Social Identity and Culture Change on the Southern Northwest Coast

Driven by the participation of Native American people in the contemporary political, cultural, and academic landscape of North America, public and academic discussions have considered the nature of contemporary American Indian identity and the persistence, survival, and (to some) reinvention of Native American cultures and traditions. I use a case study—the historical anthropology of the Native American people of the Oregon coast—to examine the persistence of many American Indian people through the colonial period and the subsequent revitalization of "traditional" cultural practices. Drawing on archaeological data, ethnohistorical accounts, and oral traditions, I offer a reading of how, set against and through an ancestral landscape, traditional social identities and relationships of gender and authority were constructed and contested. I then consider how American Indian people negotiated the new sets of social relationships dictated by the dominant society.     

Religion,ethnicity and politics: Hindu and Muslim Indian immigrants in the United States

This article focuses on the political struggles between Hindu and Muslim Indian immigrant groups in the United States over the definition of "Indianness". Hindu Indian American organizations define India as a Hindu society and are strong supporters of the Hindu nationalist movement in India. Muslim Indian American organizations, on the other hand, view India as a multi-religious and multicultural society. They are striving to safeguard India's secularism and towards this end, have entered into coalitional relationships with lower caste groups. Both types of organizations are working to influence American and Indian politics in line with their respective interests, leading to an exacerbation of the conflict between the two immigrant groups. This article examines the reasons for this development and its implications, both for the development of an Indian American community in the United States and for religion and politics in India.     

Organizational life and political incorporation of two Asian immigrant groups: A case study

Civil society is the foundation of a healthy democracy but its immigrant element has received little attention. This paper is a case study of immigrant organizations of highly skilled Asian Indians and Chinese immigrants in a suburban town of Edison, New Jersey. I find that civic participation of Asian Indian immigrants spills over into political incorporation while Chinese immigrant organizations remain marginalized. I argue that local processes of racialization are central in explaining differences in political incorporation of immigrants. In the local context, the Chinese are seen as successful but conformist model minorities and Asian Indians as invaders and troublemakers. The racialization of Asian Indians has resulted in more political activity and higher levels of political visibility of their organizations. The results highlight shortcomings of current assimilation theories, which give little space to civic and political incorporation and view human capital in an unqualifiedly positive light.     

Symbol and Sustenance: Cattle in South Asian Culture

Domesticated Indian zebu cattle were present on the western margins of the South Asian subcontinent as early as 6000 B.C. Cattle were important in the agricultural economy of the Harappan civilization of the Indus Valley, but archaeological evidence suggests the bull was also assuming a symbolic or religious role in this culture during the third millennium B.C. There is, however, little to suggest that the cow was viewed as sacred. Following the decline of the Harappan civilization, northwestern India was settled by Aryan-speaking peoples who laid the foundations of modern Indian society. The Aryans were pastoral by nature and the economic importance of cattle to this society is mirrored in the role of cattle in ritual, in the pastoral symbolism of the Vedic literature (the ancient religious literature of Hinduism), and also in the association of the cow with various Vedic deities. Yet, again there is nothing to suggest the cow was viewed as sacred at this time. It is not until the appearance of the ahimsa philosophy at the end of the Vedic period, and the acceptance of this belief in the major religious philosophies of the region (Jainism, Buddhism, and later Hinduism), that the concept of the sanctity and inviolability of the cow began to crystallize. The “sacred-cow concept” appears as established doctrine in Hindu literature by the end of the medieval period (ca. fourth century A.D.), although popular practice appears to be at variance with this doctrine. A variety of historical, political, religious and social factors appear to have contributed to the general acceptance of the sacred cow doctrine by the Hindu population at large. During the 1960s, the “sacred cow” was at the center of a controversy in the social sciences concerning whether the concept was essentially religious in nature or reflected the ecological realities of the cattle economy of the Indian subcontinent. This debate notwithstanding, cattle remain central to the Indian economy, but also play a significant role in the religion and rituals of modern Hinduism, particularly those related to the worship of Krishna. Cattle have also assumed a political role in contemporary India, with anti-cow-slaughter legislation and the protection of the cow being identified with the emerging Hindutva movement. No understanding of South Asian culture can be complete without an awareness of the economic, historical, political and religious dimensions of cattle in the Indian subcontinent.     

The Punjab crisis since 1984: A reassessment

Over the last decade there has been increasing scholarly interest in the ethnic character of the Indian state. This interest has coincided with the rise of the Hindu revivalist Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP], nation‐wide clashes between Hindus and Muslims, and bitter conflict over affirmative action for backward classes. Simultaneously, the Indian state has been confronted by regional movements in Kashmir, Assam and Punjab seeking secession from the Indian Union. By focusing on the Punjab crisis this article argues that conventional explanations have concentrated on national political centralization and regional economic factors, to the neglect of Sikh ethno‐nationalism and its dialectical relationship with strategies for ethnic conflict management followed by the Indian state since 1947. Drawing on recent revisionist accounts, the Indian state, it is suggested, should be viewed as a form of an ethnic democracy in which hegemonic control is exercised over non‐Hindu ethnic groups. The Punjab case‐study shows that hegemonic control has characterized the relationship between the Sikhs and the Indian state between 1947 and 1984, and efforts to re‐establish hegemonic control after 1984 degenerated into violent control. The experience of the last ten years suggests that hegemonic control and violent control are unlikely to provide an enduring solution to the Punjab crisis. Rather, there is a need to address fundamentally the crisis of the Indian political system and how it has managed its minorities since 1947. Central to this reassessment is the viability of India's majoritarian political system in the context of an ethnically plural society.     

How Do Real Indians Fish? Neoliberal Multiculturalism and Contested Indigeneities in the Colorado Delta

ABSTRACT   There has been a growing interest in anthropology regarding how certain political conditions set the stage for "articulations" between indigenous movements and environmental actors and discourses. However, relatively little attention has been paid to how these same conditions can suppress demands for indigenous rights. In this article, I argue that the pairing of neoliberalism and multiculturalism in contemporary Mexico has created political fields in which ethnic difference has been foregrounded as a way of denying certain rights to marginalized groups. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in northern Mexico, I analyze how the arguments of a group of Cucapá for fishing rights in the Colorado Delta have been constrained within these political circumstances. I argue that cultural difference has been leveraged by the Mexican federal government and local NGOs to prevent the redistribution of environmental resources among vulnerable groups such as the Cucapá.     

Language, Ideology, and the Press in Catalonia

This article, relying on Bakhtin's approach to canonization, demonstrates an empirical link between language and ideology. The authors employ content and discourse analysis to examine political discourse exemplified in editorial writing as a particular speech genre. They scrutinize editorials in four newspapers published in Catalonia, two of them in Castilian and two in Catalan. Despite political differences between the papers in each language, the authors discern a Catalan-language discourse style that differs significantly from the Caslilian-language discourse style. They conclude that the historically canonized discourse styles, different in Catalonia's Castilian and Catalan press, reflect the intimate relationship between language of use and ideology.     

Postcoloniality,National Identity,Globalisation and the Simulacra of the Real

The focus of this paper is a famous boys' boarding school in the North Indian city of Dehra Dun. The Doon School was founded in 1935 and was soon hailed by a wide cross section of post-colonial Indian intelligentsia as the site for the production of the ‘modern’ Indian citizen. The discussion below suggests that contemporary social analysis needs to focus on specific sites of the production of the discourses of the nation and citizenship rather than simply announce their dissolution as an ‘inevitable’ by-product of ‘globalisation’; this seems to be the stand taken by certain strands of theorisation in the so-called globalisation debate and in particular versions of cultural studies. I argue that rather than having simply dissolved, the ‘national’ emotion, at least in the Indian context, may have been transformed into the production of ‘post-coloniality’ as a differentiating category to distinguish the ‘progressive’ populations of the nation-state from its ‘backward’ counterparts. I employ Baudrillard's concept of the ‘real’ in order to argue for situated analyses of the contemporary global condition where analyses of the relationship between nation-states and of the asymmetries within them continue to be important political tasks.     

Canvases of Political Competition: Image Production as Politics in Tamil Nadu,India

In this article, I explore the production of political images in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The state is known for the ubiquitous presence of banners, murals and posters in its public spaces, featuring prominent politicians and actors. It is commonly argued that these images help to convey the heroic or exclusive status of political leaders. However, such images are actually produced by party workers and therefore do not simply transpose status and image. Instead, political supporters praise their leader via these images and act as ‘kingmakers’ in constructing reputation and power. Simultaneously, by putting political images on display, supporters also authorise their own power. While praise is important in showing a person's dedication to a political party, the images, in the motivations of their producers, are suffused with ambivalence and competition as well. Hence, I argue, political image practices are not representative of politics, they are politics.     

Aldehyde dehydrogenase polymorphism in North American, South American, and Mexican Indian populations.

While about 40% of the South American Indian populations (Atacameños, Mapuche, Shuara) were found to be deficient in aldehyde dehydrogenase isozyme I (ALDH2 or E2), preliminary investigations showed very low incidence of isozyme deficiency among North American natives (Sioux, Navajo) and Mexican Indians (mestizo). Possible implications of such trait differences on cross-cultural behavioral response to alcohol drinking are discussed.     

“Whoever decides for you without you,s/he is against you!”: immigrant activism and the role of the Left in political racialization

Much of the migration literature neglects the questions of why and how “native” allies obstruct activism by immigrants and ethnic minorities. Left-wing organizations in particular are often assumed to be supportive of inclusion, and little research exists on the ways they have prevented the migrant population from having a voice in the political arena and from taking part in society as equals. Drawing on the critical theory literature, I introduce the concept of political racialization. This concept refers to mechanisms whereby political actors, in order to legitimize their work on immigration, have partially included immigrants in the political sphere, but in a relationship of “ethnic” or “racial” subordination. Through the analysis of 57 in-depth interviews with immigrant activists, I show how political racialization works within the Italian Left and how it contributes to marginalize the migrant population. I further explain how immigrant activists have challenged political racialization through their activism.     

Stepping beyond Sí Se Puede: Dichos as a Cultural Resource in Mother—Daughter Interaction in a Latino Family

This mother—daughter case study focuses on a key feature of discourse within a Mexican immigrant family that links oral traditions to resilience and motivation. I combine observations from a previous ethnographic study with recent follow-up interviews of a Mexican immigrant student building on a funds of knowledge framework and an ecological perspective. Expanding on current mother—daughter pedagogic theory, I map "dichos" as they are emblematic of cultural funds of knowledge and how they assume a relationship to resistance and academic attainment for a young Mexican immigrant. The findings challenge the notion that working-class Latino families do not care about the educational fortunes of their youth and lack knowledge and resources to guide their children academically.     

CONTOURS OF AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF THE CHINESE STATE: POLITICAL STRUCTURE, AGENCY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN RURAL CHINA

Anthropologists have long been inclined to view China from the perspective of a state-society dichotomy. In this model, the inevitable consequence of economic reform is that – especially at the local level – the state must yield more and more of its power to entrepreneurs, foreign investors, non-state organizations, and local communities. Not only does this approach distort the role of the state in society, but by placing the state above and outside society it also excludes it from the anthropological gaze. This article proposes an anthropology of the Chinese state which does not merely view the state in society, but also investigates the state itself as society. Drawing on fieldwork in northeastern Yunnan province, I illustrate this general point by investigating the changing role of the local state in economic development. This agenda for an anthropology of the Chinese state resonates both with the recent 'reinvention' of the subfield of political anthropology with its focus on governmentality, policy, and rights, and with recent calls by political scientists for the development of an interdisciplinary anthropology of the developmental state.     

Genetic association of <Emphasis Type="Italic">IRF5</Emphasis> with SLE in Mexicans: higher frequency of the risk haplotype and its homozygozity than Europeans

The IRF5 gene was found to be strongly associated with SLE. We identified two functional polymorphisms and recently an insertion/deletion together with a tag SNP defining the risk haplotype in individuals of European ancestry. We now analyzed sets of Mexican patients with SLE. Three polymorphisms in the IRF5 gene were genotyped in two sets of Mexican individuals with SLE and controls as well as in families including a set of pediatric SLE patients. A set of healthy Mexican Indians was also typed. Genetic association with SLE was found for all three polymorphisms. The genetic association was very strong in the case–control analysis in both sets (for SNP rs2070197, combined P = 1.26 × 10⁻²¹) and in families (combined P = 0.000004). Compared to healthy individuals with European ancestry, the frequency of the risk haplotype in healthy Mexican individuals was significantly higher and even higher in the healthy Mexican Indian group. Further, a much higher frequency of the risk haplotype and of individual homozygote for it was found among Mexican SLE patients. The significantly higher frequency of homozygote individuals for the risk haplotype among Mexican SLE patients could be the result of genetic admixture, and suggests the possibility that IRF5 could be involved in the more active disease and organ involvement known to occur among Mexican SLE patients. M. V. Prasad Linga Reddy and Rafael Velázquez-Cruz contributed equally to this work.     

Different subjects: the health care system's participation in the differential construction of the cultural citizenship of Cuban refugees and Mexican immigrants

This paper explores the public health system's differential construction of Mexican and Cuban immigrants' "deservingness" of citizenship benefits and its preparation of them for different roles in U.S. society. Civic institutions such as the public health care system are charged with inculcating normative behavior in immigrants and instilling in them different conceptions about their rights and responsibilities. Faced with limited resources under the implementation of Medicaid managed care, hospital administrators created new categories of "deserving" and "undeserving" immigrants based on neoliberal standards of individual responsibility and self-discipline. As a result, hospital policies construct different types of "cultural citizenship" for Cuban and Mexican immigrants, preparing the former to be active citizens and discouraging the latter from pressing demands on American civil institutions. I show that this negative construction of Mexican immigrants' moral worth leads to unmet health needs and poor health outcomes.     

Great Expectations: Hindu Revival Movements in Java

Based on preliminary ethnographic research in five Javanese communities with major Hindu temples, I explore the political history and social dynamics of Hindu revivalism. I reject formalist approaches to the study of religion, including the notion of ‘syncretism’ and instead, treat the Hindu revival movements as an illustration of how social agents employ religious or secular concepts and values in their strategic responses to the particular challenges and crises they may face in a specific cultural, social, political and historical setting. Expectations of a great crisis at the dawn of a new golden age among followers of the Javanese Hindu revival movement are an expression of utopian prophesies and political hopes more widely shared among contemporary Indonesians. These expectations are set to shape the prospects of Indonesia's fledgling democracy. The paper reflects on the historical conditions under which these and similar utopian expectations and associated social movements may either incite violent conflict or serve a positive role in the creation or maintenance of a fair society.     

Isozyme Diversity in Indian Primitive Maize Landraces

Polymorphism for peroxidase, esterase and acid phosphatase Isozymes in pollen grains of major Indian maize land races known as ‘Sikkim primitives’ were studied and compared with primitive races of maize of Mexican origin and five species of teosinte, Coix lacryma-jobi, Chionachne koenigii and Sorghum bicolor. The isozyme patterns and the resulting dendrograms revealed similarities in primitive Indian maize landraces from Northeastern Himalayan region and Nal-Tel an ancient indigenous race of Mexico. Further, the Asiatic taxa of Maydeae, C. lacryma-jobi and Ch. koenigii differed widely from each other and also from the Zea spp. Presence of greater diversity among the Indian maize collections was also evident from the present analysis.     

Heterogeneity of apolipoprotein E polymorphism in different Mexican populations

Mexico has approximately 100 million inhabitants. Most of the urban Mexican population has been considered mestizo (Indian and Spanish descent), whereas the Indian population predominates in rural areas and small towns in the countryside. In this study we analyzed the apolipoprotein E (APOE) polymorphism in Guadalajara (the second largest metropolitan area of Mexico) and its surrounding areas, two adjoining states (Nayarit and Durango), and an Indian town (Huichol Indians) from western Mexico. APOE*3 was the most common allele, and APOE*3/*3 was the most common genotype in all populations studied. Guadalajara revealed the highest frequency of the APOE*2 allele (7.8%); the frequency decreased in the rural area (4.4%), followed by Nayarit (1.6%), and was absent in Durango and in the Huichols. On the contrary, the lowest frequency of the APOE*4 allele was in Guadalajara (8.4%); the frequency increased in the rural area (9.3%), in Nayarit and Durango (11.5% and 11.7%), and reached a high frequency in the Huichol Indians (28%). The distribution of the APOE allele in the western population of Mexico is similar to those described in Mexican American migrants living in the United States but is different from those populations living in Mexico City. This study shows the heterogeneity of the Mexican population, where the frequency of the APOE*2 allele is higher in Guadalajara than in other urban areas of Mexico and is similar to frequencies described in the Caucasian population. On the contrary, the Huichols revealed the highest frequency of the APOE*4 allele in Mexico and in the Americas. This information could be useful for the study of dyslipidemias associated with chronic diseases and as markers of ethnic variation in the Americas.     

Ethnic and racial differences on the Standard Progressive Matrices in Mexico

Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices test was administered to a representative sample of 920 white, Mestizo and Native Mexican Indian children aged 7-10 years in Mexico. The mean IQs in relation to a British mean of 100 obtained from the 1979 British standardization sample and adjusted for the estimated subsequent increase were: 98.0 for whites, 94.3 for Mestizos and 83.3 for Native Mexican Indians.     

Ethnic variation in melanin content and composition in photoexposed and photoprotected human skin

We have examined the quantity and composition of melanin in both photoprotected (volar upper arm) and chronically photoexposed (dorsal forearm) skin from a range of different ethnic skin types including African, Indian, Mexican, Chinese and European. The most lightly pigmented (European, Chinese and Mexican) skin types have approximately half as much epidermal melanin as the most darkly pigmented (African and Indian) skin types. However, the composition of melanin in these lighter skin types is comparatively more enriched with lightly coloured, alkali-soluble melanin components (up to three-fold). Regardless of ethnicity, epidermal melanin content is significantly greater in chronically photoexposed skin than it is in corresponding photoprotected skin (up to two-fold). However, by comparison there is only a modest enrichment of lightly coloured, alkali soluble melanin components in photoprotected skin (up to 1.3-fold). Analysis of melanosomes extracted from the epidermis in these subjects indicates that the proportion of spheroidal melanosomes is low in all skin types examined (<10%). This suggests that in human skin, pheomelanin is a very minor component of epidermal melanin, even in the lightest (European) skin types. Analysis of melanosome size revealed a significant and progressive variation in size with ethnicity: African skin having the largest melanosomes followed in turn by Indian, Mexican, Chinese and European. On the basis of these findings, we propose that variation in skin pigmentation is strongly influenced by both the amount and the composition (or colour) of the melanin in the epidermis. Variation in melanosome size may also play a significant role. However, the data also suggest that in human skin there are subtle differences in the mechanisms associated with the maintenance of constitutive pigmentation and facultative hyperpigmentation, respectively.