, weight stigma, and internalized weight bias (IWB) with development of actionable guidance to aid clinicians in mitigating IWB and stigma in that context.ResultsThe following affirmed and emergent concepts were proposed: (1) obesity is ABCD, and these terms can be used in differing ways to communicate; (2) classification categories of obesity should have improved nomenclature across the spectrum of body mass index (BMI) using ethnic-specific BMI ranges and waist circumference (WC); (3) staging the clinical severity of obesity based on the presence and severity of ABCD complications may reduce weight-centric contribution to weight stigma and IWB; (4) weight stigma and internalized bias are both drivers and complications of ABCD and can impair quality of life, predispose to psychological disorders, and compromise the effectiveness of therapeutic interventions; (5) the presence and of stigmatization and IWB should be assessed in all patients and be incorporated into the staging of ABCD severity; and (6) optimal care will necessitate increased awareness and the development of educational and interventional tools for health care professionals that address IWB and stigma.ConclusionsThe consensus panel has proposed an approach for integrating bias and stigmatization, psychological health, and social determinants of health in a staging system for ABCD severity as an aid to patient management. To effectively address stigma and IWB within a chronic care model for patients with obesity, there is a need for health care systems that are prepared to provide evidence-based, person-centered treatments; patients who understand that obesity is a chronic disease and are empowered to seek care and participate in behavioral therapy; and societies that promote policies and infrastructure for bias-free compassionate care, access to evidence-based interventions, and disease prevention.     

STIGMATIZATION AND PUBLIC HEALTH ETHICS

Encouraged by the success of smoking denormalization strategies as a tobacco‐control measure, public health institutions are adopting a similar approach to other health behaviors. For example, a recent controversial ad campaign in New York explicitly aimed to denormalize HIV/AIDS amongst gay men. Authors such as Scott Burris have argued that efforts like this are tantamount to stigmatization and that such stigmatization is unethical because it is dehumanizing. Others have offered a limited endorsement of denormalization/stigmatization campaigns as being justified on consequentialist grounds; namely, that the potential public health benefits outweigh any stigmatizing side effects. In this paper, I examine and reject the blanket condemnation of stigmatization efforts in public health. I argue that the moral status of such efforts are best evaluated within a contractualist, as opposed to a consequentialist, framework. Contractualism in public health ethics asks whether a particular stigmatizing policy could be justified to reasonable individuals who do not know whether they will be affected by that policy. Using this approach, I argue that it is sometimes permissible for public health institutions to engage in health‐related stigmatization.     

From "Rights" to "Ritual": AIDS Activism in South Africa

In this article, I investigate how the moral politics of HIV/AIDS activism in South Africa is contributing toward new forms of citizenship that are concerned with both rights-based struggles and with creating collectively shared meanings of the extreme experiences of illness and stigmatization of individual HIV/AIDS sufferers. I argue that it is precisely the extremity of the "near death" experiences of full-blown AIDS, and the profound stigma and "social death" associated with the later stages of the disease, that produce the conditions for HIV/AIDS survivors' commitment to "new life" and social activism. It is the activist mediation and retelling of these traumatic experiences that facilitates HIV/AIDS activist commitment and grassroots mobilization. It is also the profound negativity of stigma and social death that animates the activist's construction of a new positive HIV-positive identity and understanding of what it means to be a citizen–activist and member of a social movement.     

Personal stigma in schizophrenia spectrum disorders: a systematic review of prevalence rates,correlates, impact and interventions

A systematic electronic PubMed, Medline and Web of Science database search was conducted regarding the prevalence, correlates, and effects of personal stigma (i.e., perceived and experienced stigmatization and self‐stigma) in patients with schizophrenia spectrum disorders. Of 54 studies (n=5,871), published from 1994 to 2011, 23 (42.6%) reported on prevalence rates, and 44 (81.5%) reported on correlates and/or consequences of perceived or experienced stigmatization or self‐stigma. Only two specific personal stigma intervention studies were found. On average, 64.5% (range: 45.0–80.0%) of patients perceived stigma, 55.9% (range: 22.5–96.0%) actually experienced stigma, and 49.2% (range: 27.9–77.0%) reported alienation (shame) as the most common aspect of self‐stigma. While socio‐demographic variables were only marginally associated with stigma, psychosocial variables, especially lower quality of life, showed overall significant correlations, and illness‐related factors showed heterogeneous associations, except for social anxiety that was unequivocally associated with personal stigma. The prevalence and impact of personal stigma on individual outcomes among schizophrenia spectrum disorder patients are well characterized, yet measures and methods differ significantly. By contrast, research regarding the evolution of personal stigma through the illness course and, particularly, specific intervention studies, which should be conducted utilizing standardized methods and outcomes, are sorely lacking.     

WPA guidance on how to combat stigmatization of psychiatry and psychiatrists

In 2009 the WPA President established a Task Force that was to examine available evidence about the stigmatization of psychiatry and psychiatrists and to make recommendations about action that national psychiatric societies and psychiatrists as professionals could do to reduce or prevent the stigmatization of their discipline as well as to prevent its nefarious consequences. This paper presents a summary of the Task Force’s findings and recommendations. The Task Force reviewed the literature concerning the image of psychiatry and psychiatrists in the media and the opinions about psychiatry and psychiatrists of the general public, of students of medicine, of health professionals other than psychiatrists and of persons with mental illness and their families. It also reviewed the evidence about the interventions that have been undertaken to combat stigma and consequent discrimination and made a series of recommendations to the national psychiatric societies and to individual psychiatrists. The Task Force laid emphasis on the formulation of best practices of psychiatry and their application in health services and on the revision of curricula for the training of health personnel. It also recommended that national psychiatric societies establish links with other professional associations, with organizations of patients and their relatives and with the media in order to approach the problems of stigma on a broad front. The Task Force also underlined the role that psychiatrists can play in the prevention of stigmatization of psychiatry, stressing the need to develop a respectful relationship with patients, to strictly observe ethical rules in the practice of psychiatry and to maintain professional competence.     

Stigmatization and Denormalization as Public Health Policies: Some Kantian Thoughts

The stigmatization of some groups of people, whether for some characteristic they possess or some behavior they engage in, will initially strike most of us as wrong. For many years, academic work in public health, which focused mainly on the stigmatization of HIV‐positive individuals, reinforced this natural reaction to stigmatization, by pointing out the negative health effects of stigmatization. But more recently, the apparent success of anti‐smoking campaigns which employ stigmatization of smokers has raised questions about whether stigmatization may sometimes be justified, because of its positive effects on public health. Discussion of the issue so far has focused on consequences, and on some Kantian considerations regarding the status of the stigmatized. In this article, I argue that further Kantian considerations regarding the treatment of the general public (the potential stigmatizers) also count against any public health policy involving stigmatization. Attempts to encourage stigmatization are likely to fail to appeal to the rational decision‐making abilities of the general public, and the creation of stigmatized groups (even if they are stigmatized for their voluntary behavior) is an obstacle to the self‐improvement of members of the general public.     

Stigma and Self-Stigma in Addiction

Addictions are commonly accompanied by a sense of shame or self-stigmatization. Self-stigmatization results from public stigmatization in a process leading to the internalization of the social opprobrium attaching to the negative stereotypes associated with addiction. We offer an account of how this process works in terms of a range of looping effects, and this leads to our main claim that for a significant range of cases public stigma figures in the social construction of addiction. This rests on a social constructivist account in which those affected by public stigmatization internalize its norms. Stigma figures as part-constituent of the dynamic process in which addiction is formed. Our thesis is partly theoretical, partly empirical, as we source our claims about the process of internalization from interviews with people in treatment for substance use problems.     

Confronting and coping with weight stigma: an investigation of overweight and obese adults

Objective: This study examined experiences of weight stigmatization, sources of stigma, coping strategies, psychological functioning, and eating behaviors in a sample of 2671 overweight and obese adults. Research Methods and Procedures: The total sample was partitioned into two subsamples for investigation. Sample I was comprised of 2449 adult women, and Sample II was a matched sample of adult men and women (N = 222) that was disaggregated to investigate gender differences. Both samples completed an online battery of self‐report questionnaires measuring frequency of weight stigmatization and coping responses to deal with bias, the most common sources of the bias, symptoms of depression, self‐esteem, attitudes about weight and obesity, and binge eating behaviors. Results: Experiences of weight stigmatization, in many forms and across multiple occasions, was common in both samples. A variety of coping strategies were used in response. More frequent exposure to stigma was related to more attempts to cope and higher BMI. Physicians and family members were the most frequent sources of weight bias reported. No gender differences were observed in types or frequency of stigmatization. Frequency of stigmatization was not related to current psychological functioning, although coping responses were associated with emotional well‐being. Discussion: These findings raise questions about the relationship between stigma and psychological functioning and have important implications for obesity treatment and stigma reduction intervention efforts, both of which are discussed.     

Global Health Care Justice,Delivery Doctors and Assisted Reproduction: Taking a Note From Catholic Social Teachings

This article will examine the Catholic concept of global justice within a health care framework as it relates to women's needs for delivery doctors in the developing world and women's demands for assisted reproduction in the developed world. I will first discuss justice as a theory, situating it within Catholic social teachings. The Catholic perspective on global justice in health care demands that everyone have access to basic needs before elective treatments are offered to the wealthy. After exploring specific discrepancies in global health care justice, I will point to the need for delivery doctors in the developing world to provide basic assistance to women who hazard many pregnancies as a priority before offering assisted reproduction to women in the developed world. The wide disparities between maternal health in the developing world and elective fertility treatments in the developed world are clearly unjust within Catholic social teachings. I conclude this article by offering policy suggestions for moving closer to health care justice via doctor distribution.     

Local Biologies and HIV/AIDS in Highlands Papua, Indonesia

The province of Papua, Indonesia has one of the fastest growing rates of HIV infection in Asia. Within volatile political conditions, HIV has reached generalized epidemic status for indigenous Papuans. This article explores the merits of using the concept of local biologies as an analytic tool to assess the range of factors which affect a local pattern of untreated HIV and rapid onset of AIDS. A research team conducted 32 in-depth interviews with HIV-positive indigenous persons and 15 interviews with health care workers in urban and peri-urban sites in the central highlands region. The results show fear of gossip and stigmatization, regional political conditions and gaps in care interweave to create local biological conditions of evasion of care and rapid onset of AIDS. The normative emphasis in contemporary scholarship on stigma as shaping subjective responses to HIV needs to be complemented by a full assessment of the physiological impact of health services, and the ways political conditions trickle down and mediate local biological patterns. The concept of local biologies is highly effective for explaining the full scope of possible factors affecting the intersection of social and physical realms for HIV-positive persons.     

Reducing obesity stigma: the effectiveness of cognitive dissonance and social consensus interventions

Obese individuals experience pervasive stigmatization. Interventions attempting to reduce obesity stigma by targeting its origins have yielded mixed results. This randomized, controlled study examined the effectiveness of two interventions to reduce obesity stigma: cognitive dissonance and social consensus. Participants were college undergraduate students (N = 64, 78% women, mean age = 21.2 years, mean BMI = 23.1 kg/m2) of diverse ethnicities. Obesity stigma (assessed with the Antifat Attitudes Test (AFAT)) was assessed at baseline (Visit 1) and 1 week later, immediately following the intervention (Visit 2). Participants were randomly assigned to one of three intervention groups where they received standardized written feedback on their obesity stigma levels. Cognitive dissonance participants (N = 21) were told that their AFAT scores were discrepant from their values (high core values of kindness and equality and high stigma), social consensus participants (N = 22) were told their scores were discrepant from their peers' scores (stigma much higher than their peers), and control participants (N = 21) were told their scores were consistent with both their peers' scores and their own values. Following the intervention, omnibus analyses revealed significant group differences on the AFAT Physical/Romantic Unattractiveness subscale (PRU; F (2, 59) = 4.43, P < 0.05). Planned contrasts revealed that cognitive dissonance group means were significantly lower than control means for AFAT total, AFAT PRU subscale, and AFAT social/character disparagement subscale (all P < 0.05). No significant differences were found between social consensus and controls. Results from this study suggest that cognitive dissonance interventions may be a successful way to reduce obesity stigma, particularly by changing attitudes about the appearance and attractiveness of obese individuals.     

Teaching global bioethics

We live in a world with enormous disparities in health. The life expectancy in Japan is 80 years; in Malawi, 40 years. The under-five mortality in Norway is 4/1000; in Sierra Leone, 316/1000. The situation is actually worse than these figures suggest because average rates tend to mask inequalities within a country. Several presidents of the IAB have urged bioethicists to attend to global disparities and to broaden the scope of bioethics. For the last six years I have tried to do just that. In this paper, I report and reflect on my attempts to teach bioethics in ways that address global health and justice. I then discuss ways to address key ethical issues in global health: the problem of inequalities; the nature of the duty to assist; the importance of the duty not to harm; the difference between a cosmopolitan and a political view of justice. I also discuss how teaching about global health may help to shift the emphasis in bioethics--from sensational cases to everyday matters, from autonomy and justice, and from access to healthcare to the social determinants of health. At the end of my paper, I reflect on questions that I have not resolved: how to delineate the scope of bioethics, whether my approach over-politicises bioethics, and how to understand the responsibilities of bioethicists.     

The Coevolution of Secrecy and Stigmatization

We propose a coevolutionary model of secrecy and stigmatization. According to this model, secrecy functions to conceal potential fitness costs detected in oneself or one’s genetic kin. In three studies, we found that the content of participants’ distressing secrets overlapped significantly with three domains of social information that were important for inclusive fitness and served as cues for discriminating between rewarding and unrewarding interaction partners: health, mating, and social-exchange behavior. These findings support the notion that secrecy functions primarily as a defense against stigmatization by suppressing information about oneself or one’s kin that evolutionarily has been devalued in mating and social exchange.     

Outness,Stigma, and Primary Health Care Utilization among Rural LGBT Populations

Background

Prior studies have noted significant health disadvantages experienced by LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) populations in the US. While several studies have identified that fears or experiences of stigma and disclosure of sexual orientation and/or gender identity to health care providers are significant barriers to health care utilization for LGBT people, these studies have concentrated almost exclusively on urban samples. Little is known about the impact of stigma specifically for rural LGBT populations, who may have less access to quality, LGBT-sensitive care than LGBT people in urban centers.

Methodology

LBGT individuals residing in rural areas of the United States were recruited online to participate in a survey examining the relationship between stigma, disclosure and “outness,” and utilization of primary care services. Data were collected and analyzed regarding LGBT individuals’ demographics, health care access, health risk factors, health status, outness to social contacts and primary care provider, and anticipated, internalized, and enacted stigmas.

Results

Higher scores on stigma scales were associated with lower utilization of health services for the transgender & non-binary group, while higher levels of disclosure of sexual orientation were associated with greater utilization of health services for cisgender men.

Conclusions

The results demonstrate the role of stigma in shaping access to primary health care among rural LGBT people and point to the need for interventions focused towards decreasing stigma in health care settings or increasing patients’ disclosure of orientation or gender identity to providers. Such interventions have the potential to increase utilization of primary and preventive health care services by LGBT people in rural areas.     

HIV/AIDS and the Gendering of Stigma in Tamil Nadu,South India

Drawing on the seminal theoretical work on stigma by Goffman, this article analyzes stigma through the lens of Parker and Aggleton, who call for the joining of Goffman and Foucault to better grasp relationships among stigma, power and social inequality. Studies on the social impact of HIV/AIDS globally have demonstrated that women tend to be blamed for the spread of HIV/AIDS, and as a result, HIV-positive women face greater stigma and discrimination than HIV-positive men. Based on ethnographic research among 50 HIV-positive women in South India in 2002–2003 and 2004, my research supports this standard argument. However, my findings suggest that the gendering of stigma and discrimination is more complex and context specific. The gendering of stigma varies depending on the social context of private versus public spheres. The tendency to stigmatize women is due in part to cultural constructions of gendered bodies and not only to a gendered double standard of sexual morality, as has been previously reported. Even when a cultural argument about women’s wayward sexuality is evoked, this rhetoric must be understood in part as a strategy to mask economically motivated responses, rather simply being attributed to sexist ideology per se.