A Romani mitochondrial haplotype in England 500 years before their recorded arrival in Britain

The nomadic Romani (gypsy) people are known for their deep-rooted traditions, but most of their history is recorded from external sources. We find evidence for a Romani genetic lineage in England long before their recorded arrival there. The most likely explanations are that either the historical record is wrong, or that early liaisons between Norse and Romani people during their coincident presence in ninth to tenth century Byzantium led to the spread of the haplotype to England.     

Norse Greenland settlement: reflections on climate change, trade, and the contrasting fates of human settlements in the North Atlantic Islands

Changing economies and patterns of trade, rather than climatic deterioration, could have critically marginalized the Norse Greenland settlements and effectively sealed their fate. Counter-intuitively, the end of Norse Greenland might not be symptomatic of a failure to adapt to environmental change, but a consequence of successful wider economic developments of Norse communities across North Atlantic. Data from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and medieval Iceland is used to explore the interplay of Norse society with climate, environment, settlement, and other circumstances. Long term increases in vulnerability caused by economic change and cumulative climate changes sparked a cascading collapse of integrated interdependent settlement systems, bringing the end of Norse Greenland.     

Early-Norse Home-Field Productivity in the Faroe Islands

In the early Norse settlement period throughout the North Atlantic, effective management of the land area surrounding the domestic settlement, the home-field, was essential. In the Faroe Islands, the extent of home-field land suitable for growing fodder or cereal crops is limited by topography and by drainage highlighting the need to optimize the management of these land areas. In this paper we examine the management of home-fields through a modeling approach, allowing the long-term sustainability of the past agrarian system in the home-field area to be examined. The CENTURY agroecosystem model is used to predict soil organic carbon levels and the potential hay meadow and cereal production for locations around three settlements on the islands of Su{–}deroy, Sandoy, and Eysteroy. Using paleoclimatic data and measurements from buried soil materials alongside ethnographic and historical evidence on land management, the results from this model reveal maximum hay and barley yields attainable through early agrarian practices. Comparisons between modeled outputs and recorded yields from the nineteenth century show that there is a strong moderating influence on longer-term climatic fluctuations. The role of soil management is emphasized through comparison of long-term climate/yield data. This has been undertaken using statistical time series analyses, which reveal fluctuations in yield related to climate are relatively slight, except going into the twentieth century. It is concluded that intensity of soil management is the primary determinant of yield and could buffer cereal and hay yields against climatic downturns, and that from a low yield baseline in the early Norse settlement period, yield improves to an equilibrium level by the twelfth century.     

Northern Islands,human error,and environmental degradation: A view of social and ecological change in the Medieval North Atlantic

Between ca. 790 and 1000 AD, Scandinavian settlers occupied the islands of the North Atlantic: Shetland, the Orkneys, the Hebrides, the Faroes, Iceland, and Greenland. These offshore islands initially supported stands of willow, alder, and birch, and a range of non-arboreal species suitable for pasture for the imported Norse domestic animals. Overstocking of domestic animals, fuel collection, ironworking, and construction activity seems to have rapidly depleted the dwarf trees, and several scholars argue that soil erosion and other forms of environmental degradation also resulted from Norse landuse practices in the region. Such degradation of pasture communities may have played a significant role in changing social relationships and late medieval economic decline in the western tier colonies of Iceland and Greenland. This paper presents simple quantified models for Scandinavian environmental impact in the region, and suggests some sociopolitical causes for ultimately maladaptive floral degradation.     

Pollen and non-pollen palynomorph evidence of medieval farming activities in southwestern Greenland

Radiocarbon dating, pollen and non-pollen palynomorph analyses from a lake core were used to establish the timing and effects of farming activities around Lake Igaliku, Eastern Settlement, Greenland. The absence of agro-pastoral impact before the medieval colonization by Europeans provides an opportunity to understand the development of farming activity in a pristine landscape. The results show that the first phase of clearance and grazing pressure, without the expansion of the Norse apophyte (native plant, in habitats created by humans) Rumex acetosa type, could have occurred in the 9–10th century a.d. The presence of Norse settlers and livestock is clearly recorded from the 11–12th century a.d. with increasing frequencies of the Norse apophytes Rumex acetosa type and Ranunculus acris type, and coprophilous fungi. This colonization phase is followed by a period of decreasing human impact at the beginning of the 14th century, with a decrease in weeds, apophytes and coprophilous fungi suggesting a reduced grazing pressure. The regrowth of Salix and Betula and the disappearance of anthropogenic indicators except Rumex acetosa type between the 15th and 18th century demonstrate the abandonment of the settlement, until the development of contemporary agriculture in the 20th century.     

Clarifying springtime temperature reconstructions of the medieval period by gap-filling the cherry blossom phenological data series at Kyoto, Japan

We investigated documents and diaries from the ninth to the fourteenth centuries to supplement the phenological data series of the flowering of Japanese cherry (Prunus jamasakura) in Kyoto, Japan, to improve and fill gaps in temperature estimates based on previously reported phenological data. We then reconstructed a nearly continuous series of March mean temperatures based on 224 years of cherry flowering data, including 51 years of previously unused data, to clarify springtime climate changes. We also attempted to estimate cherry full-flowering dates from phenological records of other deciduous species, adding further data for 6 years in the tenth and eleventh centuries by using the flowering phenology of Japanese wisteria (Wisteria floribunda). The reconstructed tenth century March mean temperatures were around 7°C, indicating warmer conditions than at present. Temperatures then fell until the 1180s, recovered gradually until the 1310s, and then declined again in the mid-fourteenth century.     

Palatine torus in the Greenlandic Norse.

Physical anthropologists have long been intrigued by the distinctive oral tori expressed by the medieval Norse populations of Iceland and Greenland. To assess the temporal and spatial variation of one form of oral tori, palatine torus, observations were made on all available Greenlandic Norse skeletons, as well as on samples of medieval Icelanders and Norwegians. In terms of temporal variation, 12th to 14th century (medieval) Greenlanders from the Eastern and Western settlements exhibited higher frequencies and more pronounced expressions of palatine torus compared with early 11th century Greenlanders. The early Greenlandic sample closely approximated the medieval Icelandic and Norwegian samples for total torus frequency, although the Norwegians exhibited the trait to a less pronounced degree. As degree of expression is the most distinctive aspect of torus variation among the Norse, some combination of environmental factors, including increased masticatory stress and chronic undernutrition, probably accounts for most of the difference between settlement period and medieval Greenlanders. Although palatine torus may be hereditary in part, environmental factors play a significant role in the expression of this trait.     

Causes and consequences of past and projected Scandinavian summer temperatures, 500-2100 AD

Tree rings dominate millennium-long temperature reconstructions and many records originate from Scandinavia, an area for which the relative roles of external forcing and internal variation on climatic changes are, however, not yet fully understood. Here we compile 1,179 series of maximum latewood density measurements from 25 conifer sites in northern Scandinavia, establish a suite of 36 subset chronologies, and analyse their climate signal. A new reconstruction for the 1483-2006 period correlates at 0.80 with June-August temperatures back to 1860. Summer cooling during the early 17th century and peak warming in the 1930s translate into a decadal amplitude of 2.9°C, which agrees with existing Scandinavian tree-ring proxies. Climate model simulations reveal similar amounts of mid to low frequency variability, suggesting that internal ocean-atmosphere feedbacks likely influenced Scandinavian temperatures more than external forcing. Projected 21st century warming under the SRES A2 scenario would, however, exceed the reconstructed temperature envelope of the past 1,500 years.     

Mandibular torus morphology

The morphology of the mandibular torus was examined, and comparisons were made between a Medieval Norse skeletal population from Greenland and a 14th to 17th century Greenland Eskimo skeletal series. Three parameters were analyzed: degree of development (on a 4-point scale), position and length, and surface morphology according to the number of knobs, or lobuli. It was found that the Eskimos have a high frequency of weakly developed tori and no cases of the extreme development, while over 20% of the Norsemen had tori in the “extreme” category. The Norse torus was generally found to be longer than that of the Eskimos, and both groups exhibited a slight asymmetry between the sides, the torus on the left side tending to be longer and more forward in position than the right. A great difference was found in surface morphology. The Norse torus is in general very irregular, while the Eskimo torus is rather smooth. These differences are believed to be genetically determined.     

Grazing impacts and woodland management in Eriksfjord: Betula, coprophilous fungi and the Norse settlement of Greenland

This paper focuses on the impact of Norse settlement on vegetation and landscape around the head of Tunulliarfik (Eriksfjord) in southern Greenland. Pollen, radiocarbon, microscopic charcoal and fungal spore data are presented from a peat monolith which was collected close to the ruins of a large Norse farm complex (group ?39 at Qinngua in the former Eastern Settlement). Landnám is identified at ca. cal. a.d. 1020 by a small decrease in pollen from Betula, a slight increase in Poaceae, and the appearance of pollen from Norse apophytes (native plants favoured and spread by human activity) and anthropochores (not native and unintentionally introduced by people). Increases in microscopic charcoal and palynological richness are also apparent. This pattern is broadly consistent with that seen in other pollen diagrams from this region. The sequence is unusual for Greenland, however, in that relatively high Betula pollen percentages (average 20% TLP) are recorded throughout the period of settlement, up to the end of the 14th century a.d. before the profile becomes truncated. If these data are primarily representative of the dry land vegetation, then they suggest that birch woodland and scrub may well have persisted close to the farm throughout the Norse period. Given the potential resource value of woodland to the settlers, this may imply that birch was being managed sustainably, as was the case in Iceland during the medieval period. Coprophilous fungal spores typically found on animal dung are abundant during the early phase of settlement, yet subsequently decline in abundance. This may indicate a likely decrease in grazing intensity or livestock numbers over time, possibly in response to climatic deterioration and/or soil erosion that is expected to have placed increased stress on the pastoral farming system.     

Viking and Medieval Settlement in the Faroes: People,Place and Environment

Apart from the possible, but unproven presence of some Irish hermits, the Norse colonizers of the Faroe Islands arrived in an unsettled landscape around A.D. 800. The archipelago was essentially unwooded and rich in bird and marine life. The area of land suitable for settlement and farming was relatively meagre and concentrated in coastal areas; inland areas were suitable for shielings (summer pasture) and subsequently more extensive grazing (outfield) activities. Reconstruction of the settlement distribution has not been a well-developed aspect of Faroese historical study. Using archaeological and documentary evidence, we are able to present the first comprehensive distribution map of Norse settlement, which emphasizes an overwhelmingly coastal focus of considerable density. Using historical (including place-names), archaeological, and environmental evidence, we examine the nature and organization of the Viking (early Norse) and medieval (later Norse) settlement. Colonization and economic activity in the islands were strongly influenced by topographic and ecological factors. This, along with social organization, was subject to influences which may have derived, at least in part, from experiences in a Norwegian homeland.     

The Shoshonean Migration Problem

Abstract

The Shoshone were resident in northwestern Wyoming at the time of historic contact, the early mneteenth century. Two hypptheses to explain their presence and time depth there have been proposed. The migration hypothesis brings them from the southern Sierra Nevadas across the Great Basin beginning no earlier than A.D. 1000. The in situ hypothesis argues for a residency of 5000 to 7000 year. The hypotheses are tested by drawing predictions from them. Using ceramics, rock art, strat1graph1c sequences, and adaptive data the in situ hypothesis may be falsified. The migration hypothesis then best explains the archaeological evidence. It is thus suggested that Shoshonean speakers did not reach southern Wyoming until the fifteenth century A.D. at the earliest. It is also suggested that the higher mountainous areas of Jackson Hole and Yellowstone Park were not occupied by the Shoshonean speakers until after they were driven from the northwestern Plains around A.D. 1800. Finally, it 1s proposed, but not tested, that Athapaskan speakers may have occupied the region of western Wyoming from the Altithermal until the time of the Shoshonean and Crow migrations of the fifteenth century. At this time Apacheans were displaced southward and eastward.     

Sustainable Rangeland Grazing in Norse Faroe

The introduction of domestic livestock, particularly sheep, and rangeland grazing by Norse settlers to Faroe during the ninth century has generally been described as a major pressure on a sensitive landscape, leading to rapid and widespread vegetation change and contributing to land degradation. This view has, however, been developed without consideration of Norse grazing management practices which may have served to minimize grazing impacts on landscapes as well as sustaining and enhancing vegetation and livestock productivity. These alternative scenarios are considered using a historical grazing management simulation model with Faroese climate and vegetation inputs and given archaeological, historical and palaeoenvironmental parameters. Three contrasting rangeland areas are investigated and, based on the maximum number of ewe/lamb pairs the rangeland could sustain, modeling suggests that utilizable biomass declined with the onset of grazing activity, but not to a level that would cause major changes in vegetation cover or contribute to soil erosion even under climatically determined poor growth conditions. When rangeland areas partitioned into what are termed hagi and partir are modeled, grazing levels are still within rangeland carrying capacities, but productivities are variable. Some rangeland areas increase biomass and livestock productivities and biomass utilization rates while other rangeland areas that were too finely partitioned were likely to suffer substantial decline in livestock productivity. Partitioning of rangeland is a likely contributor to long-term differentiation of landscapes and the relative success of settlements across Faroe beyond the Norse period.     

Estimating Scandinavian and Gaelic ancestry in the male settlers of Iceland

We present findings based on a study of Y-chromosome diallelic and microsatellite variation in 181 Icelanders, 233 Scandinavians, and 283 Gaels from Ireland and Scotland. All but one of the Icelandic Y chromosomes belong to haplogroup 1 (41.4%), haplogroup 2 (34.2%), or haplogroup 3 (23.8%). We present phylogenetic networks of Icelandic Y-chromosome variation, using haplotypes constructed from seven diallelic markers and eight microsatellite markers, and we propose two new clades. We also report, for the first time, the phylogenetic context of the microsatellite marker DYS385 in Europe. A comparison of haplotypes based on six diallelic loci and five microsatellite loci indicates that some Icelandic haplogroup-1 chromosomes are likely to have a Gaelic origin, whereas for most Icelandic haplogroup-2 and -3 chromosomes, a Scandinavian origin is probable. The data suggest that 20%-25% of Icelandic founding males had Gaelic ancestry, with the remainder having Norse ancestry. The closer relationship with the Scandinavian Y-chromosome pool is supported by the results of analyses of genetic distances and lineage sharing. These findings contrast with results based on mtDNA data, which indicate closer matrilineal links with populations of the British Isles. This supports the model, put forward by some historians, that the majority of females in the Icelandic founding population had Gaelic ancestry, whereas the majority of males had Scandinavian ancestry.     

Comparing Scots pine tree-ring proxies and detrending methods among sites in Jämtland,west-central Scandinavia

Scots pine tree-ring width (TRW) data from Jämtland in the Central Scandinavian Mountains has been used to reconstruct summer temperatures back to 1630 BC. However, it was recently shown that this reconstruction was of limited spatial importance. In this paper, we aim to explain this limitation in the TRW data as a temperature proxy, as well as assess the temperature information from new maximum latewood density (MXD) data. Furthermore, the effect of two standardization methods is evaluated: regional curve standardization (RCS) and a more traditional standardization, termed “non-RCS” standardization. Three TRW and two MXD sites were analyzed. Our results showed that despite the proximity to the Norwegian Sea, the MXD data is a powerful temperature proxy. Difference among sites in TRW data, especially on decadal timescales, together with a lower temperature association, suggests that other factors, such as changes in the local climate regimes, weakens the temperature signal. In general the RCS method overestimates pine growth trends in the latter half of the twentieth century, a feature not seen when using “non-RCS” standardization. This is likely due to an age-bias of older trees in most recent parts of the tree-ring chronologies. This effect will have consequences when reconstructing climate with tree-ring data. To overcome this problem, all age-classes should be represented throughout a chronology. If this is not possible, the use of “non-RCS” standardization is recommended, although this method results in a loss of low-frequency variability.     

Cows,harp seals,and churchbells: Adaptation and extinction in Norse Greenland

The extinction of the Norse colony in West Greenland (ca A.D. 985–1500) has intrigued generations of historians, medieval archaeologists, and climatologists. This longstanding interest has generated a considerable body of basic paleoclimatic and paleoecological data, as well as a number of largely monocausal explanations for the communities' end. The 1976–1977 Inuit-Norse Project and a variety of recent geophysical and palynological studies have provided the greater detail necessary for a more systematic analysis of cultural adaptation and extinction in Norse Greenland. A dual maritime/terrestrial Norse subsistence economy, combined with a transatlantic trade and long- range arctic hunting, supported a hierarchical social organization and elaborate ceremonial architecture. Elite information management and economic decision- making seems to have been a source of ultimately fatal Norse conservatism in the face of fluctuating resources and Inuit competition.     

农业的起源、传播与影响

农业是文明形成和发展的基础。约1万年以前,农业在西亚、中美洲和东亚地区几乎同时独立出现。西亚的两河流域被认为是小麦、大麦、燕麦等作物的起源中心;中美洲则是玉米、马铃薯和花生等农作物的诞生地;中国拥有两套独立的原始农业系统,分别是起源于长江中下游地区的稻作农业和黄河中游地区的粟-黍旱作农业,孕育了中华农耕文明。西亚的小麦农业、东亚的稻作和粟-黍农业逐步传播到世界上大多数地区,促进了早期农业全球化。15世纪末,新航路的开辟和众多贸易路线的出现加快了欧亚大陆和美洲大陆农作物的传播和融合,加速了农业全球化进程。农业的发展改变了人类改造和适应环境的能力;促进了人类定居,导致人群结构的重大变革,出现劳动分工和商品交换等,为人类提供了稳定的食物供应及储存,推动了人口的增长。农业起源和发展极大地增强了人类活动的强度和范围,深刻地影响着全球生态和气候环境。     

Two centuries of the Scandinavian wolf population: patterns of genetic variability and migration during an era of dramatic decline

The grey wolf (Canis lupus) was numerous on the Scandinavian peninsula in the early 19th century. However, as a result of intense persecution, the population declined dramatically and was virtually extinct from the peninsula by the 1960s. We examined historical patterns of genetic variability throughout the period of decline, from 1829 to 1979. Contemporary Finnish wolves, considered to be representative of a large eastern wolf population, were used for comparison. Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) variability among historical Scandinavian wolves was significantly lower than in Finland while Y chromosome variability was comparable between the two populations. This may suggest that long-distance migration from the east has been male-biased. Importantly though, as the historical population was significantly differentiated from contemporary Finnish wolves, the overall immigration rate to the Scandinavian peninsula appears to have been low. Levels of variability at autosomal microsatellite loci were high by the early 1800s but declined considerably towards the mid-20th century. At this time, approximately 40% of the allelic diversity and 30% of the heterozygosity had been lost. After 1940, however, there is evidence of several immigration events, coinciding with episodes of marked population increase in Russian Karelia and subsequent westwards migration.     

Hundred Years of Environmental Change and Phytoplankton Ecophysiological Variability Archived in Coastal Sediments

Marine protist species have been used for several decades as environmental indicators under the assumption that their ecological requirements have remained more or less stable through time. However, a growing body of evidence suggests that marine protists, including several phytoplankton species, are in fact highly diverse and may quickly respond to changes in the environment. Predicting how future climate will impact phytoplankton populations is important, but this task has been challenged by a lack of time-series of ecophysiological parameters at time-scales relevant for climate studies (i.e. at least decadal). Here, we report on ecophysiological variability in a marine dinoflagellate over a 100-year period of well-documented environmental change, by using the sedimentary archive of living cysts from a Scandinavian fjord (Koljö Fjord, Sweden). During the past century, Koljö Fjord has experienced important changes in salinity linked to the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO). We revived resting cysts of Pentapharsodinium dalei preserved in the fjord sediments and determined growth rates for 18 strains obtained from 3 sediment core layers at salinity 15 and 30, which represent extreme sea-surface conditions during periods of predominantly negative and positive NAO phases, respectively. Upper pH tolerance limits for growth were also tested. In general, P. dalei grew at a higher rate in salinity 30 than 15 for all layers, but there were significant differences among strains. When accounting for inter-strain variability, cyst age had no effect on growth performance or upper pH tolerance limits for this species, indicating a stable growth response over the 100-year period in spite of environmental fluctuations. Our findings give some support for the use of morphospecies in environmental studies, particularly at decadal to century scales. Furthermore, the high intra-specific variability found down to sediment layers dated as ca. 50 years-old indicates that cyst-beds of P. dalei are repositories of ecophysiological diversity.     

The fifteenth- and twentieth-century colonization of the Basin of Mexico by the Great-tailed Grackle (Quiscalus mexicanus)

Historical evidence indicates that Great‐tailed Grackles colonized the Basin of Mexico from the Gulf Coast lowlands in the fifteenth century. They were probably assisted by an intentional introduction, but colonization succeeded because of anthropogenic habitat alterations over the previous two centuries. During the Colonial period, grackles withdrew from the Basin, only to recolonize it in recent decades. This withdrawal was also due probably to changes in land use, including drainage of much of the water from the Basin's lakes.