Why does mitochondrial complex I have so many subunits?

The prokaryotic and eukaryotic homologues of complex I (proton-pumping NADH:quinone oxidoreductase) perform the same function in energy transduction, but the eukaryotic enzymes are twice as big as their prokaryotic cousins, and comprise three times as many subunits. Fourteen core subunits are conserved in all complexes I, and are sufficient for catalysis - so why are the eukaryotic enzymes embellished by so many supernumerary or accessory subunits? In this issue of the Biochemical Journal, Angerer et al. have provided new evidence to suggest that the supernumerary subunits are important for enzyme stability. This commentary aims to put this suggestion into context.     

Why do mountains support so many species of birds?

Although topographic complexity is often associated with high bird diversity at broad geographic scales, little is known about the relative contributions of geomorphologic heterogeneity and altitudinal climatic gradients found in mountains. We analysed the birds in the western mountains of the New World to examine the two‐fold effect of topography on species richness patterns, using two grains at the intercontinental extent and within temperate and tropical latitudes. Birds were also classified as montane or lowland, based on their overall distributions in the hemisphere. We estimated range in temperature within each cell and the standard deviation in elevation (topographic roughness) based on all pixels within each cell. We used path analysis to test for the independent effects of topographic roughness and temperature range on species richness while controlling for the collinearity between topographic variables. At the intercontinental extent, actual evapotranspiration (AET) was the primary driver of species richness patterns of all species taken together and of lowland species considered separately. In contrast, within‐cell temperature gradients strongly influenced the richness of montane species. Regional partitioning of the data also suggested that range in temperature either by itself or acting in combination with AET had the strongest “effect” on montane bird species richness everywhere. Topographic roughness had weaker “effects” on richness variation throughout, although its positive relationship with richness increased slightly in the tropics. We conclude that bird diversity gradients in mountains primarily reflect local climatic gradients. Widespread (lowland) species and narrow‐ranged (montane) species respond similarly to changes in the environment, differing only in that the richness of lowland species correlates better with broad‐scale climatic effects (AET), whereas mesoscale climatic variation accounts for richness patterns of montane species. Thus, latitudinal and altitudinal gradients in species richness can be explained through similar climatic‐based processes, as has long been argued.     

Why do animals have so many receptors? The role of multiple chemosensors in animal perception

Many animals have an abundance and diverse assortment of peripheral sensors, both across and within sensory modalities. Multiple sensors offer many functional advantages to an animal's ability to perceive and respond to environmental signals. Advantages include extending the ability to detect and determine the spatial distribution of stimuli, improving the range and accuracy of discrimination among stimuli of different types and intensities, increasing behavioral sensitivity to stimuli, ensuring continued sensory capabilities when the probability of damage or other loss of function to some sensors is high, maintaining sensory function over the entire sensory surface during development and growth, and increasing the richness of behavioral output to sensory stimulation. In this paper, we use the crustacean chemosensory system as the primary example to discuss these functions of multiple sensors. These principles may be applicable to the function of autonomous robots and should be considered in their design.     

How do so few control so many?

The separation of sister chromatids at the metaphase-to-anaphase transition is triggered by a protease called separase that is activated by the destruction of an inhibitory chaperone (securin). This process is mediated by a ubiquitin protein ligase called the anaphase-promoting complex or cyclosome (APC/C), along with a protein called Cdc20. It is vital that separase not be activated before every single chromosome has been aligned on the mitotic spindle. Kinetochores that have not yet attached to microtubules catalyze the sequestration of Cdc20 by an inhibitor called Mad2. Recent experiments shed important insight into how Mad2 molecules bound to centromeres through their association with a protein called Mad1 might be transferred to Cdc20 and thereby inhibit securin's destruction.     

Why do so many stimuli induce tyrosine phosphorylation of FAK?

Engagement of integrins and other adhesion receptors can induce tyrosine phosphorylation of focal adhesion kinase (FAK), a tyrosine kinase present in focal adhesions. Furthermore, in addition to adhesion receptors, a surprising variety of stimuli, acting either on specific surface receptors or on intracellular molecules, such as PKC or Rho, can induce also tyrosine phosphorylation of FAK. I suggest that a potential mechanism by which such distinct factors may modulate the tyrosine phosphorylation of FAK is the promotion of integrin or other adhesion receptor clustering at focal adhesions.     

Why are so many trees hollow?

In many living trees, much of the interior of the trunk can be rotten or even hollowed out. Previously, this has been suggested to be adaptive, with microbial or animal consumption of interior wood producing a rain of nutrients to the soil beneath the tree that allows recycling of those nutrients into new growth via the trees roots. Here I propose an alternative (non-exclusive) explanation: such loss of wood comes at very little cost to the tree and so investment in costly chemical defence of this wood is not economic. I discuss how this theory can be tested empirically.     

Why do many galls have conspicuous colors? A new hypothesis

Galls are abnormal plant growth induced by various parasitic organisms, mainly insects. They serve as “incubators” for the developing insects in which they gain nutrition and protection from both abiotic factors and natural enemies. Galls are typically armed with high levels of defensive secondary metabolites. Conspicuousness by color, size and shape is a common gall trait. Many galls are colorful (red, yellow etc.) and therefore can be clearly distinguished from the surrounding host plant organs. Here we outlined a new hypothesis, suggesting that chemically protected galls which are also conspicuous are aposematic. We discuss predictions, alternative hypotheses and experimental tests of this hypothesis.     

Pollen grains: Why so many?

My objective is the examination of selective forces that affect pollen number. Relationships among other floral traits of animalpollinated plants, including pollen size, stigma area and depth, and the pollen-bearing area of the pollinator may affect pollen number and also provide a model to examine how change in one trait may elicit change in other traits. The model provides a conceptual framework for appreciating intra- and inter-specific differences in these traits. An equivalent model is presented for wind-pollinated plants. For these plants the distance between putative mates may be the most important factor affecting pollen number. I briefly consider how many pollen grains must reach a stigma to assure fruit set. I use pollen-ovule ratios (P/Os) to examine how breeding system, sexual system, pollen vector, and dispersal unit influence pollen grain number. I also compare the P/Os of plants with primary and secondary pollen presentation and those that provide only pollen as a reward with those that provide nectar as part or all of the reward. There is a substantial decrease in P/O from xenogamy to facultative xenogamy to autogamy. Relative to homoecious species the P/Os of species with most other sexual systems are higher. This suggests that there is a cost associated with changes in sexual system. The P/Os of wind-pollinated plants are substantially higher than those of animal-pollinated plants, and the available data suggest there is little difference in the pollination efficiency of the various animal vectors. The P/Os of plants whose pollen is dispersed in tetrads, polyads, or pollinia are substantially lower than those of species whose pollen is dispersed as monads. There was no difference in the P/Os of plants with primary and secondary pollen presentation. The P/Os of plants that provide only pollen as a reward were higher than those that provide nectar as a reward. All of these conclusions merit additional testing as they are based on samples that are relatively small and/or systematically biased.     

Why do bacteria use so many enzymes to scavenge hydrogen peroxide?

Hydrogen peroxide (H(2)O(2)) is continuously formed by the autoxidation of redox enzymes in aerobic cells, and it also enters from the environment, where it can be generated both by chemical processes and by the deliberate actions of competing organisms. Because H(2)O(2) is acutely toxic, bacteria elaborate scavenging enzymes to keep its intracellular concentration at nanomolar levels. Mutants that lack such enzymes grow poorly, suffer from high rates of mutagenesis, or even die. In order to understand how bacteria cope with oxidative stress, it is important to identify the key enzymes involved in H(2)O(2) degradation. Catalases and NADH peroxidase (Ahp) are primary scavengers in many bacteria, and their activities and physiological impacts have been unambiguously demonstrated through phenotypic analysis and through direct measurements of H(2)O(2) clearance in vivo. Yet a wide variety of additional enzymes have been proposed to serve similar roles: thiol peroxidase, bacterioferritin comigratory protein, glutathione peroxidase, cytochrome c peroxidase, and rubrerythrins. Each of these enzymes can degrade H(2)O(2) in vitro, but their contributions in vivo remain unclear. In this review we examine the genetic, genomic, regulatory, and biochemical evidence that each of these is a bonafide scavenger of H(2)O(2) in the cell. We also consider possible reasons that bacteria might require multiple enzymes to catalyze this process, including differences in substrate specificity, compartmentalization, cofactor requirements, kinetic optima, and enzyme stability. It is hoped that the resolution of these issues will lead to an understanding of stress resistance that is more accurate and perceptive.     

Why do many galls have conspicuous colours? An alternative hypothesis revisited

It has been proposed that the colour of many plant galls evolved as an aposematic signal to protect the contained gall-maker from attack by chewing herbivores. But the evidence would suggest the more likely hypothesis is that the colour is caused by the galler inducing the gall to senesce early, thus releasing nutrients from the dying tissues of the gall to the benefit of the gall-maker. External agents, like chewing herbivores or natural enemies of the gall-maker, may subsequently learn to use these colours as signals.     

Why do fish have so few roundworm (nematode) parasites?

Synopsis Although they are the oldest and most diverse members of the subphylum, the fishes have relatively few nematode parasites in comparison with other vertebrate classes. It is hypothesized that this paucity of parasite species has occurred because nematode parasites first evolved in terrestrial hosts and only a few lines of these parasites were able to transfer to fish after the appearance of heteroxeny (use of intermediate hosts) and paratenesis (use of transport hosts). The inability of nematodes to initiate parasitism in aquatic ecosystems restricted fish parasites mainly to forms first adapted to terrestrial vertebrates and at the same time deprived large groups of aquatic invertebrates such as the crustaceans, annelids and molluscs of a nematode parasite fauna.Invited editorial     

Why do microorganisms have aquaporins?

Aquaporins are channel proteins that enhance the permeability of cell membranes for water. They have been found in Bacteria, Archaea and Eukaryotes. However, their absence in many microorganisms suggests that aquaporins do not fulfill a broad role such as turgor regulation or osmoadaptation but, instead, fulfill a role that enables microorganisms to have specific lifestyles. The recent discovery that aquaporins enhance cellular tolerance against rapid freezing suggests that they have ecological relevance. We have identified several examples of large-scale freeze-thawing of microbes in nature and we also draw attention to alternative lifestyle-related functions for aquaporins, which will be a focus of future research.     

Why so many mammalian spermatozoa--a clue from marsupials?

Mammals generally ejaculate many more spermatozoa than seem to be needed for fertilization. This apparent profligacy has not been explained, but observations made in marsupials may shed light on it. The Virginia opossum, Didelphis virginiana, inseminates only about three million spermatozoa, a very low number. As a corollary, relatively few (ca. 13 X 10(6] are stored in each cauda epididymidis. However, some 5% of the spermatozoa that the opossum ejaculates populate the oviduct about 12 h later when ovulation can be anticipated--a success rate in the female orders of magnitude greater than in eutherian mammals. It is not certain what determines the unusually efficient transport to and the high survival rate of spermatozoa in the oviduct of Didelphis, but two unusual features suggest themselves as possible contributors. Didelphis (and all other American marsupial) spermatozoa undergo a head-to-head pairing in the epididymis by the acrosomal face; this serves to isolate the acrosome of ejaculated spermatozoa from the female milieu until the pairs separate in the oviduct. Secondly, spermatozoa are housed in special crypts in the isthmus of the oviduct. Australian marsupials, which usually lack such features, store spermatozoa in the epididymis in numbers more close to those in comparably sized eutheriam mammals. Exceptions which store very low sperm numbers there can be seen in one Australian Family, the Dasyuridae . The spermatozoa of dasyurids are not paired, but the species examined possess distinctive sperm storage crypts in the oviducal isthmus similar to those in the opossum. The present findings suggest that where mechanisms exist that could protect the acrosome and, or, the whole spermatozoon in the female tract, a much lower level of sperm production can be maintained without compromising fertility. While the number ejaculated typically by any one species is probably determined ultimately by several interacting factors, it therefore seems likely that a most important one in this respect relates to conditions spermatozoa face in the female tract.     

Why do schistosomes have separate sexes?

Paul Basch postulates that the familiar Schistosoma of humans evolved from hermaphroditic blood flukes of Mesozoic reptiles as those host became warm-blooded. The reproductive superiority that accompanied tendencies to protandry and protogyny in hermaphroditic blood flukes has led to subsequent sexual separation and dimorphism but substantial fragments of the ancestral contrasex genome persist in present-day males, as shown by common tendencies toward hermaphroditism. In present-day females the loss of the male-specific genome is far more complete and in the process of optimizing reproductive efficiency, present-day females have sacrificed many structural elements including locomotory and pharyngeal muscles. These losses have created dependency on the well-muscled male, whose primary functions seem to be compensatory; ie., physical transport of the female from the point of pairing to the point of egg deposition, stimulating growth and development by pumping blood into the female, who unpaired would starve, plus, less importantly, fertilization of the oocytes.     

Why do we love medicines so much?

An evolutionary perspective on the human love of pills, potions and placeboHumans love medicinal drugs; we cannot get enough. Worldwide, the amount of money spent on medicines annually is growing exponentially and is expected to reach around US$1 trillion in 2012. So far, there has been no satisfactory explanation for human ‘pharmophilia'', our powerful tropism to medicines. Most studies that have attempted to provide an explanation have focused on classical supply–demand economics. Here, we suggest a different explanation: pharmophilia evolved as a means to cope with disease and sickness and is mediated through belief-induced neurological and immunological signalling pathways. Given that our love for drugs seems to be hard-wired into our biology, such an assertion has both social and economic repercussions. If public health policies do not take into account our strong pharmophilia, we will continue to overspend on and ‘over-value'' drugs at the expense of non-medicinal treatments and prevention strategies. Human pharmophilia is also a threat to biodiversity; one that has already brought many animal and plant species to the brink of extinction.If public health policies do not take into account our strong pharmophilia, we will continue to overspend on and ‘over-value'' drugs…The World Trade Organization estimates that global spending on pharmaceuticals reached US$427 billion in 2008 and, given an annual growth rate of 5.5%, projects a staggering US$929 billion in 2012. In many countries, expenditure on medicines now accounts for more than 1% of GDP (Hubbard & Love, 2004) and even were the human population to stabilize somewhere around 2050, we would still spend increasing amounts of money on medicines to improve and extend our lives. Today, most of the money spent comes from the 1.3 billion customers in the established market economies (EME), while most of the global population still rely on traditional medicines: 65% of the 6.5 billion humans on Earth depend on folk materia medica. This will change rapidly during the next 40 years. The populations of the EME—the current principal users of expensive pharmaceuticals—will ultimately account for only 11% of the global population by 2050 (UN Population Division, 2008), but the huge population expansion in middle-income countries—of up to 7.8–9 billion people—will massively increase demand for both pharmaceuticals and traditional folk medicine (Sivin, 1987). The ‘bottom billion'' in low-income countries will swell to nearly 2 billion by 2050, but will continue to rely almost entirely on folk medicine.…the huge population expansion in middle-income countries […] will massively increase demand for both pharmaceuticals and traditional folk medicine…This extraordinary expansion has significant implications for national health-care systems, the pharmaceutical industry and billions of patients. Although the EME spend the most on pharmaceuticals in absolute terms—USA, 46.7% of total expenditure; Europe, 24.8%; and Japan, 11.3%—compared with low- to middle-income countries—Sub-Saharan Africa, 1.3%; India, 1.8%—there is a huge difference in terms of out-of-pocket expenditure on medicines. Sub-Saharan Africa and India are leading the way with 65% and 81%, respectively, compared with a maximum of 40% in some EME countries (Davis, 1997).Rightly or wrongly, public health policies have focused on economic factors with little regard for the social, biological and cultural causes of pharmophilia—a phenomenon that has had a considerable impact beyond public health systems on both global biodiversity and traditional medicine. Intelligent public health policies and new policy frameworks that encompass traditional medicines, biodiversity and public health therefore need a better understanding of what drives our consumption of medicines. In this regard, our evolutionary past could provide an explanation to help understand our pharmophilia, as it combines an evolutionary perspective of health with the placebo effect and its underlying biology.The earliest evidence that our ancient ancestors actively sought to improve their health dates to the Middle Palaeolithic period, some 60,000 years ago, and is based on pollen found at a Neanderthal burial site, suggesting the use of medicinal plants (Solecki & Shanidar, 1975; Lietava, 1992). We do not know whether this behaviour extends further into the past, but the finding indicates that our ancient forbears probably used natural remedies to treat injuries and disease.In addition to the historical evidence of the use of medicinal plants, we have growing molecular and clinical knowledge of the placebo effect, which is key for explaining human pharmophilia. The word placebo actually comes from a mis-translation of the Bible by St Jerome, an Illyrian priest (Fig 1) who incorrectly translated the ninth line of Psalm 116, which should be “I will walk”, into “I will please”—placebo in Latin. The first use of placebo as a ‘dummy intervention'' has been credited to the efforts of progressive Catholics in the sixteenth century attempting to discredit right-wing exorcisms (Kaptchuk et al, 2009). The modern confusion and controversy about the placebo effect in modern medicine results from the use of the term ‘placebo'' to refer to an inert dummy medicine, whereas the placebo effect itself is now widely recognized as a real biological mechanism.Health-seeking behaviour is still found across the animal kingdom and ranges from hard-wired, genetically determined behaviours to learned strategiesOpen in a separate windowFigure 1St Jerome writing. Circa 1604 (oil on canvas), Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571–1610). Galleria Borghese, Rome, Italy / Bridgeman, Berlin.Notwithstanding the confusion, cultural anthropology has recognized the positive effects of placebo for more than 70 years. It was first described by the anthropologist Melville Herskovits (1948), and latter codified into a seminal article, The Powerful Placebo, by Henry Beecher (1955). Further research by anthropologists and molecular biologists revealed a unique neuroimmunological signalling and regulatory pathway, which is activated by a belief in the healing power of treatment and depends on the interaction of the patient, the medicine man and the medicine—nearly all of which include verbal communication. As Ankrah Twumasi described the Ashanti traditional system, “the positive psychological value of the medicine man as a medicine, which makes it possible for the patient to believe that he has established rapport with the “god” that controls him and contributes to his feeling of health has long been recognized” (Twumasi, 1987).From a neurocognitive and psychophysiological stimulation perspective, the placebo effect is poorly understood. There have also been numerous claims about the efficiency of the placebo effect that have fallen foul of methodological issues and/or have wildly overestimated its potency (Hrobjartsson, 2002). However, recent evidence shows that placebo does produce changes in brain activity similar to agents that act directly on neurological pathways—such as fluoxetine to treat depression—and subsequent immunological pathways (Mayberg et al, 2002). The placebo effect thus seems to operate both by classical conditioning and through thought-induced mechanisms (Lieberman et al, 2004) in cortical areas that generate and maintain cognitive experience through dopaminergic reward pathways. Indeed, pharmacological and psychostimulation are both able to yield similar neuroimmune changes (Fig 2; Faria et al, 2008). This evidence from the neurological and cognitive sciences provides a plausible mechanism for our tropism towards medicines. Irrespective of the real potency of any ingested medicines, a sufficient ‘thought-induced'' belief in their efficiency activates pathways that, in turn, generate a demonstrable biological effect.…evidence from field and laboratory studies demonstrate that human tropism towards medicines is not a recent social phenomenon, but has old evolutionary rootsOpen in a separate windowFigure 2Neurobiology and immunobiology of the placebo effect. Adapted from Pacheco-Lopez et al (2006).From a systems perspective, the placebo effect is a highly flexible neuroimmunological system. Multiple integrating pathways coalesce into a common ‘mission-critical'' system—in this case the neuroimmunological axis, an evolutionarily conserved pathway that is essential for the functioning of the organism—that can be fired up in response to a noxious insult. This biological system fits with the anthropologists'' view that, “the value of medicines seems to be based on a perception of them as having an inherent power to heal” (van der Geest & Whyte, 1989).Indeed, if we look at the placebo effect from an evolutionary perspective, its evolution and impact on our species makes even more sense. First, humans did not evolve in the presence of highly efficient medicines—most were developed only within the past few decades. Second, our ancestors obviously ingested pharmacological agents, mostly from plants, which are much less potent than today''s drugs, but might still have had a mild effect. Finally, we know from a systems perspective that diversity builds resilience. Therefore, we suggest that evolution would have favoured a web of diverse signalling pathways, such as the neuroimmunological axis, to increase resilience and adaptability and help us to heal ourselves.Put another way, as Gustavo Pacheco-Lopez and colleagues eloquently summarize in their extensive review of the neurobiology of immunomodulatory placebo effects: “Placebo effects can, therefore, benefit end organ functioning and the overall health of the individual through the healing power of belief, positive expectations and conditioning processes” (Pacheco-Lopez et al, 2006). But how then has the placebo effect arisen? Or put another way, what is the ultimate causation of this proximate mechanism? (Tinbergen, 1972).To address this question we need to look at evidence from comparative biology to ascertain the evolutionary origins of pharmophilia. In fact, our species is not the only one that uses proto-medicines. Health-seeking behaviour is still found across the animal kingdom and ranges from hard-wired, genetically determined behaviours to learned strategies. At one end of the spectrum, eusocial organisms, such as wood ants, incorporate conifer resin into their nests, which inhibits the growth of a wide range of pathogenic organisms. Medicinal strategies such as geophagy—the consumption of soil and charcoal to detoxify poisonous substances (Struhsaker et al, 1997)—also appear in a wide range of species, from parrots and new-world monkeys to apes such as gorillas and humans. Some of these behaviours might actually be feeding strategies to eat plants with high levels of phenols, which would otherwise be poisonous, or they might be learned strategies to cope with gastric problems after the accidental ingestion of a toxin. Either way, geophagy has been observed across a broad range of taxa, including species that we do not usually consider highly ‘intelligent''. Indeed, there is now good experimental evidence that sheep actively medicate themselves with tannins to control parasites (Lisonbee et al, 2009). The point is that proto-medicine-seeking behaviour appears in two species—sheep and man—that shared a common ancestor around 100 million years ago.The supposed schism between prevention and treatment might simply be a reflection of our deep-seated pharmophiliaHowever, it is species with higher intelligence that provide the most compelling evidence for the evolutionary roots of pharmophilia. Over the past two decades, Michael Huffman and colleagues have investigated the use of plants with medicinal properties by other species, in particular non-human primates. Through field studies and the observation of captive primates, they found that bonobos and chimpanzees—our closest living relatives with whom we shared a common ancestor around 6–7 million years ago—use herbaceous leaves such as Desmodium gangeticum for their phytochemical properties, or rough hispid leaves as a mechanical device by which to rid themselves of parasitic infections such as the worm Oesophagostomum stephanostomum (Huffman & Hirata, 2004; Fowler et al, 2007; Dupain et al, 2002). A recent field study of bonobos in Wamba, Congo, observed febrile, clearly sick adults eating an unidentified species of Manniophyton, known locally as Lukosa (Fig 3); it is a plant that is used in many traditional medicines to control fever.Open in a separate windowFigure 3Bonobo (Pan paniscus) in the wild. The inset shows Manniophyton fulvum.These learned medicinal behaviours are not unique to higher primates. In South Africa, sick Knysa elephants seek out and eat specific types of medicinal mushroom known for their immunostimulatory effects. The fact that these bracket tree fungi are extremely bitter and are not part of the elephants'' normal diet suggests strongly that this is medicine-seeking behaviour (Patterson, 2004). Together, this evidence from field and laboratory studies demonstrates that human tropism towards medicines is not a recent social phenomenon, but has old evolutionary roots.Pharmophilia has profound implications for public policy. In fact, the understanding that the placebo effect probably developed from proto-medicine-seeking behaviour millions of years ago among a range of animal species provides a novel framework to understand why medicines are globally ‘over-valued''. So far, the medicalization of health has been seen almost exclusively as an issue of supply—that is, the promotion of medicines and the medicalization of disease by society and the pharmaceutical industry. Yet, ‘value'' is a complex multidimensional concept that incorporates sociocultural, political and economic parameters. From an evolutionary and psychological perspective, pharmophilia is therefore likely to contribute substantially to increased expenditures across most therapeutic categories of pharmaceutical products.Public health policy and the economic analysis of pharmaceuticals has largely explained our use of medicines to treat illness in terms of rational factors, such as medical needs, patterns of care, access to technology, marketing forces, pricing and costs. However, neither of the two standard views of rational behaviour—‘consistent choice'' or ‘self-interest maximization''—has been able to provide an adequate representation of rationality or of the actual situation, according to the Indian economist Amartya Sen (Sen, 2009). Perhaps the answer lies in pharmophilia, which operates through both the supply and demand side of medicines and creates the uncertainty that current rational behaviour models find so difficult to predict.The ongoing demand for TM […] is accelerating the loss of biodiversity and pushes many plant and animal species close to extinctionIf we include pharmophilia into the analysis, neither the consumer nor the supplier acts rationally—both are driven by our evolutionary desire to seek medicines. If this is really the case, unregulated supply and demand will continue to feed on each other to create an ever-increasing spiral of consumption and costs.Current public policy approaches should take pharmophilia into account. Regulation is therefore the only efficient method of controlling the use of medicines by attempting to reduce demand; perhaps by controlling direct-to-consumer advertising and accepting that people will not act rationally within the context of health and medication. The assumption that a rational, logical argument can lead to a down-valuation of medicines is, according to this view, wrong. The supposed schism between prevention and treatment might simply be a reflection of our deep-seated pharmophilia. As such, extensive public debate about the need to shift public health policies from treatment to prevention will change little.Pharmaceutical public policy should turn this view around and regard the placebo effect as an ally of the medicalization of health. As Peter Davis, a medical sociologist at the University of Auckland in New Zealand, has argued, the use of medicines is a “visible expression of concern”; it is the ‘total drug effect'' that helps to increase the well-being of the patient (Davis, 1997). Although this seems initially to be a rather weak argument, closer inspection reveals that interaction with a doctor and the giving and receiving of medicines clearly does increase well-being. The unfettered popularity of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM)—or rather integrative medicine, as it is now called—is a case in point. While orthodox medicine has been constantly rallying against CAM, all evidence suggests that this has been a Canute-like reaction, a tide we cannot hold back. Despite the pronouncements of eminent scientists and many clinical trials, most of which show modest or no effect, the uptake of such practices is increasing. Cultural arguments that this is filling a holistic lacunae might be partly true, but it does not explain why so many patients believe in the benefits of CAM. The concept of pharmophilia would comfortably explain this apparent mismatch between CAM and patients'' beliefs.However, in both cases—pharmaceuticals and CAM—the problem is not so much the concept as the cost and the potential for harm, both of which need to be managed from a public policy perspective. Surveys in developing and middle-income countries by the World Health Organization and Health Action International have shown that 90% of the population in these countries purchase drugs through out-of-pocket payments, which makes medicines the biggest family expenditure after food (Cameron et al, 2009). The mantra of prevention, public health, non-pharmaceutical interventions, and the doctrine of ‘global public good''—that is, health policy responding to the objectively greatest need—might be intellectually satisfying, but it clearly does not reflect reality and the future trajectory of the continuing ‘pharmaceuticalization'' of disease in these countries (Smith & Mackellar, 2007).The great gap between prevention and cure is not simply a matter of history but a fundamental aspect of our evolution. Public policy cannot expect a rational choice based on utility when our evolved psychologies have such a strong tropism for medicines (Sen, 2009). Recognition of this sheds new light on the issue of how we promote medicines and in particular how we regulate or accept direct-to-consumer advertising, one of the most contentious battlegrounds in market economies. By ‘over-valuing'' medicines, unconstrained public policies in favour of drugs and medicines will have two effects: first, they will further drive up expenditure beyond rational-use limits; second, they will under-value the contribution towards health and disease management of prevention and non-medicinal modalities, such as surgery. The nature of human pharmophilia suggests that continued stringent controls on advertising and more thoughtful rational approaches to cost-effectiveness analyses need to come from public policy as they are unlikely to arise through market forces.Pharmaceuticals represent one end of the spectrum in terms of human medicines. However, the most abundant usage of medicines by far, now and in the future, is traditional medicine (TM). This pharmacopoeia of folk medicine, as well as organized TM systems such as Ayurvedic and Chinese medicine, contains hundreds of thousands of plants, animal, mineral and other substances (Alves & Rosa, 2007). TM dominates health care outside high-income countries and has an increasing role in complementary and/or integrative systems in developed countries (Fig 4). The World Bank estimates that the ratio of those trained in Western medicine to TM practitioners in various African countries is between 1:1,639 in urban South Africa to 1:50,000 in Malawi and Mozambique (Cunningham, 1993). Higher resolution studies, for example in South Africa, estimate that about 5.6% of the national health budget is spent on TM; much more, however, comes from out-of-pocket payments.…any public policies to address the health situation in both affluent and developing countries can only be successful if they take into account the human factorOpen in a separate windowFigure 4The South African medical plants industry. Adapted from Mander et al (2007). GMP, good manufacturing process.It is not only the cost that is at issue here. The ongoing demand for TM, a product of both population growth and increasing per capita purchasing power, coupled with a loss of habitats through climate change, over-usage, deforestation and other factors, is accelerating the loss of biodiversity and pushes many plant and animal species close to extinction. For example, some 200 animal and 550 plant species are actively traded in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa); 60% of these are now reported as scarce (Mander et al, 2007). Population increases in Asia and Africa with unconstrained demand for TM coupled to non-sustainable habitat loss is a massive threat to biodiversity. The focus of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species and other bodies on critical species represents only the tip of the iceberg and public policy has only recently realized the extent of the problem. While problems such as deforestation and habitat loss have attracted public notice and led to public policies to alleviate these, the issue of how to provide sustainable TM for populations in much of Africa and Asia has received scant attention. Integrating TM into public health systems with policy approaches centred on conservation is a huge challenge, in particular because TM remains a totally unregulated arena. However, it is essential that countries that are dependent on TM as a source of health care urgently address the problem. It is only within these nations that effective measures can be taken.More generally, though, any public policies to address the health situation in both affluent and developing countries can only be successful if they take into account the human factor. Our pharmophilia is a deeply engrained behaviour and an important aspect of our health and well-being. It needs to be better understood and incorporated into global health policy frameworks.? Open in a separate windowIsabel BehnckeOpen in a separate windowRichard SullivanOpen in a separate windowArnie Purushotham