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1.
Conclusions In both cultural and political nationalism we find people attempting to make their own history from within, but at the same time seeking to move beyond the conditions imposed upon them. Because oppression is not just political and economic, but cultural as well, cultural nationalism is a liberating force. Through cultural nationalism, the Lumbee seek to generate their own culture, in contradistinction to the culture that flows from their oppressed position.But the liberating potential of cultural nationalism is only partial in the presence of political and economic exploitation. Cultural nationalism provides an abstract cultural unification of the Lumbee, and it calls for political and economic equality between Lumbee and Whites. Implicit in Lumbee cultural unification is internal socio-economic equality, but as their cultural nationalism seeks to move from self-definition to self-determination, it says nothing explicit about this.The absence of a specific program for internal social and economic transformations, in the direction of establishing equality, makes it possible for cultural nationalism to be based on an alliance between the emerging Lumbee elite and the Lumbee working class. The rise of the Tuscarora movement points to the likelihood that this alliance will be short-lived.A contradiction has appeared: at the same time that cultural nationalism, by generating not just pride but collective pride, functions to hold the Lumbee together culturally, it also functions to widen class divisions. It is too early to predict how this contradiction will be resolved, but its centrality indicates that the future political development of the Lumbee will lie in its resolution. Either cultural nationalism will move in the direction of a program of social equality, which would yield cultural unification and enhance the sense of political and economic reality, or it seems likely that cultural nationalism will do what white oppression could not — it will split the Lumbee apart and reinforce the penetration of the Lumbee community by national and multinational corporations.An alliance between cultural and political nationalism, based on the collectivization of Lumbee resources and the expansion of the cultural content of cultural nationalism to include recognition of the dynamics of class formation, seems to be necessary to permit the Lumbee to enjoy the right to make their own history. Such an alliance would entail a greater transformation of the cultural than the political nationalist position. This could occur with the ethnic elite backing cultural nationalism, since the elite witness the continual looting of their people under the aegis of the large corporations that they help bring in, and/or it could occur as their political power is eroded by the continual attacks of the political nationalists. As the only significant accumulators of capital among the Lumbee, however small, their role in an alliance would then lie in their participation in the initial founding of a socialist sub-economy. It could well be argued that this is asking the ethnic elite to commit suicide as a class. Yet the choice seems to be between that outcome, however arrived at, and abandoning communal identity.The split between cultural and political nationalism is basically a class antagonism. If the cultural nationalists win this struggle, the only answer — paradoxically — to the pressing material needs and problems of the poorer Lumbee may well turn out to be an abandonment of their cultural identity as Lumbee in a straightforward lower class alliance within the larger nation-state. Should the political nationalists become the dominant power among the Lumbee then perhaps sufficient economic and political self-determination might be established to provide the basis for a nontrivialized Lumbee Indian culture. The poignancy of this inversion of the intent and the effect of cultural nationalism can only be realized by appreciating the deep and genuine cultural concern — whether also opportunistic or not — of most Lumbee cultural nationalists.There are, in the usual view, two options open to a people such as the Lumbee. The first is stagnation, clinging to their roots and changing as little as possible: preservation with continued impoverishment as the likely price. The second is progress or economic development, with the attendant major increase in assimilationist pressures brought about by the increased penetration of the dominant state: modest material betterment at the price of major cultural decline. Cultural nationalism resists the first option as an obvious affront to collective pride. It also, however, eventually resists the second option, being opposed not just to the debasement of culture but also to its destruction. Whatever its present strength, it thus has no future.The absence of ethnogenesis from this usual array of options reflects not just a limited anthropological or ethnic nationalist vision, but the real limitations of capitalism. Fundamental to capitalist economic processes are regional inequalities. As has been well demonstrated, these regional inequalities generate nationalism, they do not, however, create nationalities. The precondition for the ethnogenetic formation of viable nations from submerged and dominated minority peoples — for a world that culture not only symbolizes, but creates — is the kind of regional equality and communal material foundation conceivable under socialism.Gerald Sider is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Richmond College, City University of New York.
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2.
Male bottlenose dolphins in Shark Bay, Western Australia form two levels of alliances; two to three males cooperate to herd individual females and teams of greater than three males compete with other groups for females. Previous observation suggested two alliance tactics: small four to six member teams of relatives that formed stable pairs or trios and unrelated males in a large 14-member second-order alliance that had labile trio formation. Here, we present evidence for a third level of alliance formation, a continuum of second-order alliance sizes and no relationship between first-order alliance stability and second-order alliance size. These findings challenge the 'two alliance tactics' hypothesis and add to the evidence that Shark Bay male bottlenose dolphins engage in alliance formation that likely places considerable demands on their social cognition.  相似文献   

3.

Background

Arguably the most influential force in human history is the formation of social coalitions and alliances (i.e., long-lasting coalitions) and their impact on individual power. Understanding the dynamics of alliance formation and its consequences for biological, social, and cultural evolution is a formidable theoretical challenge. In most great ape species, coalitions occur at individual and group levels and among both kin and non-kin. Nonetheless, ape societies remain essentially hierarchical, and coalitions rarely weaken social inequality. In contrast, human hunter-gatherers show a remarkable tendency to egalitarianism, and human coalitions and alliances occur not only among individuals and groups, but also among groups of groups. These observations suggest that the evolutionary dynamics of human coalitions can only be understood in the context of social networks and cognitive evolution.

Methodology/Principal Findings

Here, we develop a stochastic model describing the emergence of networks of allies resulting from within-group competition for status or mates between individuals utilizing dyadic information. The model shows that alliances often emerge in a phase transition-like fashion if the group size, awareness, aggressiveness, and persuasiveness of individuals are large and the decay rate of individual affinities is small. With cultural inheritance of social networks, a single leveling alliance including all group members can emerge in several generations.

Conclusions/Significance

We propose a simple and flexible theoretical approach for studying the dynamics of alliance emergence applicable where game-theoretic methods are not practical. Our approach is both scalable and expandable. It is scalable in that it can be generalized to larger groups, or groups of groups. It is expandable in that it allows for inclusion of additional factors such as behavioral, genetic, social, and cultural features. Our results suggest that a rapid transition from a hierarchical society of great apes to an egalitarian society of hunter-gatherers (often referred to as “egalitarian revolution”) could indeed follow an increase in human cognitive abilities. The establishment of stable group-wide egalitarian alliances creates conditions promoting the origin of cultural norms favoring the group interests over those of individuals.  相似文献   

4.
5.
In this article, we investigate the delicacy of adopting pronatalism as a public position in Italy. Mounting scientific and political knowledge about the demographic "problem" exposes a new hegemonic formation that low fertility is dangerous. Drawing on ethnographic contexts, political debates, media publications, and policy documents, we trace the "demographic emergency" and compare two policies: a monetary baby bonus and a law restricting assisted reproduction. The coexistence of incentives to counter superlow fertility with prohibitions on high-tech baby making reflect the contested governance of "social cohesion." We conclude that scholarly and popular discourses serve as a sort of "social Viagra." Ultimately, both policies sought to rejuvenate family norms. Both aimed to fortify the political terrain of a nation-state struggling to achieve and maintain modernity against a backdrop of immigration and aging. Modernity became a weapon of the state to exert control over Italian fertility practices and of its critics to deploy orientalizing representations of backwardness.  相似文献   

6.
Sociobiology has made a resurgence in recent years, but has become enmeshed in political controversy. Indeed, much of the work in sociobiology has been used to justify repressive or racist measures. It is argued that the unfortunate alliance of some sociobiologists and politicians is a poor basis for discrediting the field itself; that a science of sociobiology is possible and, if we seek to know the nature of our social heritage (if any!), needs be vigorously pursued.  相似文献   

7.
Long‐term social structure data on small delphinids is lacking for most species except the bottlenose dolphin. This study describes the long‐term social structure of one community of Atlantic spotted dolphins, Stenella frontalis, divided into three social clusters. Data from 12 yr were analyzed using SOCPROG 2.3. Coefficients of association (CoA) were calculated using the half‐weight index. The overall mean community CoA ranged from 0.09 to 0.12. Temporal analyses and mantel tests revealed significant differences between sex class associations due to high male‐male CoA (0.12–0.23) compared to female‐female and mixed sex CoA (0.08–0.10). Female associations were strongly influenced by reproductive status, calf care, and social familiarity, but not by age class. Male associations were strongly influenced by age, access to females, and alliance formation. Males showed two levels of alliance formation, long‐term first order pairs/trios (CoA 0.70–1.00) and shorter‐term second order alliances between two or more first order alliances (CoA 0.45–0.69), and a possible third level during interspecies interactions. Mating strategies, sex, and cluster formation shaped the social structure in this spotted dolphin community. Similar to many bottlenose dolphin studies, long‐term affiliations for spotted dolphins were correlated with age, sex, and reproductive status.  相似文献   

8.
Large brain size in mammals has been related to the number and complexity of social relationships, particularly social alliances within groups. The largest within-group male alliance known outside of humans is found in a social network (> 400) of Indian Ocean bottlenose dolphins (Tursiops aduncus) in Shark Bay Western Australia. Members of this dolphin 'super-alliance' cooperate against other alliances over access to females. Males within the super-alliance form temporary trios and occasionally pairs in order to consort with individual females. The frequent switching of alliance partners suggests that social relationships among males within the super-alliance might be relatively simple and based on an equivalence rule', thereby allowing dolphins to form large alliances without taxing their 'social intelligence'. The equivalence model predicts that the 14 males in the super-alliance should not exhibit differences in alliance stability or partner preferences. However, data from 100 consortships do not support the equivalence hypothesis. The 14 males exhibited striking differences in alliance stability and partner preferences suggesting that the super-alliance has a complex internal structure. Further, within the super-alliance, alliance stability correlates with consortship rate, suggesting that differentiated relationships within the super-alliance are based on competition for access to females.  相似文献   

9.
Ethnobotanical information about uses, management and traditional classification ofLeucaena esculenta by the Mixtec in Guerrero, Mexico, is presented. This plant is mainly used as human food. Buds of leaves and flowers as well as seeds and young pods are the main edible parts. Size, flavor and digestibility of seeds and pods are shown to be important in the Mixtec classification ofLeucaena species and in selection of trees to harvest during gathering. Artificial selection inL. esculenta subsp.esculenta by the Mixtec occurs not only under cultivation, but also in wild populations where people eliminate some individuals while promoting the growth of others with favorable phenotypes. Morphological characters of seeds and pods of individual trees of this subspecies were measured in order to compare phenotypic variation in populations subject to different regimes of management. Samples of trees were analyzed from a) a wild population not affected by intentional disturbances; b) a wild population selectively managed in situ; and c) a sample of cultivated individuals. Ordination methods and analysis of variance were used to examine differences between populations. A marked divergence between the three samples was found, especially between the wild populations managed and unmanaged. The frequency of the phenotypes preferred by people was found to be higher in the wild populationin situ managed. Our study confirms that through in situ forms of management, people are able to modify the phenotypic structure of plant populations. Possible routes of plant domestication within plant populationsin situ are suggested.  相似文献   

10.
The social and cultural complexity of the central portion of the island of Sulawesi was well documented by missionary ethnographers at the end of the nineteenth century. Drawing on this extensive corpus of historical material, I sketch out a comparative framework for the analysis of the development of House ideology there. The six coastal kingdoms that encompassed the highlands of central Sulawesi were politically organised in Houses, a kinship strategy first proposed by Claude Lévi-Strauss. Here, I examine the factors that encouraged (or discouraged) the transformation of highland temples associated with headhunting (lobo) into the majestic Houses of aristocrats like the Tongkonan still seen in Tana Toraja. This comparative analysis points to the different political tensions created by the distinct systems of precedence, hierarchy and class in the dualistic Founders’ Cult found across the island as the source of this transformation.  相似文献   

11.
Extreme environmental events and demographic changes can have variable effects on the social structure of animal populations. This study compared the social structure of a community of Atlantic spotted dolphins in the Bahamas before and after two hurricanes. Approximately 36% of the individuals were lost, with no subsequent increase in immigration. The majority of the social structure characteristics were consistent with results from a long‐term study covering the previous 12 yr, including community structure with definitive social clusters, sex preferences and overall association patterns. However some changes occurred, though still constrained within sex preferences. Posthurricane there was a decrease in social differentiation and increased cohesion within clusters and across age class. Males retained or made new first order alliances, however, only one second order alliance was evident, revealing a simplified alliance structure. Juvenile individuals made alliance level associations, unprecedented from long‐term analysis. Although other studies have shown stark restructuring, this study showed that less drastic changes within overall social structure stability can occur. Persistence and evolutionary changes in populations through environmental and/or demographic perturbations may depend on the social structure of a population or community. Understanding the processes involved in social development is paramount for conservation of diverse populations.  相似文献   

12.
In this article, I argue for an ethnographic approach to human rights that recognizes the plural and fragmentary nature of the international rights regime and the ideological promiscuity of rights talk. Instead of determining in advance the social or political character of rights, anthropologists could profitably draw from the insights of early-20th-century "legal realists" and look closely at the underlying assumptions and hidden practices of political and legal processes. Studying the "social life of human rights" would involve focusing on, inter alia, the performative dimensions of human rights, the dynamics of social mobilization, and the attitudinal changes of elite and nonelite social actors towards formulations of "rights" and "justice," both inside and outside the legal process. I conclude with a review of recent anthropological research on human rights epistemology and evaluate its implications for human rights policy.  相似文献   

13.
Summary Phylogenetic analyses of ribosomal RNA sequences have played an important role in the study of early evolution of life. However, Loomis and Smith suggested that the ribosomal RNA tree is sometimes misleading—especially when G+C content differs widely among lineages—and that a protein tree from amino acid sequences may be more reliable. In this study, we analyzed amino acid sequence data of elongation factor-1 by a maximum likelihood method to clarify branching orders in the early evolution of eukaryotes. Contrary to Sogin et al.'s tree of small-subunit ribosomal RNA, a protozoan species, Entamoeba histolytica, that lacks mitochondria was shown to have diverged from the line leading to eukaryotes with mitochondria before the latter separated into several kingdoms. This indicates that Entamoeba is a living relic of the earliest phase of eukaryotic evolution before the symbiosis of protomitochondria occurred. Furthermore, this suggests that, among eukaryotic kingdoms with mitochondria, Fungi is the closest relative of Animalia, and that a cellular slime mold, Dictyostelium discoideum, had not diverged from the line leading to Plantae-Fungi-Animalia before these three kingdoms separated. Offprint requests to: M. Hasegawa  相似文献   

14.
In the wake of the present crisis in the Middle East, this paper proposes to locate the processes of state formation and nation building within a larger historical context, recovering the historicity of the crisis. It records the rise and fall of a nationalist developmental project in Syria through an analysis of class relations. It highlights an essential continuity in the nature of class reproduction from the late Ottoman to the early independence period, centered on the conservative nationalism of the mercantile ruling bloc. It associates the rise of a national developmental project with the politicization of the “middle classes,” which occupied a central role in the state apparatus. This class represented the main driving force behind the expansion of the boundaries of political power and the process of nation building. It is the class polarization of society that fuelled the development of a nation-building project and favored the creation of a national populist alliance against the monopoly of traditional ruling classes. However, this alliance was short-lived, and the process of authoritarian demobilization that followed led to the resurgence of personal networks and the end of nation building.  相似文献   

15.
《Ethology and sociobiology》1988,9(2-4):181-187
Observations and experiments designed to test Trivers' (1971) theory of reciprocal altruism face two difficulties. First, in many cases the costs and benefits of behaviors being exchanged cannot be expressed directly in terms of effects on the actors' fitness. This is particularly true when an exchange of cooperative acts involves different types of behavior, such as grooming and alliance formation in non-human primates. Second, in many social groups individuals differ widely in their ability to confer benefits on others. High-ranking animals can, for example, offer greater assistance than low-ranking animals and adults can help offspring more than offspring can help adults. As a result, what appears not to be a reciprocal interaction from the observer's point of view may in fact support Trivers' theory when costs and benefits are calculated from the animals' own perspectives. We discuss these issues with special reference to our own experiments on reciprocal exchanges of grooming and alliance formation in free-ranging vervet monkeys.  相似文献   

16.
Archaea, bacteria and eukaryotes represent the main kingdoms of life. Is there any trend for amino acid compositions of proteins found in full genomes of species of different kingdoms? What is the percentage of totally unstructured proteins in various proteomes? We obtained amino acid frequencies for different taxa using 195 known proteomes and all annotated sequences from the Swiss-Prot data base. Investigation of the two data bases (proteomes and Swiss-Prot) shows that the amino acid compositions of proteins differ substantially for different kingdoms of life, and this difference is larger between different proteomes than between different kingdoms of life. Our data demonstrate that there is a surprisingly small selection for the amino acid composition of proteins for higher organisms (eukaryotes) and their viruses in comparison with the "random" frequency following from a uniform usage of codons of the universal genetic code. On the contrary, lower organisms (bacteria and especially archaea) demonstrate an enhanced selection of amino acids. Moreover, according to our estimates, 12%, 3% and 2% of the proteins in eukaryotic, bacterial and archaean proteomes are totally disordered, and long (> 41 residues) disordered segments are found to occur in 16% of arhaean, 20% of eubacterial and 43% of eukaryotic proteins for 19 archaean, 159 bacterial and 17 eukaryotic proteomes, respectively. A correlation between amino acid compositions of proteins of various taxa, show that the highest correlation is observed between eukaryotes and their viruses (the correlation coefficient is 0.98), and bacteria and their viruses (the correlation coefficient is 0.96), while correlation between eukaryotes and archaea is 0.85 only.  相似文献   

17.
For historians of medicine, the professor Theodor Billroth of the University of Vienna was the leading European surgeon of the late nineteenth century and the personification of intervention by organ or body part removal. For social and political historians, he was a German nationalist whose book on medical education heralded the rise of anti-Semitism in the Austrian public sphere. This article brings together and critically reassesses these two hitherto separate accounts to show how, in a period of dramatic social and political change, Viennese surgery split into two camps. One, headed by Billroth, was characterized by an alliance with the German educational model, German nationalism leading to racial anti-Semitism and an experimental approach to the construction of surgical procedure, which heavily relied on the methods of pathological physiology. The other, which followed a long Austrian tradition, stood for a clinically oriented and strictly organized medical education that catered to an ethnically and socially diverse population and, simultaneously, for an anatomically oriented surgery, largely of the locomotor apparatus. This study shows how, in a major centre of medical education and capital of a multiethnic empire, surgical and national identities were forged together.  相似文献   

18.

Background

Couples undergoing In Vitro Fertilization (IVF) Treatment suffer as dyads from the stressful experience of the painful treatment and the fear that the IVF cycle will fail. They are likely to report that their marital relationship has become unstable due to the prolonged period of treatment.

Methods

This is a qualitative study that was conducted to explore the experiences that Chinese couples have had with IVF treatment, especially their perceptions of the process and the support between couples.

Results

The interviews revealed that couples suffered from the process, experiencing physical and emotional pain, struggling with the urgency and inflexibility of bearing a child, and experiencing disturbances in their daily routines and work. The participants described how they endured the hardships as a couple and how it affected their relationship. The couples felt that sharing feelings and supporting each other contribute to psychological well-being and improves the marital relationship. They also identified some unfavorable aspects in their partner relationship. They were ambivalent about receiving social support from friends and family members.

Conclusions

With the couples indicating that the support that they received from each other affected their experience during the treatment process, it is suggested that a supportive intervention that focuses on enhancing the partnership of the couples and dealing with their inflexibility on the issue of bearing a child might result in improvements in the psychological status and marital relationship of infertile couples undergoing IVF treatment.  相似文献   

19.

Background

In their 2005 study, Adamic and Glance coined the memorable phrase ‘divided they blog’, referring to a trend of cyberbalkanization in the political blogosphere, with liberal and conservative blogs tending to link to other blogs with a similar political slant, and not to one another. As political discussion and activity increasingly moves online, the power of framing political discourses is shifting from mass media to social media.

Methodology/Principal Findings

Continued examination of political interactions online is critical, and we extend this line of research by examining the activities of political users within the Wikipedia community. First, we examined how users in Wikipedia choose to display their political affiliation. Next, we analyzed the patterns of cross-party interaction and community participation among those users proclaiming a political affiliation. In contrast to previous analyses of other social media, we did not find strong trends indicating a preference to interact with members of the same political party within the Wikipedia community.

Conclusions/Significance

Our results indicate that users who proclaim their political affiliation within the community tend to proclaim their identity as a ‘Wikipedian’ even more loudly. It seems that the shared identity of ‘being Wikipedian’ may be strong enough to triumph over other potentially divisive facets of personal identity, such as political affiliation.  相似文献   

20.
This article reviews the development of the laws and treaties regulating the use of child soldiers and the political, social, and cultural context in which these developments are grounded. Humanitarian and human rights groups have undertaken a major initiative to end the use of young combatants. These efforts are part of a larger children's human rights project designed to create a universal definition of "childhood." Casting the proposed ban on child soldiers in the language of human rights deflects attention from the enormity of the social and cultural changes involved in the proposed transnational restructuring of age categories. Treaty-making efforts reflect an emerging "politics of age" that shapes the concept of "childhood" in international law, and in which different international, regional, and local actors make use of age categories to advance particular political and ideological positions.  相似文献   

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