Marital fertility in polygynous unions in Nigeria

The effect of polygyny on fertility, by age cohort, was examined in 4 regions of Nigeria through use of data from the 1981-82 Nigerian Fertility Survey. Simple tabulation of numbers of live births by maternal age and type of marriage union indicated that, with the exception of the 30-39-year age group, fertility in polygynous unions tends to be higher than that in monogamous marriages. Overall, such tabulations reveal an average of 3.90 births among polygynous women and 3.47 births among monogamous women. However, when age-specific fertility rates were compared, except for women under 20 and over 40 years of age, rates were higher in monogamous unions (7.286 overall) than for women in polygynous households (7.200 overall). Mean completed fertility, taking into account marriage duration as well, shows a tendency for women in polygynous unions to be more fertile (with the exception of women aged 25-44 years who had been married 10-19 years). The absolute difference in fertility between the 2 types of marital unions ranged from 0.32 children in the northwest to 0.64 in the southeast. With adjustment for independent variables such as education, the absolute mean differences were reduced, from between 0.28 children in the southeast to 0.42 in the northeast, but the direction of high fertility was still in favor of women in polygynous unions. But when the covariates (e.g., age at marriage) were taken into account as well as the independent variables, there was a dramatic reduction in the mean difference between the fertility of these 2 groups of women. These findings suggest that some changes in reproductive behavior are taking place in Nigeria that are restricting the fertility of women in polygynous unions. These changes are hypothesized to reflect the spread of formal education in Nigeria, with the expectation that women will contribute to the costs involved in educating their children.     

Differential fertility in the United States, 1980: continuity or change?

This paper considers how changes in women's sociocultural characteristics have influenced recent patterns of differential fertility in the US and whether the convergence of fertility differentials observed up to 1970 has continued. The data are drawn from the June 1980 US Current Population Survey, which is a probability sample survey selected to represent the civilian non-institutionalized population living in households. The study population consists of 20,621 ever-married White and Black women aged 25-44, a group for various reasons considered to have a high impact from the point of view of fertility behavior. Fertility to date and ever expected fertility are the dependent variables. The respondents were separated into age cohorts, and differentiated by race. The data suggest that there has been no change in differential fertility in recent years: the 2 youngest cohorts (25-29 and 30-34 years) have similar expected fertilities that are lower than those of the older cohorts. Age at 1st birth, length of 1st birth interval, income, and education were negatively associated with fertility, among both older and younger women, of both races. Differentials by race have narrowed slightly. When fertility expectations were examined, the association of the independent variables with expected completed fertility was weaker among younger women, indicating that there has been some convergence in expected fertility. Further narrowing of differentials in actual fertility depends on how successful the younger women are in preventing future unplanned births. If the present tendency towards surgical sterilization (among both races and groups above and below the poverty level) persists, it will make it possible for more women to stay within their expected total fertility levels.     

Birth spacing in Pakistan

Life table analysis was applied to data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey to identify child spacing differentials between population subgroups. Women in urban areas had shorter birth intervals than their rural counterparts from parities 1-6; only after parity 7 was this differential reversed. Similarly, women with some education had shorter birth intervals at the earlier parities than uneducated women. While overall family size is relatively homogeneous in Pakistan, women of more modern backgrounds seem to space their children more closely than traditional women. Age at marriage appears to play an important role not only in determining the length of the 1st interval, but also that of subsequent intervals. An unexpected finding was that ever users of contraception had distinctly more rapid spacing of their births than never users. The median interval to 1st birth was shortest in North West Frontier Province, but similar in Punjab and Sind. Multiple classification analysis revealed that some differentials in child spacing by education, residence, and province persisted even after other variables were controlled. Cohort of mother had an independent effect, with younger cohorts having shorter birth intervals. However, the variable that had the strongest effect on length of interval (aside from the 1st interval) was breastfeeding duration. It is likely that increasing urbanization and improved levels of education among women will lead to high levels of marital fertility associated with shorter birth intervals. Even though these trends tend to increase the age at marriage, they are associated with shorter durations of breastfeeding. In the longer term, greater use of contraception among women in the modern sector may partially counteract the fertility increasing effect of reduced birth intervals.     

Gravidity and parity in postmenopausal American Indian women: the Strong Heart Study

The fertility of a large sample of American Indian women participating in the Strong Heart Study was examined to determine which factors are associated with variation in completed fertility among women in this population. The Strong Heart Study (SHS) is a study of cardiovascular disease (CVD) and its risk factors in American Indians living in Arizona, Oklahoma, and the Dakotas. Data were derived from a baseline examination between 1989 and 1992 of approximately 1,500 men and women, aged 45-74, from each of the 3 SHS centers. A personal interview elicited demographic information, family health history, and information on several life-style variables. A total of 1,955 ever-married, postmenopausal women were considered in these analyses. Women were considered to be postmenopausal if their menstrual cycles had stopped completely for at least 12 months, either because of natural or surgical processes. The average number of pregnancies (gravidity) for all women was 5.9, whereas the mean number of live births (parity) was 5.3. Women living in Arizona (5.6) and the Dakotas (5.8) had higher parity than those in Oklahoma (4.6). Furthermore, there was lower completed fertility in younger women: When American Indian women from all 3 centers were considered together, women born between 1910 and 1919 had a mean parity of 5.3, whereas women born between 1940 and 1949 had a mean parity of 4.0. Although previous research has suggested a relationship between parity and CVD risk factors, no linear associations between CVD risk factors and fertility were indicated in this population. We also examined the relationship of contraception, level of education, and income to fertility. While no significant relationship between contraception and the level of fertility was identified, there was a significant inverse linear relationship of both education and income with fertility. In summary, fertility rates in American Indian women are high, but appear to be decreasing in younger generations. Fertility is higher in those with less education and lower incomes.     

Those ubiquitous fertility trends: United States, 1945-1979

1970-79 US fertility trends among differnet racial, regional, age, educational, parity, and socioeconomic subgroups in the population were examined, using own children data from the 1976 Survey of Income and Education (SIE) and the March Current Population Surveys (CPS) from 1968-80. In addition, cross-sectional differences in fertility for the subgroups were compared for 1970 and 1976, using multiple regression analysis. 1st, the appropriateness of using fertility rates obtained from own children data was assessed by comparing fertility rates obtained from the SIE data with those derived from vital statistic and census data. The comparative analysis confirmed that the SIE data yielded an accurate estimate of period fertility rates for currently married women, provided the subgroup samples were sufficiently large. CPS fertility estimates were also judged to be accurate if data from 3 adjacent survey years was pooled to increase sample size. Fertility trends for 5 educational groups were assessed separately for 1967-73. During this periold, there was a marked decline in fertility for all 5 groups; for the group with 5-8 years of education the decline was only 14%, but for the other 4 groups, which included women with 9-16 or more years of education, the decline in fertility ranged from 26-29%. In assessing the 1970-76 trends, the sample was restricted to own children, aged 3 years or less, of currently married women, under 40 years of age. Among whites, there was an overall 20% decline in fertility between 1970-76 and an overall fertility increase of about 2% between 1976-79. These trends were observed in all 28 white subgroups. A similar pattern was observed for blacks. There was an overall fertility decline of 24% between 1970-76, and this decline was apparent for all subgroups except women with college degrees. Betwen 1976-79, black fertility rates, unlike white rates, continued to decline, but the rate of decline was only 3%. Furthermore, the decline in almost all the black subgroups was markedly less than in the 1970-76 periold, and for many of the subgroups the trend was reversed and fertility increased. In summary, the fertility trends noted for 1970-79 were pervasive for almost all the subgroups for both blacks and whites; i.e., there was a marked decline in fertility between 1970-76 and than a reversal or slowing down of the decline during the 1976-79 for all black and white subgroups. Cross-sectional fertility differences in the subgroups in 1970 and in 1979 were quite similar, and fertility rates differed markedly for the separate subgroups. These differences do not, of course, explain the pervasive trends observed in the analysis of the fertility rates over time. A similar study assessing fertility trends among subgroups for the early 1940's through the late 1960s also revealed the pervasive nature of period fertility trends. Demographers have not as yet been able to explain these shifts in fertility that cut across all subgroups in the US and which also characterize the period fertility rates in other developed countries. Tables provided information on 1) total fertility rates by educational level and by geographical region for 1945-1975; 2) % change in number of own children less than 3 years of age among women under age 40 by maternal age, maternal education, initial parity, geographical region, and husband's income; and 3) mean number of own children less than 3 years of age among women under age 40 by maternal age, education, parity, region, and husband's income.     

Family planning among Japanese on public relief

Abstract

Two recurrent concepts in fertility literature permit prediction of an inverse relationship between social class and fertility. The commitment to familism refers to the degree that couples embrace a family‐centered style of life over a consumerist or careerist style of life. Commitment to individual children refers to the emotional and material involvement of parents in each child they have. Data show that commitment to individual children is negatively related to fertility, that social class is negatively related to commitment to familism, that social class is positively related to commitment to individual children, and that commitment to familism and commitment to individual children account for relationships between class and fertility.     

Family size and children's education in Matlab, Bangladesh

This study examines the relationship between family size and children's education in Bangladesh for two periods - 1982 with high fertility and 1996 with low fertility - using data from the Matlab Health and Demographic Surveillance System of the ICDDR,B: Centre for Health and Population Research. Children aged 8-17 years (27,448 in 1982 and 32,635 in 1996) were selected from households where the mother was aged 30-49 years and the father was the head of household. Children's education was measured in terms of completed years of schooling: at least class 1 (among 8-17 year olds), at least class 5 (among 12-17 year olds) and at least class 7 (among 15-17 year olds). After controlling for all variables in the multivariate analyses, level of children's education was not found to be associated with family size during the high fertility period. The family size-education relationship became negative during the low fertility period. In both periods children of educated mothers from wealthier households and those who lived close to primary/high schools had more education, but this socioeconomic difference reduced substantially over time. Boys had more education than girls during the high fertility period but this difference disappeared during the low fertility period. As birth rates fall and the proportion of children from small families increases an increase in children's education is to be expected.     

Fitness and fertility among Kalahari !Kung

In this paper we develop a model that examines fertility and childhood mortality patterns and their relationship to environmental variables. Interactions among environmental variables can account for different fertility patterns and different mixes of these variables can produce similar patterns of fertility. Our model attempts to quantify the idea that there is a trade-off between producing a few children likely to survive to reproductive age and producing a greater number of children with lower chances for survival. The optimum mix of these strategies depends on environmental characteristics. We use the model to make predictions about fertility and mortality patterns among two Bushmen populations of southern Africa--the Ghanzi and Ngamiland !Kung--using data collected by Harpending in 1967-1968. The results do not support explanations of the low fertilities observed among !Kung Bushmen women, in whom it is thought that fitness is maximized by limiting fertility, and show no relationship between mortality and family size in either !Kung population. Instead, the number of offspring reaching reproductive age in both populations increases as their completed family size increases. We examine the effects of sex, birth order, and paternal investment on mortality. No sex ratio differences and no differences in mortality by sex or birth order are present. Infant mortality among women who married more than once is significantly higher than among women who married once, suggesting that paternal care has a significant effect.     

Stall in fertility decline in Eastern African countries: regional analysis of patterns,determinants and implications

We use data from the Demographic and Health Surveys to examine the patterns of stall in fertility decline in four Eastern African countries. Contrary to patterns of fertility transition in Africa that cut across various socio-economic and geographical groups within countries, we find strong selectivity of fertility stall across different groups and regions in all four countries. In both Kenya and Tanzania where fertility decline has stalled at the national level, it continued to decline among the most educated women and in some regions. While fertility has remained at pre-transition level in Uganda over the past 20 years, there are signs of decline with specific groups of women (especially the most educated, urban and those in the Eastern region) taking the lead. For Zimbabwe, although fertility has continued to decline at the national level, stall is observed among women with less than secondary education and those in some of the regions. We link these intra-country variations to differential changes in socio-economic variables, family planning programme environment and reproductive behaviour models. The results suggest that declines in contraceptive use, increases in unmet need for family planning, increasing preferences for larger families, and increases in adolescent fertility were consistently associated with stalls in subgroup fertility across all four countries. These results are consistent with models that emphasize the role of declines in national and international commitments to family planning programmes in the premature stall in sub-Saharan fertility transition.     

Achievement of reproductive intentions in Sri Lanka, 1982-1985: a longitudinal study.

The achievement or reproductive intentions of Sri Lankan women was examined by using longitudinal data for the period 1982-85. Aggregate consistency between reproductive intentions and behavior was almost perfect, but at the individual level there were inconsistencies. Among those who wanted to have no more children, 23 per cent reported a birth in the intersurvey period of 3 years and 2 months, while failures to have a wanted birth stood at 36 per cent. There was a clear declining trend in the former type of inconsistencies in Sri Lanka, but the latter type has increased, possibly due to a continuing decline in family size ideals or due to deferred childbearing. Even though inconsistencies existed, expressed fertility intentions in 1982 significantly influenced the fertility outcome. The study also has a methodological focus on whether to include sterilized women when fertility intentions and behavior are examined longitudinally, but no specific problems were found with their inclusion. Results indicate that, apart from the intention variable, age, marital duration, family size, and education of husband and wife variables all influenced fertility in the follow-up period.     

Ideal versus actual: the contradiction in number of children born to Nigerian women

Although desired family size is often different from actual family size, the dynamics of this difference are not well understood. This paper examines the patterns and determinants of the difference between desired and actual number of children (unmet fertility desires) among women aged 15-49 years using pooled data from the 1990, 1999 and 2003 Nigeria Demographic and Health Surveys (NDHSs). The results show that more than two-thirds of the sample have unmet fertility desires (18.1% have more while 52.4% have fewer than desired). It was found that early and late childbearing increased the odds of unmet fertility desires. Also, women with low levels of education, from poor households, rural residents as well as those who had experienced child death were at a higher risk of unmet fertility desires in the multivariate context. The study highlights the policy and programme implications of the findings.     

Variation in wealth and educational drivers of fertility decline across 45 countries

Fertility decline in human populations is an inherent evolutionary puzzle with major demographic, socio-cultural and evolutionary consequences. The individual level predictors of fertility decline are numerous, but the way these effects vary by country and how they are causally mediated by other factors has received relatively little attention. Here we take a multilevel approach to compare similarities and differences in the primary predictors of contemporary fertility declines—wealth and education—across 45 countries in Africa, Asia, Central and South America, the Caribbean, and the Middle East using Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data collected from 2003 to 2015. We use multilevel models to understand variation in the slopes of these predictors on fertility, and structural equation models to examine the causal pathways by which they take their effects, focusing on four mediating variables: local mortality and birth rates, women’s work status, and contraceptive use. We find that associations between wealth and fertility differ substantially across populations, while associations between education and fertility are consistently negative. The mediators also vary: community-level birth rates and women’s contraceptive use are important mediators between education, wealth and the number of children born across a wide variety of countries, but community-level mortality rates and women’s work status are not. We discuss our results in the context of different causal pathways that reflect cultural and biological evolutionary dynamics as simultaneous and interacting drivers of fertility decline.     

The Changing Timing of Births in Iran: An Explanation of the Rise and Fall in Fertility After the 1979 Islamic Revolution

Studies exploring the course of period fertility in Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution have not examined systematically the role played by changes in the timing of births. Using retrospective data from the 2000 Iran Demographic and Health Survey and frailty hazard models, this study finds that the rise in fertility in the early 1980s was due to faster transitions to the first birth among all social groups of women and to the fourth birth largely among illiterate and less educated women. In contrast, the rapid fertility decline after 1985 is attributed to slower transition to successive births, especially to the second, third, and fourth births. These findings point to the importance of education and contraceptive use (measured by length of previous birth interval) as key determinants of birth timing in Iran. Interaction between age at marriage and education positively influenced the timing of births, with stronger effects among highly educated women, suggesting that the onset of rapid fertility decline was likely driven by these highly educated women. Another interaction between the gender of prior children and education shows that birth timing, even among highly educated women, appears to have been influenced by son preference in Iran.     

Fertility decline driven by poverty: the case of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Demographic transition theory states that fertility declines in response to development, thus wealth and fertility are negatively correlated. Evolutionary theory, however, suggests a positive relationship between wealth and fertility. Fertility transition as a result of industrialization and economic development started in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Western Europe; and it extended to some of the Asian and Latin American countries later on. However, economic crises since the 1980s have been co-incident with fertility decline in sub-Sahara Africa and other developing countries like Thailand, Nepal and Bangladesh in the last decade of the 20th century. A very low level of fertility is observed in Addis Ababa (TFR=1.9) where contraceptive prevalence rate is modest and recurrent famine as well as drought have been major causes of economic crisis in the country for more than three consecutive decades, which is surprising given the high rural fertility. Detailed socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of 2976 women of reproductive age (i.e. 15-49 years) residing in Addis Ababa were collected during the first quarter of 2003 using an event history calendar and individual women questionnaire. Controlling for the confounding effects of maternal birth cohort, education, marital status and accessible income level, the poor (those who have access to less than a dollar per day or 250 birr a month) were observed to elongate the timing of having first and second births, while relatively better-off women were found to have shorter birth intervals. Results were also the same among the ever-married women only model. More than 50% of women currently in their 20s are also predicted to fail to reproduce as most of the unmarried men and women are 'retreating from marriage' due to economic stress. Qualitative information collected through focus group discussions and in-depth interviews also supports the statistical findings that poverty is at the root of this collapse in fertility. Whilst across countries wealth and fertility have been negatively correlated, this study shows that within one uniform population the relationship is clearly positive.     

Racial fertility differences: The role of female employment and education in wanted and unwanted childbearing

Abstract

This paper employs data from a merged sample of the National Surveys of Family Growth to examine how female employment status conditions the relationship between education and wanted and unwanted births among African American and white women. A rationale is presented for why a minority group status hypothesis that posits lower fertility among more highly educated African American women as compared to similar white women might find support in the case of wanted births and among certain women, including earlier birth cohorts. Our results provide some evidence for these ideas as well as evidence for a social characteristics hypothesis that predicts convergence of childbearing with rising education. However, persistently higher levels of unwanted births among African American women of all educational levels suggest that the dynamics of racial fertility differences are more complex than either of the hypotheses imply.     

The association between HIV and fertility in a cohort study in rural Tanzania

Recent studies in sub-Saharan Africa have shown that fertility is reduced among HIV-infected women compared with uninfected women. The size and pattern of this fertility reduction has important implications for antenatal clinic-based surveillance of the epidemic and also for estimates and projections of the demographic impact of the epidemic. This paper examines the association between HIV and fertility in Kisesa, a rural area in Tanzania, where HIV prevalence among adults is about 6% and gradually increasing. The analysis is based on data obtained through a demographic surveillance system in Kisesa during 1994-98 and two large sero-surveys of all residents in 1994-95 and 1996-97. The HIV-associated fertility reduction among women was investigated by estimating fertility rates by HIV status and prevalence rates by fertility status. A substantial reduction (29%) was observed in fertility among HIV-infected women compared with HIV-uninfected women. The fertility reduction was most pronounced during the terminal stages of infection, but no clear association with duration of infection was observed. Use of modern contraception was higher among HIV-infected women. However, both among contracepting and non-contracepting women, a substantial reduction in fertility was seen among HIV-infected women.     

Religion and fertility among the Atyap in Nigeria

Using data obtained in 1995 from 600 Atyap women in randomly selected dwellings in Kaduna State, Nigeria, multiple regression analysis shows that Catholics and Other Protestants (Anglicans and Baptists) have higher fertility than women affiliated to the Evangelical Churches of West Africa (ECWA), even net of compositional characteristics of the two groups. Above and beyond the denominational differences, the regression analysis also shows that the stronger the religious belief, the higher the fertility. Thus, the study underscores the need for researchers of the religion-fertility association in Nigeria to examine the influence of religious denomination and religiosity on fertility, within each of the main religions.     

The influence of female education,labor force participation,and age at marriage on fertility behavior in Bangladesh

Abstract

This paper studies the relationship between three aspects of female status (education, work experience, and age at marriage) and the use of contraception and fertility in Bangladesh. Education is found to be the variable most strongly correlated with use of contraception and is also one of the significant variables explaining fertility behavior. The most important factor explaining fertility behavior is age at marriage. The higher the age at marriage, the lower the fertility, when all other factors are held constant. Work experience has very little or no effect on current use of contraception and fertility.     

Parental age difference, educationally assortative mating and offspring count: evidence from a contemporary population in Taiwan

Using contemporary population data from Taiwan, we examine the relationships between parental age difference, educationally assortative mating, income and offspring count. Controlling for women's reproductive value (measured by age at first birth), we find that an older husband is associated with fewer offspring, whereas a husband with similar or higher education is associated with more offspring. Concerning resources, we find that women's income is negatively associated with fertility and husband's income is positively associated with fertility among highly educated women. These results are consistent with the view that women compensate for trade-offs between education, income generation and childbearing by seeking mates with a higher status.