Menarcheal age and subsequent patterns of family formation

Abstract

We examine whether age at menarche affects age at first marriage or first birth using two samples of U.S. women. Data are drawn from the Tremin Trust, a longitudinal study of menstrual cycles that recruited white women who were students at the University of Minnesota and from a survey of a nationally representative sample of white women born between 1900 and 1910. Regression models with cubic splines were used to analyze the relationship between age at menarche and age at first marriage. Cox proportional hazard models were used to examine the effect of age at menarche on the interval between marriage and first birth. Unlike earlier work, we found that once secular trends in both age at marriage and age at menarche were taken into account, there was no evidence that age at menarche affects either age at marriage or the timing of first births in these U.S. women.     

Age at menarche, schooling, and sexual debut in northern Malawi

Background

Age at sexual debut is a key behavioural indicator used in HIV behavioural surveillance. Early age at menarche may precipitate early sex through perceived readiness for sex, or through school drop-out, but this is rarely studied. We investigated trends and circumstances of sexual debut in relation to schooling and age at menarche.

Methods and Findings

A cross-sectional sexual behaviour survey was conducted on all individuals age 15–59 within a demographic surveillance site in Karonga District, Malawi. Time trends were assessed using birth cohorts. Survival analysis was used to estimate the median age at menarche, sexual debut and first marriage. The 25^th centile was used to define “early” sex, and analyses of risk factors for early sex were restricted to those who had reached that age, and were done using logistic regression. Of the 8232 women and 7338 men resident in the area, 88% and 78%, respectively, were seen, and, 94% and 92% of these were interviewed. The median reported age at first sex was 17.5 for women and 18.8 for men. For women, ages at menarche, sexual debut and first marriage did not differ by birth cohort. For men, age at sexual debut and first marriage decreased slightly in later birth cohorts. For both men and women increased schooling was associated with later sexual debut and a longer delay between sexual debut and first marriage, but the associations were stronger for women. Earlier age at menarche was strongly associated with earlier sexual debut and marriage and lower schooling levels. In women early sexual debut (<16 years) was less likely in those with menarche at age 14–15 (odds ratio (OR) 0.31, 95%CI 0.26–0.36), and ≥16 (OR 0.04, 95%CI 0.02–0.05) compared to those with menarche at <14. The proportion of women who completed primary school was 46% in those with menarche at <14, 60% in those with menarche at 14–15 and 70% in those with menarche at ≥16. The association between age at menarche and schooling was partly explained by age at sexual debut. The association between age at menarche and early sex was not altered by adjusting for schooling.

Conclusions

Women with early menarche start sex and marry early, leading to school drop-out. It is important to find ways to support those who reach menarche early to access the same opportunities as other young women.     

The influence of age at menarche on the fertility of Chinese women

This paper examines the effect of age at menarche on children ever born (CEB). We use data from the 1997 Sample Survey of Population and Reproductive Health conducted by the China Population Information and Research Center and the State Family Planning Commission. Poisson regression models are estimated for 10,919 ever married Chinese Han women. The influence of a woman's age at menarche on her CEB is examined while controlling for the social effects of rural/urban residency, education, her number of fecund years, whether her first birth occurred before or after the initiation of China's one child policy, and her age at first marriage. The results support our hypothesized positive association between age at menarche and CEB. That is, the later a woman's age at menarche, the greater her number of children ever born. Holding the other five independent variables constant, we show that for every additional month in age at menarche, a Chinese Han woman's mean number of children ever born increases by 0.5 percent. Some of the implications of these results are explored.     

Father absence, parental care, and female reproductive development

This study examines female reproductive development from an evolutionary life history perspective. Retrospective data are for 10,847 U.S. women. Results indicate that timing of parental separation is associated with reproductive development and is not confounded with socioeconomic variables or phenotypic correlations with mothers' reproductive behavior. Divorce/separation between birth and 5 years predicted early menarche, first sexual intercourse, first pregnancy, and shorter duration of first marriage. Separation in adolescence was the strongest predictor of number of sex partners. Multiple changes in childhood caretaking environment were associated with early menarche, first sex, first pregnancy, greater number of sex partners, and shorter duration of marriage. Living with either the father or mother after separation had similar effect on reproductive development. Living with a stepfather showed a weak, but significant, association with reproductive development, however, duration of stepfather exposure was not a significant predictor of development. Difference in amount and quality of direct parental care (vs. indirect parental investment) in two- and single-parent households may be the primary factor linking family environment to reproductive development.     

Father Absence and Reproduction-Related Outcomes in Malaysia,a Transitional Fertility Population

Father absence is consistently associated with children’s reproductive outcomes in industrialized countries. It has been suggested that father absence acts as a cue to particular environmental conditions that influence life history strategies. Much less is known, however, about the effects of father absence on such outcomes in lower-income countries. Using data from the 1988 Malaysian Family Life Survey (n?=?567), we tested the effect of father absence on daughters’ age at menarche, first marriage, and first birth; parity progression rates; and desired completed family size in Malaysia, a country undergoing an economic and fertility transition. Father absence during later childhood (ages 8 to 15), although not during earlier childhood, was associated with earlier progressions to first marriage and first birth, after controlling for other confounders. Father absence does not affect age at menarche, desired family size, or progression from first to second birth. The patterns found in this transitional population partly mirror those in developed societies, where father absence accelerates reproductive events. There is, however, a notable contrast between the acceleration in menarche for father-absent girls consistently found in developed societies and the lack of any association in our findings. The mechanisms through which father absence affects reproduction may differ in different ecological contexts. In lower-income contexts, direct paternal investment or influence may be of more importance in determining reproductive behavior than whether fathers act as a cue to environmental conditions.     

Divorce in Ethiopia: the impact of early marriage and childlessness

Forty-five per cent of first marriages in Ethiopia end in divorce within 30 years, and two-thirds of women who divorce do so within the first 5 years of marriage. This paper looks at two factors that may have an impact on the risk of divorce in Ethiopia: early age of first marriage, and childlessness within the first marriage. Data used were from the 1990 National Family and Fertility Survey conducted by the Government of Ethiopia. A total of 8757 women of reproductive age (15-49) were analysed. Life table analysis was used to determine the median age at first marriage, first birth and the median duration of marriage. Cox models were analysed to determine the differentials of divorce. The results of this analysis showed that both early age at marriage and childlessness have a significant impact on the risk of divorce. An inverse relationship was found between age at marriage and risk of divorce. Having a child within the first marriage also significantly reduced the risk of divorce. In addition, several cultural and socioeconomic variables were significant predictors of divorce.     

Reproductive life of some Gujar women of Punjab

Data was collected on current age, age at menarche, marriage age, maternal age at 1st birth, age at the birth of last child, age at menopause, total number of conceptions, live births, stillbirths, abortions, dead children and living children for a sample of 150 Gunjar women of Punjab, India, during September and October 1977 to study their reproductive life. The women ranged in age from 45-55 years. The mean age at menarche was 14.90 years for the sample. The median age at menopause was 46.20 years. The mean age at marriage of the present sample was 12.56+-2.50 years; the mean age of the mother at the birth of her 1st child was 16.85 years; and the mean age at the birth of the last child was 38.68 years. The average number of conceptions was 7.2; the average number of live births of these 150 women was 6.90. The fertility of this population was natural as they were not using any family planning method.     

Social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in Taiwan, 1970

This study examines the social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in 2 townships in Northern Taiwan, one very rural and traditional and the other urban and modernized. Using a sample of 5707 once-married women, a path analysis examined age at first marriage as a function of age, educational status, urban origin, premarital labor force participation, and age at menarche. Age at menarche, with a positive effect on the dependent variable, was the most important direct cause of age at first marriage. This biological factor is interrelated with socioeconomic influences as predictors of age at marriage. Older cohorts of women tended to marry about 2 years earlier than did the women below 30. Urban women had a mean age at first marriage 1.76 year later than did rural women. Age at marriage steadily increases as education increases; a 4 year age differntial exists between those who have no formal education and those who have at least 12 years of education. Also, women who worked before marriage married later than those who had never worked. This study reemphasizes that in Taiwan, as elsewhere, there is a complex interplay of socioeconomic and biological factors embedded within a cultural context that influences age at first marriage for females.     

Menarche in Newcastle upon Tyne girls

Using data for 699 white girls from Newcastle upon Tyne, England, who were born in 1962, the authors examine the relationship between age at menarche and selected social and anthropometric variables. Factors considered include family size, birth order, father's occupation, birth weight, and height and weight at five years of age and at menarche (SUMMARY IN FRE, GER)     

Secular Trends of Reproductive Indices in Chuvashian Women

In the present cross-sectional study of the Chuvashian rural population, we examined the secular trends of age at menarche, the age at menopause, the reproductive period, and the age of the first marriage of Chuvashian women. The cohort included 745 women aged 18–90 years; age at menarche (N = 653) ranging from 10 to 24 years (mean 15.42 ± 2.11). Data regarding menopausal age was obtained from 316 women born between 1920 and 1950 (mean 48.5 ± 4.6). Statistical analyses included the maximum likelihood estimation and a Whiskers plot. Women born during the second through the fourth decade of the 20th century showed increasing mean values of age at menarche from 15.4 (second decade) up to 16.5 (fourth decade) and after that a decrease of the mean values to 14.0 (ninth decade). The mean values of menopausal age increased from 47.0 (women born from 1920 to 1925) to 49.3 (born from 1945 to 1950). Age at first marriage showed a trend of decreasing age. Our study demonstrated secular trends of age at menarche in Chuvashian women who had matured after World War II and also confirmed secular trends of increased age at menopause and the duration of the reproductive period. Women, whose maturation was during or immediately after World War II, showed a higher age at menarche and a higher dispersion of age at menopause.     

Biological and behavioral determinants of fertility in Tierra del Fuego

The reproductive history of 182 women in postreproductive life or near menopause from the Chilean part of Tierra del Fuego was traced back by means of familial interviews. These postmenopausal women represent the population since almost the beginning of the settlement, and their reproductive years were spent on the island. Path analysis was applied to analyze fertility determinants of these women and to propose a complex model of interconnections among factors. The reproductive history of these women is characterized by a long fertile span, a short childbearing period, and low fertility. Age at menarche is relatively late, and the age of the women at first birth is mainly determined by their late age at marriage. The use of contraception is related to both spacing and stopping behaviors. The late age of women at marriage, the rhythm of conception, and practices of contraception are proposed as the main determinants of fertility in Tierra del Fuego.     

Social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in Taiwan, 1970

Abstract

This study examines the social and biological determinants of age at first marriage in two townships in northern Taiwan, one very rural and traditional and the other urban and modernized. For a sample of 5,707 once‐married women a path analysis was performed in which age at first marriage was considered a function of age, educational attainment, urban origin, premarital labor‐force participation, and age at menarche. Age at menarche, with a positive effect on the dependent variable, was the most important direct cause of age at first marriage. Although exogenous variables associated with modernization (urban origin, educational attainment and younger age) had a positive direct effect on age at first marriage, they also had a negative indirect effect on age at first marriage through their negative direct effect on age at menarche.     

Reproductive events and family history as risk factors for breast cancer in northern Alberta.

Reproductive events and family history as risk factors for breast cancer in northern Alberta were investigated with the use of data from a computerized population-based registry. Women aged 30 to 79 years attending diagnostic breast clinics at the Cross Cancer Institute from 1971 through 1975 constituted the two study groups; 1232 women had diagnosed breast cancer (malignant disease group) and 602 women were clinically free of all types of breast disease (control group). An increased relative risk of breast cancer was found in women with a family history of breast cancer, those who gave birth to their first term infant at age 30 years or older, those in whom more than 15 years elapsed between menarche and that birth, and those with a late natural menopause. There was a decreased risk, relative to nulliparity, in the postmenopausal women who first gave birth to a term infant 5 years or less after menarche. Artificial menopause (bilateral oophorectomy), parity and age at menarche had no apparent effect on the risk. The pattern of risk factors in northern Alberta differed from that reported for other geographic areas, including other provinces of Canada, thus emphasizing the need for local studies in the planning of screening programs.     

Age at menarche, at first intercourse, and at first pregnancy

Data from an urban sample of American women of reproductive ages demonstrate that age at menarche is correlated with age at first intercourse, that age at first intercourse is correlated with age at first pregnancy, and that menarche is therefore correlated with age at first pregnancy. This applied to both blacks and whites when examined for the early years of the reproductive cycle. Girls with early menarche, compared to those with late menarche, are more than twice as likely to have had intercourse by age 16, and almost twice as likely to have given birth or had a pregnancy terminated by age 18. It is therefore useful to think of the timing of menarche as an indicator of the probability of early intercourse and early childbearing.     

A tradeoff between reproduction and growth in contemporary Finnish women

Women have been suggested to trade growth in height for reproduction, as an earlier age at menarche and first birth seem to be related to shorter adult stature. Although women likely accrue fitness benefits by maturing and starting reproduction at young age, short adult stature may be selected against by natural and sexual selection later in their life. We studied how age at menarche and first reproduction affected adult height and whether adult height in turn was related to lifetime reproductive success in Finnish women born 1946–1958. Our results show that a delay of 1 year in age at menarche and first reproduction was related to a 0.43- and 0.20-cm increase in adult height, respectively. The sex of the first-born offspring was not related to adult height. Moreover, women gained fitness benefits by starting reproduction early but not by growing tall. These findings among Finnish women are thus compatible with tradeoffs between reproduction and growth, by showing a compromised adult height at the cost of early age at menarche and first birth. However, in these women, natural selection favored those women who traded their stature for young motherhood.     

Does Absence Matter?

This paper examines the effects of three different types of father absence on the timing of life history events among women in rural Bangladesh. Age at marriage and age at first birth are compared across women who experienced different father presence/absence conditions as children. Survival analyses show that daughters of fathers who divorced their mothers or deserted their families have consistently younger ages at marriage and first birth than other women. In contrast, daughters whose fathers were labor migrants have consistently older ages at marriage and first birth. Daughters whose fathers died when they were children show older ages at marriage and first birth than women with divorced/deserted fathers and women with fathers present. These effects may be mediated by high socioeconomic status and high levels of parental investment among the children of labor migrants, and a combination of low investment, high psychosocial stress, and low alloparental investment among women with divorced/deserted fathers. Our findings are most consistent with the Child Development Theory model of female life history strategies, though the Paternal Investment and Psychosocial Acceleration models also help explain differences between women in low paternal investment situations (e.g., father divorced/abandoned vs. father dead). Father absence in and of itself seems to have little effect on the life history strategies of Bangladeshi women once key reasons for or correlates of absence are controlled, and none of the models is a good predictor of why women with deceased fathers have delayed life histories compared with women whose fathers are present.     

Duration between marriage and first birth and marital instability

This paper considers whether marital instability varies by the duration between marriage and 1st birth among ever-married white and black American women. Analysis of data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey suggests that the duration between marriage and 1st birth has a generally monotonic relationship with the probability of white women separating or divorcing from their 1st marriage; the relationship has remained relatively constant over time. For blacks, no consistent association is found between marital dissolution and the duration between marriage and 1st birth. Black women having a premarital conception and postmarital birth and those having their 1st birth during their 2nd year of marriage have a similarly high risk of dissolution. Conversely, blacks having their 1st birth 8-12 or 25-42 months after marrying have a low probability of dissolution. Childless women and those with premarital births generally has the greatest probability of marital disruption for whites. Racial differences may occur because blacks view the 1st birth and marriage differently than whites. That is, because blacks are much more likely to have premarital births and to have a shorter duration between marriage and 1st birth, blacks and whites in the same 1st birth interval category may be dissimilar and have different values resulting in a differential effect of the timing of the 1st birth on marital instability by race. Caution is needed when interpreting the pattern of association between delayed childbearing (and to a lesser extent, births occuring a few years after marriage) and marital instability. Results for whites were similar at each marriage duration and it is assumed delayed childbearing was not a result of marital instability. Marital instability was expected to have its strongest effect on the timing of the 1st birth during the 1st years of marriage. Marital instability may be partially responsible for the delaying of childbearing among blacks. However, blacks who delay but are married at 1st birth have a relatively low risk of separating or divorcing.     

Social-demographic influence on first birth interval in China, 1980-1992

This study examines the delay between first marriage and first live birth in China among a sample of women who married between 1980 and 1992. Most couples in China only use contraception after the first child is born. Most sample women had their first child within 2 years of marriage. However, there are significant rural-urban differences in the first birth interval, indicating that there was most probably deliberate fertility regulation after marriage among many urban couples. Survival analysis shows that place of residence, level of education, age at first marriage and marriage cohort affect the first birth interval.     

Kin influences on fertility in Thailand: Effects and mechanisms

It has been suggested that human mothers are cooperative breeders, as they need help from others to successfully raise offspring. Studies working under this framework have found correlations between the presence of kin and both child survival and female fertility rates. This study seeks to understand the proximate mechanisms by which kin influence fertility using data from the 1987 Thailand Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), a nationally representative sample of 6775 women. Kin influence is measured by the length of time couples live with the husband's or wife's parents after marriage. Event history analysis, multilevel modeling and structural equation modeling are used to investigate both fertility outcomes and potential pathways through which postnuptial residence may influence fertility outcomes, including employment status, maternal and child outcomes, contraceptive use, breastfeeding duration, and age at marriage. We show that living virilocally (with husband's kin after marriage) increases total fertility by shortening time from marriage to first birth, and increasing the likelihood of progression to each subsequent birth. These effects are mediated through correlations between virilocal residence and earlier age at marriage as well as delayed initiation of contraceptive use. We find no influence of husband's kin on maternal or child outcomes. Living uxorilocally (with wife's kin after marriage) also reduces age at marriage, shortens time from marriage to first birth and (marginally) improves child survivorship, but has no effect on other child and maternal outcomes or progression to subsequent births and results in a similar number of living children as women living neolocally.     

Fertility at low and high altitude in central Nepal

Abstract

Data are reported on ages of menarche, first marriage and first childbirth, migration, venereal disease, birth control, birth spacing and on completed fertility rate in populations of Central Nepal living at low (8,500 feet) and high altitude (12,400 feet). The high‐altitude population reported a significantly lower completed fertility rate which could be partly accounted for by later age at marriage and first childbirth and increased birth spacing. Longer post‐partum ammenorhea and breast feeding did not account for the increased average pregnancy gap.