Physical strength predicts political violence

Research has revealed an association between individual physical strength and attitudinal support for modern war. Physical strength of one individual has an infinitesimal effect on the outcomes of state-level aggression involving large-scale armies and complex military technology. The fact that stronger individuals do support such aggression hints at an evolved psychology specialized for small-scale coalitional aggression, where strength of coalition members non-negligibly contribute to the net coalition strength. Here, I examined whether strength also accounts for participation in modern political aggression, as contrasted to mere support. Given that contemporary political aggression primarily occurs within—not between—states, I focused on intra-state forms of political violence, specifically violent antigovernment protests. To enhance external and ecological validity, I relied on large probability samples from both non-WEIRD and WEIRD countries experiencing political violence (N = 6283; interviewees were quota-sampled from YouGov online panels to generate representative samples of online adult populations). Multinational analyses revealed that self-perceived strength significantly predicts intentions to participate in political violence and self-reported participation, and that this association is stronger among young interviewees, but not among men (compared to women). The predictive power of strength was modest but comparable to that of gender, an established predictor of aggression. I discuss why the fact that strength—a physiological variable—relates to political violence—a complex modern phenomenon—is remarkable. Subsequently, I suggest a new research agenda that draws on insights from evolutionary research to study modern political violence.     

Rendering the absent visible: victimhood and the irreconcilability of violence

Contemporary justice-making processes often focus on reconciliation or legal retribution, but not on the complexity of victimhood beyond individual subjectivity or refusals of state propositions for social repair. In Colombia, where drug cartels and state-sponsored violence had terrorized the population for over fifty years, it was not forgiveness and acceptance that punctuated the turn of the twenty-first century, but the refusal to reconcile with the state's duplicity regarding the disappearance and death of thousands. This essay illustrates how irreconciliation as an affective sentiment is taking shape in Colombia through forms of reattribution that take the form of victim visibilizations. In analysing the strategic use of victim visibilizations as a refusal of state accountability, their expansion of the notion of victimhood, and their politics of irreconciliation, I show how even with the state's remorse-driven discourses, the public's understanding that political, judicial, and social accountability was not possible and pushed them to chart new strategies for disclosure and healing.     

Torture by Cieng: ethical theory meets social practice among the Dinka Agaar of south Sudan

Here I detail violence in South Sudan by first discussing a specific Dinka Agaar practice alongside existing discourses on the social aspects of violence and universal human rights, then I show how these acts had meaning and purpose using data from personal accounts of violence. I posit that the violence described was consistent with Dinka Agaar concepts of justice and basic human rights and that it cannot be judged against any universal human rights standard, devoid of local context or of an overarching metanarrative. These events highlight conflicting subjectivities, ethical norms, and the painful difficulties inherent to advocacy in areas of conflict. Viewed from the perspective of the larger social unit, it is easy to see how violence was required to end violence. However, witnessing punitive violence purposefully enacted on innocent individuals to achieve peace has the potential to create conflicting positions that modern anthropological discourse cannot reconcile.     

Rhetoric of Exclusion and Racist Violence in a Catalan Secondary School

Drawing on ethnographic research in a secondary school in Catalonia, Spain, this article analyzes the relationship between racist violence against students of African origin and racist ideologies held by students, described as a rhetoric of exclusion. I argue for a more detailed and painstaking characterization of students' ethnic discourses as a means of understanding the diversity of these discourses and their connection to intergroup relations.     

On violence,intersectionality and transversal politics

The persistence of violence over the past several decades coupled with the explosive growth of intersectionality as a form of critical inquiry and praxis suggest that the connections between violence, intersecting power relations and political resistance remain highly salient. In this commentary, I ask, in what ways might continuing to focus on violence illuminate the connections between intersecting systems of power and on the contours of political resistance? To address this question, I revisit two themes in “The Tie That Binds: Race, Gender and US Violence”, namely, (1) how conceptualizing violence as a saturated site of intersecting power relations contributes to analyses of political domination and (2) how attending to the analyses and actions of African American women and similarly subordinated groups deepens understandings of flexible solidarity as a core feature of transversal politics.     

What is ‘post-race’ and what does it reveal about contemporary racisms?

ABSTRACT

In this paper, I will critically engage those aspects of Goldberg’s Are We All Postracial Yet that I found to be particularly generative for thinking about contemporary racisms. These foci include the place of post-racial mystification vis-à-vis liberal market capitalism, animalization and synchronic global relationalities. A case will be made for post-race being best understood in terms of how it both incorporates as well as exceeds the explanatory terrain already serviced by the concept of ‘Cultural Racism’ and/or ‘New Racism’. A unique connection to Chamayou’s recent Manhunts will also be advanced. I will read contemporary processes of post-racial animalization via Chamayou’s key contention that Power is always about who is to be the object of force, who shall do the enforcing and how is it to be enforced – a historically contingent force that results in particular technologies of classification, hunting, surveillance, internment, killing and fortification.     

The struggle that cannot be named: violence,space and the re-articulation of anti-racism in post-Duggan Britain

The history of black struggles in Britain has often centred on spaces of violence and resistance. While there has been significant attention paid to how racism is articulated through particular places, less has been said about anti-racism being communicated through its associations with space and place. Using Tottenham (north London) as a case study, I draw on ethnographic observations at demonstrations and public meetings, in addition to semi-structured interviews with anti-racist activists resisting policing in post-2011 London. This paper argues that, over time, racist metonyms describing places racialised as black have led to the rise of a metonymic anti-racism. Metonymic anti-racism is used alongside more overt anti-racist language, and has profound implications for understanding struggles against police racism in Britain. The paper analyses these implications, contextualizing them historically, in light of neoliberalised racial discourses and how anti-racist metonyms shape articulations of black struggle against policing in post-2011 Tottenham.     

The manipulation of ethnicity: from ethnic cooperation to violence and war in Yugoslavia

The story of the failure of bargaining among ethnic élites and of international diplomacy is well known. What has not been well explained is the spread and support for xenophobic nationalism and ethnic violence among people who had lived cooperatively for thirty-five years. I draw on key ideas of four views on ethnicity and ethnic conflict, and add the concept of cognitive frame in ethnic relations. Yugoslavs possessed two ethnic frames in their minds, an ethnic cooperation and peace frame for normal times, and a crisis frame anchored in World War II memories. Élite contention and mass media propaganda awakened the dormant crisis frame, suppressed the normal frame, and spread insecurity and fear. I explain why ethnic manipulation succeeded, people believed falsehoods, voted for nationalists, how moderates were purged and why men in militias killed innocent civilians.     

Preventing post-traumatic stress disorder after mass exposure to violence

Bioterrorism preparedness plans must take into account the psychosocial consequences of exposure to mass violence. If possible, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which is associated with significant morbidity and cost, should be prevented. There are, however, no effective interventions that have been scaled up to prevent PTSD following mass exposure to violence. In fact, randomized controlled trials of the most commonly used preventive intervention, psychological debriefing, suggest no efficacy, or even potential harm. Fortunately, randomized controlled trials of cognitive behavioral therapy--that is, targeting individuals who are symptomatic in the weeks after trauma--reveal significant efficacy. Given the potential for repeated mass violence exposure, public health professionals need to refine methods for screening and tracking large numbers of casualties. At the same time, the use of telephone and internet-based cognitive behavioral therapy protocols should be further tested as strategies for bringing the only effective early intervention for PTSD to scale. Research on preventive pharmacotherapy for PTSD and on the effects of media exposure on PTSD severity is also a priority.     

How Distance Affects Semantic Integration in Discourse: Evidence from Event-Related Potentials

Event-related potentials were used to investigate whether semantic integration in discourse is influenced by the number of intervening sentences between the endpoints of integration. Readers read discourses in which the last sentence contained a critical word that was either congruent or incongruent with the information introduced in the first sentence. Furthermore, for the short discourses, the first and last sentence were intervened by only one sentence while for the long discourses, they were intervened by three sentences. We found that the incongruent words elicited an N400 effect for both the short and long discourses. However, a P600 effect was only observed for the long discourses, but not for the short ones. These results suggest that although readers can successfully integrate upcoming words into the existing discourse representation, the effort required for this integration process is modulated by the number of intervening sentences. Thus, discourse distance as measured by the number of intervening sentences should be taken as an important factor for semantic integration in discourse.     

Sex,money, and paternity: The evolutionary psychology of domestic violence

Three hundred sixty-five women, with children between six and 12 years of age, were interviewed and tested on various issues theoretically related to domestic violence. The sample was stratified into three subsamples of volunteer women recruited from: (1) a temporary shelter for battered women, (2) the local community and screened specifically for the reported presence of domestic violence, (3) the same community sources and screened only for the reported presence of children of the specified age group. Factor analytic structural equation models were constructed for the predictors of violence by the woman's main sexual partner toward the woman and towards the woman's child. Common factors were constructed for the four major dimensions of domestic violence— verbal, physical, escalated, and sexual—and for the three major predictors of domestic violence—sex, money, and paternity. The sex factor indexed the general quality of the sexual relationship dynamics, the money factor indexed the couple's socioeconomic relations, and the paternity factor indexed the genetic stakes held in the family by the woman's main sexual partner. These three factors jointly accounted for 60% of the variance in violence toward the woman. Violence towards the woman—the only significant direct effect—accounted for 26% of the variance in violence toward the child. These findings suggest that the principal perpetrators of domestic violence may be competitively disadvantaged males, pursuing coercive sexual and parental strategies without regard to the deleterious indirect effects upon their own genetic offspring.     

Obstetric violence as immigration injustice: A view from the United States and Colombia

In September 2020, Project South, along with numerous other organizations, released a report detailing abuses in a Georgia Detention Center – including forced hysterectomies. Whatever other factors are at play, one of them is an intrinsic connection between obstetric violence against pregnant migrants and immigration injustice. It is not incidental that these acts – in US detention centers, along the US-Mexico border, in Colombian hospitals and clinics – are being perpetrated on immigrant bodies. And it is not accidental or random which immigrant bodies are vulnerable to these violations. Understanding and confronting obstetric violence directed at pregnant migrants, though, requires reconceptualizing the nature of obstetric violence itself. In particular, we must recognize that obstetric violence against pregnant Latin American migrants in the United States and Colombia is a type of immigration injustice, a means to perpetrate immigration injustice, and a product of immigration injustice. As such, bioethicists need to collaborate with immigration scholars to resist it. After providing some background on the nature of obstetric violence and some ways it is perpetuated against pregnant migrants in the United States and Colombia, I will give a brief overview of how I conceptualize immigration justice. From there, I explain how this type of obstetric violence constitutes a type of immigration injustice, a means to perpetrate immigration injustice, and a product of immigration injustice. My hope is that this analysis motivates bioethicists throughout the Americas to engage with immigration scholars and activists to confront the issue more forcefully.     

The evolution of violence within far-right mobilization: evidence from Russia

This article analyzes the temporal variation in far-right violence by examining it as a series of interrelated attacks that are embedded within and arising out of a broader cycle of far-right mobilization. It argues that the changing nature of far-right violence occurs as a trial-and-error process – what Sidney Tarrow terms “tactical innovation” – within a mobilizational cycle. As we demonstrate below, far-right mobilization is characterized by innovation, experimentation, and selection of specific types of attacks and particular targets that are deemed likely to garner public support and increase pressure on state officials. Consequently, over the course of the mobilizational cycle, far-right violence employed more organized forms of violence and increasingly targeted ethnic minorities and migrants. We find empirical support for this argument in the case of Russia, using event analysis of a ten-year span of mass violent attacks and an in-depth examination of selected riots.     

Physical violence against intimate partners and related exposures to violence among South African men

Background

Despite high rates of intimate partner violence in South Africa, there have been no national studies of men''s perpetration of violence against female partners.

Methods

We analyzed data from the South Africa Stress and Health Study, a cross-sectional, nationally representative study, specifically examining data for men who had ever been married or had ever cohabited with a female partner. We calculated the prevalence of physical violence against intimate female partners and used logistic regression to examine associations with physical abuse during childhood and exposure to parental and community violence.

Results

A total of 834 male participants in the South Africa Stress and Health Study met the study criteria. Of these, 27.5% reported using physical violence against their current or most recent female partner during their current or most recent marriage or cohabiting relationship. Crude odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) indicated significant associations between perpetration of violence against an intimate partner and witnessing parental violence (OR 3.91, 95% CI 2.66–5.73) or experiencing physical abuse during childhood (OR 3.24, 95% CI 2.27–4.63), but not exposure to community violence (OR 1.29, 95% CI 0.88–1.88). The 2 significant associations persisted in adjusted analyses: OR 3.22 (95% CI 1.94–5.33) for witnessing parental violence and OR 1.73 (95% CI 1.07–2.79) for experiencing physical abuse during childhood.

Interpretation

We found a high prevalence of physical violence perpetrated by men against their intimate partners. Men who experienced physical abuse during childhood or were exposed to parental violence were at the greatest risk.Most research about men''s perpetration of violence against female intimate partners has concentrated on elucidating the factors that put women at risk for experiencing such violence and identifying the related service needs. Less work has been done to investigate the factors affecting men''s risk of perpetrating violence against women. Such work is needed to inform development of empirically based public health programs to reduce men''s use of such violence. Intimate partner violence is of pandemic proportions, with global estimates indicating that 15% to 75% of women have experienced such abuse.^1,2 Such violence may confer grave health consequences, including transmission of HIV/AIDS.³The overwhelming majority of research on violence against intimate partners perpetrated by men has been conducted in Western countries, with the focus on men at high risk for such activity (e.g., prisoners, people enrolled in intervention programs for batterers).^4,5 This work has highlighted the importance of exposure to violence early in life (e.g., witnessing parental violence, experiencing child abuse) in predicting perpetration of violence against a partner during adulthood.⁶ Recently, the potential relations between community violence and men''s perpetration of violence against intimate partners have also been examined.⁷Fewer studies have been done in developing nations, but several notable investigations have recently assessed men''s perpetration of violence against intimate partners in South Africa, specifically in Eastern Cape and Cape Town. Two of these studies have indicated high rates of violence against intimate partners: 31.8% in Eastern Cape⁸ and 42.3% in Cape Town.⁹ The extent to which these findings reflect national rates is unknown. Furthermore, work with both men and women in South Africa has demonstrated strong relations between violence (men''s perpetration and women''s victimization) and higher rates of sexually risky behaviours.^3,8 Associations between women''s experience as victims of intimate partner violence and HIV infection have also been documented.³ These data strongly suggest that men''s perpetration of violence against intimate partners is common in South Africa and that it may play an important role in this nation''s HIV epidemic,^3,8 which currently ranks highest in the world with respect to the number of people living with HIV.¹⁰In the study reported here, we sought to build upon prior work by using a national sample of South African men to examine the prevalence of physical violence perpetrated by men against their female intimate partners and potential violence-related risk factors (i.e., exposure to parental violence, experience of abuse in childhood and exposure to community violence).     

Epidemiology of violence and war

The magnitude of the threat that violence and war pose to the health, the quality of life, and the very survival of humanity is obvious. A number of scientific disciplines have provided, each through its own methodology, insights into the causation, genesis, and dynamics of violence and war. Although epidemiological and psychological methodologies received priority, the multidisciplinary approach to this problem seems to be the most appropriate. This essay attempts to approach holistically the study of epidemiology of violence and war and the ways of preventing these severe problems of the contemporary society. Conceptual models of the causative mechanisms and dynamics of violence and war, mapping the various psychic, social, and environmental factors, are presented. These models, besides advancing abstract ideas, also provide a concrete framework for determining and exploring the interactions and dynamics of the factors and processes which lead to violence and war. The types of interventions outlined for control and prevention are intended to make an impact upon "critical points" within the dynamics of the process which produces violence and war, and are conceived to be implemented on both the national and international level. The importance of family, community, and school influences is considered, but the role of international organizations, including the United Nations, and other governmental and non-governmental organizations is also stressed. Discussion is focused on the factors which favour peace and hamper aggression, on "internationalization" and global society versus xenophobia and nationalism. The conclusions state that there is sufficient knowhow to devise and implement a reasonable and effective international programme for the control and prevention of violence and war, provided there is adequate public and political willingness and support.     

“Canadian Experience” discourse and anti-racialism in a “post-racial” society

“Canadian Experience” is a paradox for many immigrants in Canada and contributes to their exclusion from the labour market. Through an analysis of Canadian English print media, from 2006 to 2011, we illustrate how “Canadian Experience” discourse places the responsibility of immigrant labour market integration on immigrants themselves and constructs their experiences of exclusion as non-racial. This is theorized as a “post-racial” strategy that relies on anti-racialism (avoidance of racial references) to deny the existence and effects of racism, thereby allowing the Canadian public to maintain its façade of innocence but perpetuates “racism without racists”. The discourse de-historicizes postcolonial racial hierarchy and promotes a de-racialized neo-liberal model for immigrant inclusion. This has implications for anti-racism and settlement service provision.     

Political violence and child health: Results from Zimbabwe

This paper examines how the health of Zimbabwean children was affected by political and election-related violence and land reform in Zimbabwe during the period from 2000 to 2005. These events impacted Zimbabwean livelihoods and increased food insecurity in the country. Our study combines individual child data from the Demographic and Health Surveys that bracket these violent events with information on the location and date of violence from the Armed Conflict Location and Event dataset. To understand how the increase in violence impacted children’s health, the empirical analysis exploits temporal and spatial variation in child height across birth cohorts. Children born after the spike in violence in 2000 had lower height-for-age z-scores than children from earlier cohorts. The results are robust to a placebo test for parallel trends, alternative control groups, selective mortality, and migration. The paper adds to the literature on election-related violence, armed conflict, and land reform. Additionally, it provides guidance on differentiating between timing of violence during multiple political and electoral events, and estimating the impact on rural communities.     

Physical spousal violence against women in India: some risk factors

Domestic spousal violence against women in developing countries like India, is now beginning to be recognized as a widespread health problem impeding development. This study aimed to explore the risk and protective factors for lifetime spousal physical violence. A cross-sectional household survey was carried out in rural, urban and urban-slum areas across seven sites in India, among women aged 15-49 years, living with a child less than 18 years of age. The sample was selected using the probability proportionate to size method. Trained field workers administered a structured questionnaire to elicit information on spousal physical violence. The main hypothesized variables were social support, witnessed father beating mother and experience of harsh physical violence during childhood, alcohol abuse by spouse and socioeconomic variables. The outcome variables included three physical violence behaviours of hit, kick and beat. Odds ratios were calculated for risk and protective factors of violence using logistic regression. Of 9938 women surveyed, 26% reported experiencing spousal physical violence during the lifetime of their marriage. Adjusted odds ratios calculated using multiple logistic regression analysis suggest that women whose husbands regularly consumed alcohol (OR 5.6; 95% CI 4.7-6.6); who experienced dowry harassment (OR 3.2; 95% CI 2.7-3.8); had reported experiencing harsh physical punishment during childhood (OR 1.6; 95% CI 1.4-1.8) and had witnessed their fathers beat their mothers (OR 1.9; 95% CI 1.6-2.1), were at increased risk of spousal physical violence (beat, hit and kick). Higher socioeconomic status and good social support acted as protective buffers against spousal physical violence. The findings provide compelling evidence of the potential risk factors for spousal physical violence, which in turn could help in planning interventions.     

The life and death of a street boy in East Africa: everyday violence in the time of AIDS

This article focuses on the life history of a single street boy in northwestern Tanzania, whom I name Juma. I suggest that Juma's experiences and the life trajectory of himself and of significant individuals around him (particularly his mother) were structured by everyday violence. I describe everyday violence in terms of a conjuncture between macrostructural forces in East Africa (including a history of failed development schemes and the contemporary political economy of neoliberalism) and the lived experience of individuals as they negotiate local, contextual factors (including land-tenure practices, the power dynamics between immediate and extended kin, life on the streets, and constructions of gender and sexuality). I suggest that AIDS and its many impacts on Juma's life course can only be understood in a broader context of everyday violence. From this basis, I draw several general conclusions regarding AIDS prevention and intervention strategies.