Consuming the Maya

(T)he problem is a failure to be conscious of essentialism, whether it springs from the assumptions with which we approach our subjects or the goals that motivate our writing.     

Biological traits and living conditions of Maya Indian and non Maya girls from Merida,Mexico

A total of 522 girls and their families from low and middle social strate were examined in the northern part of Merida (Yucatan) during 1988 and 1989. Marital radius in the parental generation was relatively long (146 km), and it was six times longer for non-Maya and mixed couples than Maya. Living and housing conditions were similar for both Maya and non-Maya (mixed couples typically had an intermediate condition), except for sewage system (sanitation). The Maya income was 64% lower. Maya men and women were short. The girls from Merida were short, hyper-brachycephalic (short headed), and europrosopic (broad face). Among them, Maya girls were even shorter, more round-headed, and more broad-faced than non-Maya girls. Menarche occurred on the average at an age of 12.6 years in mothers and 12.1 years in daughters. As the generation time was about 25 years, there was a slow acceleration of maturation (0.2 years per decade). Presumably, also stature has increased in recent years.     

Mobility and Navigation among the Yucatec Maya

Sex differences in range size and navigation are widely reported, with males traveling farther than females, being less spatially anxious, and in many studies navigating more effectively. One explanation holds that these differences are the result of sexual selection, with larger ranges conferring mating benefits on males, while another explanation focuses on greater parenting costs that large ranges impose on reproductive-aged females. We evaluated these arguments with data from a community of highly monogamous Maya farmers. Maya men and women do not differ in distance traveled over the region during the mate-seeking years, suggesting that mating competition does not affect range size in this monogamous population. However, men’s regional and daily travel increases after marriage, apparently in pursuit of resources that benefit families, whereas women reduce their daily travel after marriage. This suggests that parental effort is more important than mating effort in this population. Despite the relatively modest overall sex difference in mobility, Maya men were less spatially anxious than women, thought themselves to be better navigators, and pointed more accurately to distant locations. A structural equation model showed that the sex by marital status interaction had a direct effect on mobility, with a weaker indirect effect of sex on mobility mediated by navigational ability.     

Gene pool differentiation between Altaic and trotting horse breeds inferred from ISSR-PCR marker data

Using ISSR-PCR marker data, comparative analysis of the gene pools of Altaic and trotting horse breeds was carried out. Horse groups of different origin demonstrated differences in amplification spectra of DNA fragments flanked by inverted repeats of four microsatellites. Combinations of certain DNA fragments present in these profiles reproducibly distinguished genomes of the Altaic breed from the trotting breeds. Genetic differentiation between some trotting breeds, based on Nei genetic distance values, was found to be comparable to that between the groups of horses of Altaic breed from two different farms.     

Domestication of plants in Maya Lowlands

The Lowland Mayan culture has been one of the most successful in Mesoamerica. Being an agricultural society, part of their success was based on plant genetic resources which satisfied their needs of social reproduction. This article reviews recent evidence on early agriculture in the geographic area where Lowland Maya culture originated, and discusses its implications for the study of plant domestication and evolution under human selection within this cultural sub-area. Questions of interest for future research are posed. As working hypotheses, we list two categories of species possibly implicated in the origin of this civilization: (1) native species that could have been the subject of local human selection or to some degree of agricultural manipulation by 3400 b.c., and (2) species that could have been introduced from other cultural areas of America by 3400 b.c. and subsequently subjected to local human selection.     

Delineating genetic relationships among the Maya

By 250 AD, the Classic Maya had become the most advanced civilization within the New World, possessing the only well-developed hieroglyphic writing system of the time and an advanced knowledge of mathematics, astronomy and architecture. Though only ruins of the empire remain, 7.5 million Mayan descendants still occupy areas of Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador, and Honduras. Although they inhabit distant and distinct territories, speak more than 28 languages, and have been historically divided by warfare and a city-state-like political system, and they share characteristics such as rituals, artistic, architectural motifs that distinguish them as unequivocally Maya. This study was undertaken to determine whether these similarities among Mayan communities mirror genetic affinities or are merely a reflection of their common culture. Four Mayan populations were investigated (i.e., the K'iche and Kakchikel from Guatemala and the Campeche and Yucatan from Mexico) and compared with previously published populations across 15 autosomal STR loci. As a whole, the Maya emerge as a distinct group within Mesoamerica, indicating that they are more similar to each other than to other Mesoamerican groups. The data suggest that although geographic and political boundaries existed among Mayan communities, genetic exchanges between the different Mayan groups have occurred, supporting theories of extensive trading throughout the empire.     

The Decipherment of Ancient Maya Writing

The Decipherment of Ancient Maya Writing. Stephen Houston. Oswaldo Chinchilla Mazariegos. and David Stuart. eds. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001. 576 pp.