Flora was His Interest and Prime Course of Study: A Botanical Career for W.E. Ricker Disappears

Synopsis Bill Ricker’s career went through many twists in his academic years. He had taken botany in his senior matriculation year at high school and he had collected over 100 species of flora before commencement of university life. At the conclusion of his first university year, he set out over the summer to collect a much larger sample of species, primarily from the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence ecoregion, to fulfil a requirement for a second year botany course (spermatophytes). He identified about 390 species, and some 254 were collected and pooled with those from previous years to make a final submission of 354 spermatophyte species. Field plant identification continued in each academic year thereafter, in concert with collections and identifications of aquatic invertebrates in his summer projects while under the employment of the Ontario Fisheries Research Laboratory. At the conclusion of his undergraduate years, Bill had taken more courses in botany than in zoology, and it was the summer employment that had really prepared him for postgraduate work in fisheries biology, which was ecologically oriented. When Bill left Ontario in the autumn of 1931 he had identified over 600 species of plants, excluding lower cryptogams, but including many aquatic species of higher plants. In western North America Bill’s botanical career began at Cultus Lake in 1931. He again studied all aspects of the basin while employed with the federal government, and from the work he assembled a Ph.D. thesis. At the time of thesis completion he had identified over 300 species of flora, including alpine plants at timberline, 1500 – 1800 m above lake level, and planktonic algae in its water column. In 1939, after more field fisheries work in the Fraser River basin of British Columbia, Bill accepted a position with the biological staff at Indiana University. In this period which concluded in 1950 he identified another 50 – 110 species of flora, all in the Carolinian ecoregion, and hitherto not seen by him. Considering all floral classes, Bill’s eastern North American repertoire had by then added up to 791 species, representative of more than 112 families of plants. Returning west for the remainder of his life, new identifications elsewhere added to his Cultus Lake list which slowly added up to about 1000 species for the west coastal region of North America. Flora was also identified elsewhere in the mid-continental region of North America, in Eurasia where the Abisko region of Lappland was a highlight, and in South America and New Zealand. Records of his botanical prowess, were kept primarily in his diaries, which began in 1923 and were maintained consistently to the end of 1934, and thereafter intermittently to 1949. The diaries reveal that his career as a budding botanist was subtly hijacked by a wily Professor W.H.K. Harkness in the rival Biology Department who out-manoeuvred Drs. R.B. Thompson and R.A. Sifton in the Botany Department. The former always managed to employ Bill in summer and keep him occupied in the department’s labs during the autumn and winter and spring, tying up any free time when the botanist had approached him on lab work. Certainly, the botany courses taken and which he excelled at were more appropriate for his aquatic ecological pursuits. Salesmanship won the day for the zoologists, but Bill was a life-long botanist regardless of whatever else he studied or managed throughout his professional career. The last days of his life had a botanical conclusion.     

Henry Hurd Rusby: The father of economic botany at the New York Botanical Garden

Henry Hurd Rusby (1855–1940) is one of the outstanding personalities in the history of the New York Botanical Garden (NYBG). He played a significant role, not only in the founding of NYBG in 1891, but also in establishing a strong precedent of research and exploration in the field of economic botany at the new institution. As a result of Rusby’s influence and activity, the study of useful plants formed an important part of NYBG’s original mandate, an institutional commitment that was rejuvenated nearly a century later, with the formation of the Institute of Economic Botany. An indefatigable researcher both in the field and in the herbarium, Rusby left behind a voluminous corpus of published work in systematic and economic botany that is a legacy for modern botanists and pharmacologists.     

“Plants that Remind Me of Home”: Collecting,Plant Geography,and a Forgotten Expedition in the Darwinian Revolution

In 1859, Harvard botanist Asa Gray (1810–1888) published an essay of what he called “the abstract of Japan botany.” In it, he applied Charles Darwin’s evolutionary theory to explain why strong similarities could be found between the flora of Japan and that of eastern North America, which provoked his famous debate with Louis Agassiz (1807–1873) and initiated Gray’s efforts to secure a place for Darwinian biology in the American sciences. Notably, although the Gray–Agassiz debate has become one of the most thoroughly studied scientific debates, historians of science remain unable to answer one critical question: How was Gray able to acquire specimens from Japan? Making use of previously unknown archival materials, this article scrutinizes the institutional, instrumental, financial, and military settings that enabled Gray’s collector, Charles Wright (1811–1885), to travel to Japan, as well as examine Wright’s collecting practices in Japan. I argue that it is necessary to examine Gray’s diagnosis of Japan’s flora and the subsequent debate about it from the viewpoint of field sciences. The field-centered approach not only unveils an array of historical significances that have been overshadowed by the analytical framework of the Darwinian revolution and the reception of Darwinism, but also places a seemingly domestic incident in a transnational context.     

INVITED SPECIAL PAPER: History of the botanical teaching laboratory in the United States

The establishment of teaching laboratories for botany in the United States was strongly influenced in the early part of the 19th century by the founding of a laboratory of natural history at the Rensselaer School by Amos Eaton who inspired numerous educators, particularly women. By midcentury and later, botany programs were established at land-grant colleges and the so-called “new Botany” movement spread from them. In the latter part of the century additional changes were brought about by the influence of German laboratory activity and botanists’ reactions to the introduction of the Huxley-Martin biology programs to America. During these times, Americans were improving their own manufactured microscopes, laboratory supplies, and equipment capabilities. By the beginning of the 20th century, laboratory teaching of botanical subjects was widely accepted as normal in universities and colleges, as well as in some high schools.     

George Gaylord Simpson as mentor and apologist for paleoanthropology

The influence of George Gaylord Simpson (1902–1984) on paleoanthropology provides a well-documented, historical example of how one scientific discipline can impact upon another, bringing the latter quickly “up to speed” without having to retrace ground covered by the former. Paleoanthropologists were bystanders during the formulation of the evolutionary synthesis (1936–1947). After World War II, the younger paleoanthropologists looked to George Gaylord Simpson as one of several mentors regarding the implications of the synthesis for their own discipline. But why Simpson? Having earlier defined the superfamily Hominoidea (1931) as holding the Pongidae and Hominidae and monographed lower primate fossils (e.g., “Studies on the earliest primates,” 1940), Simpson's “Principles of classification and a classification of mammals” (1945) further solidified his reputation as a mammalian systematist. Simpson's Meaning of Evolution (1949) was widely read as an introduction to the synthesis, and his Tempo and Mode in Evolution (1944) made accessible the more complex aspects. Consequently, in the 1950s and 1960s paleoanthropologists invited Simpson to participate in their symposia (e.g., “Some principles of historical biology bearing on human origins,” 1951; “The meaning of taxonomic statements,” 1964), used his books as classroom texts, and cited his publications to support claims for their own work. Later in the 1960s, Simpson moved from mentor to apologist, as the paleoanthropologists were by then familiar with the synthesis and incorporated its theoretical concepts in their interpretations of the many newly discovered hominoid fossils. Simpson now took special care to celebrate these results in his more general, less technical writings, acting as a forceful apologist for the materialistic view of human origins (e.g., “The biological nature of man,” 1966; “The evolutionary concept of man,” 1972). During the 1970s, Simpson's influence waned, and he became just another practitioner at the margin of the discipline. However, anthropologists acknowledged Simpson's earlier impact, for example, when he was invited, yet again, to address them at the 50th anniversary celebration of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists in 1981.     

植物学野外实习教学改革实践与探讨

探讨植物学野外实习教学改革与实践,改革野外实习内容和形式,引导学生主动探索自然界,主动获得植物学知识的能力。加强野外实习,培养学生学习植物学基本研究方法。野外实习结合科研活动,提高学生科学素质和创造能力。提出实施野外实习改革的奈件,为提高植物学野外实习教学质量提供参考。     

Lysenko Affair and Polish Botany

This article describes the slight impact of Lysenkoism upon Polish botany. I begin with an account of the development of plant genetics in Poland, as well as the attitude of scientists and the Polish intelligentsia toward Marxist philosophy prior to the World War II. Next I provide a short history of the introduction and demise of Lysenkoism in Polish science, with a focus on events in botany, in context with key events in Polish science from 1939 to 1958. The article outlines the little effects of Lysenkoism upon botanists and their research, as well as how botanists for the most part rejected what was often termed the “new biology.” My paper shows that though Lysenko’s theories received political support, and were actively promoted by a small circle of scientists and Communist party activists, they were never accepted by most botanists. Once the political climate in Poland altered after the events of 1956, Lysenko’s theories were immediately abandoned.     

结构植物学在中国的五十年发展

结构植物学由植物解剖学发展而来,是植物学的一个重要分支学科.本文根据其近代的发展,分别就植物发育解剖学向植物发育生物学的发展、植物比较解剖学向植物系统发育生物学的发展,以及环境生态结构植物学三个主要部分简要介绍了50年来在我国的发展,并对它们的发展趋势进行了预测.     

结构植物学在中国的五十年发展

结构植物学由植物解剖学发展而来 ,是植物学的一个重要分支学科。本文根据其近代的发展 ,分别就植物发育解剖学向植物发育生物学的发展、植物比较解剖学向植物系统发育生物学的发展 ,以及环境生态结构植物学三个主要部分简要介绍了 5 0年来在我国的发展 ,并对它们的发展趋势进行了预测     

Species, Demes, and the Omega Taxonomy: Gilmour and The NewSystematics

The word ``deme' was coined by the botanists J.S.L. Gilmour and J.W.Gregor in 1939, following the pattern of J.S. Huxley's ``cline'. Its purposewas not only to rationalize the plethora of terms describing chromosomaland genetic variation, but also to reduce hostility between traditionaltaxonomists and researchers on evolution, who sometimes scorned eachother's understanding of species. A multi-layered system of compoundterms based on deme was published by Gilmour and J. Heslop-Harrison in1954 but not widely used. Deme was adopted with a modified meaning byzoologists leading the evolutionary synthesis – Huxley, Simpson, Wright,and Mayr. Connections are shown between Gilmour's ideas around definingthe deme, his role in founding the Systematics Association, and his chapter``Taxonomy and Philosophy' in the book The New Systematics. Thishistorical episode raises questions about the role of carefully-definedwords in scientific practice.     

对写作植物学科研论文的一些看法

论述了植物学研究论文写作中的选题,结构布局及其各部分写作中常见的错误,指明植物学研究论文的基本特征及其提高写作水平的方法。     

Evolutionary Morphology in Belgium

In historical literature, Edouard van Beneden (1846–1910) is mostly remembered for his cytological discoveries. Less well known, however, is that he also introduced evolutionary morphology – and indeed evolutionary theory as such – in the Belgian academic world. The introduction of this research programme cannot be understood without taking both the international and the national context into account. It was clearly the German example of the Jena University that inspired van Beneden in his research interests. The actual launch of evolutionary morphology at his University of Liège was, however, also connected with the dynamic of Belgian university reforms and the local rationale of creating a research “school.” Thanks to his networks, his mastering of the rhetoric of the “new” biology, his low ideological profile and his capitalising on the new academic élan in late-19th century Belgium, van Beneden managed to turn his programme into a local success from the 1870s onwards. Two decades later, however, the conceptual underpinnings of evolutionary morphology came under attack and the “Van Beneden School” lost much of its vitality. Despite this, van Beneden’s evolutionary morphology was prototypical for the research that was to come. He was one of the first scientific heavyweights in Belgium to turn the university laboratory into a centre of scientific practice and the hub of a research school.     

Justus Liebig and the Plant Physiologists

In his book Organic Chemistryin its Application to Agriculture andChemistry, Justus Liebig attacked ``the plantphysiologists' for their support of the humustheory and for their general ignorance ofchemistry. Two leading botanists, MatthiasSchleiden and Hugo von Mohl, responded bysharply criticizing Liebig for his lack ofknowledge of plants and his misrepresentationof the views of plant physiologists. The originand character of this debate can be understoodin part through the temperaments of Liebig andSchleiden, but can be viewed also as a contestfor control between the well-establisheddiscipline of chemistry and a potentialdiscipline of plant physiology that had as yetacquired no stable institutional foundations.     

植物学野外实习改革与实践

植物学野外实习是植物学教学的一个重要环节。从实习基地建设、创立以植物学实习为主的生物学综合实习,采用多样化的实习教学方式以及改革实习考核内容等4个方面,总结了近几年植物学野外实习的改革与实践经验,为进一步改进和提高植物学野外实习的效果提供参考。     

One hundred years of American botany: a short history of the Botanical Society of America

This paper offers highlights from the 100 (plus) years of the Botanical Society of America (BSA) and draws extensively on the archives of the BSA. In addition to examining the founding of the society and the attempt to "professionalize" botany in late 19th century America, the paper also explores the complex relations between the BSA and a number of related societies in the United States, the Society's struggle to create a coherent identity for itself, the place of botany as a whole in the context of the burgeoning biological sciences in the 20th century, and the changing role of the BSA in an international context. The paper assesses both the achievements and the challenges facing the BSA. It closes by offering some historical reflections on the status of "botany" as a science and the historical significance of terms like "plant biology" and "plant science."     

WOMEN IN NINETEENTH CENTURY AMERICAN BOTANY; A GENERALLY UNRECOGNIZED CONSTITUENCY

Botany was thought to be a suitable study for young women in schools and an amateur avocation in the Nineteenth Century. A surprisingly large number of American women identified themselves as being seriously interested in botany. For example, in the first published directory of American botanists in 1873, 13 percent of the 599 names are women's and that increased to 16 percent of the 982 names in 1878. In this paper, 1,185 women have been identified as a sample of those actively interested in botany during the century. Less than 2% of them were active before 1870, and most of them, 67%, resided in New England and the Middle Atlantic States. Almost three quarters of them were unmarried, and only 10% had higher educational degrees although 15% had some identifiable profession. Some particular individuals are noted for their contributions to science, their activity as plant collectors, and their support of botanical societies. Though few American women became professional botanists in the Nineteenth Century, they constitute an important overlooked constituency for the developing profession of botany.     

基于网络环境下植物学实验课程的设计与构建

植物学实验网络课程是植物学实验教与学的网络平台。探讨网络环境下植物学实验课程体系的结构和网络教学系统组成,通过建立植物学实验网络辅助教学系统并予以应用,优化整合资源,探索提高植物学实验教学质量的途径。