Socioeconomic determinants of age at first marriage in Bangladesh

Using data from the 1976 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, multiple classification analysis was used to evaluate the effect of socioeconomic factors on age at 1st marriage. The independent variables considered were education, childhood and current residence, religion, work status before marriage, and husband's childhood residence, education, and occupation. Analysis was carried out for the total sample as well as for 3 birth cohorts of approximately equal size: 1) those born before 1940, 2) those born between 1940-50, and 3) those born after 1950. Of all the included variables, women's education has the strongest influence on the variation of age at 1st marriage. For all ever-married women, the mean age at marriage for women with primary education is 13.4 years, 0.9 years higher than for women with no education (12.5 years), and 1.2 years lower than for women with a high school education or beyond (14.6 years). Difference in means for cohorts indicate a gradually increasing influence of education on people's decision in marriage. Husband's education does not appear to be as important. Childhood residence has, directly and indirectly, a strong influence in marriage age. Among other factors, women's premarital work participation, as well as region and husband's occupation, are important. Since women's education, childhood residence, and work participation are the strongest socioeconomic variables affecting marriage age, the modernizing influences of education, urbanization, and female work participation should have an effect on the marriage pattern; this effect is consistent with that observed in other societies.     

Determinants of cumulative fertility in Kenya

This paper analyses the effects of age at first marriage, level of education, place of residence, marriage disruption, religion, contraceptive use, and work status on cumulative fertility in Kenya, using data from the 1977-78 Kenya Fertility Survey. Age at first marriage is the main determinant of cumulative fertility, but there are significant effects of level of education and marriage disruption. Place of residence is only significant for the Coast province. The implication of the findings is that to promote any real decline in fertility, emphasis should be placed on providing higher education and work opportunities for young women as an alternative to early marriage.     

Menarcheal age and subsequent patterns of family formation

We examine whether age at menarche affects age at first marriage or first birth using two samples of U.S. women. Data are drawn from the Tremin Trust, a longitudinal study of menstrual cycles that recruited white women who were students at the University of Minnesota and from a survey of a nationally representative sample of white women born between 1900 and 1910. Regression models with cubic splines were used to analyze the relationship between age at menarche and age at first marriage. Cox proportional hazard models were used to examine the effect of age at menarche on the interval between marriage and first birth. Unlike earlier work, we found that once secular trends in both age at marriage and age at menarche were taken into account, there was no evidence that age at menarche affects either age at marriage or the timing of first births in these U.S. women.     

The impact of labor-saving technology on first birth intervals in rural Ethiopia

Across the developing world labor-saving technologies introduce considerable savings in the time and energy that women allocate to work. Hormonal studies on natural fertility populations indicate that such a reduction in energetic expenditure (rather than improved nutritional status alone) can lead to increased ovarian function. Other qualitative studies have highlighted a link between labor-saving technology and behavioral changes affecting subsequent age at marriage, which may affect fertility. This biodemographic study was designed to investigate whether these physiological and behavioral changes affect fertility at a population level by focusing on a recent water development scheme in Southern Ethiopia. The demographic consequences of a reduction in women's workload following the installation of water points, specifically the variation in length of first birth interval (time lapsed between marriage and first birth), are investigated. First birth interval length is closely associated with lifetime fertility in populations that do not practice contraception, longer intervals being associated with lower fertility. Using life tables and multivariate hazard modeling techniques a number of significant predictors of first birth interval length are identified. Covariates such as age at marriage, season of marriage, village ecology, and access to improved water supply have significant effects on variation in first birth intervals. When entered into models as a time-varying covariate, access to a water tap stand is associated with an immediate reduction in length of first birth intervals.     

Menarcheal age and subsequent patterns of family formation

Abstract

We examine whether age at menarche affects age at first marriage or first birth using two samples of U.S. women. Data are drawn from the Tremin Trust, a longitudinal study of menstrual cycles that recruited white women who were students at the University of Minnesota and from a survey of a nationally representative sample of white women born between 1900 and 1910. Regression models with cubic splines were used to analyze the relationship between age at menarche and age at first marriage. Cox proportional hazard models were used to examine the effect of age at menarche on the interval between marriage and first birth. Unlike earlier work, we found that once secular trends in both age at marriage and age at menarche were taken into account, there was no evidence that age at menarche affects either age at marriage or the timing of first births in these U.S. women.     

Kin influences on fertility in Thailand: Effects and mechanisms

It has been suggested that human mothers are cooperative breeders, as they need help from others to successfully raise offspring. Studies working under this framework have found correlations between the presence of kin and both child survival and female fertility rates. This study seeks to understand the proximate mechanisms by which kin influence fertility using data from the 1987 Thailand Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), a nationally representative sample of 6775 women. Kin influence is measured by the length of time couples live with the husband's or wife's parents after marriage. Event history analysis, multilevel modeling and structural equation modeling are used to investigate both fertility outcomes and potential pathways through which postnuptial residence may influence fertility outcomes, including employment status, maternal and child outcomes, contraceptive use, breastfeeding duration, and age at marriage. We show that living virilocally (with husband's kin after marriage) increases total fertility by shortening time from marriage to first birth, and increasing the likelihood of progression to each subsequent birth. These effects are mediated through correlations between virilocal residence and earlier age at marriage as well as delayed initiation of contraceptive use. We find no influence of husband's kin on maternal or child outcomes. Living uxorilocally (with wife's kin after marriage) also reduces age at marriage, shortens time from marriage to first birth and (marginally) improves child survivorship, but has no effect on other child and maternal outcomes or progression to subsequent births and results in a similar number of living children as women living neolocally.     

Determinants of adolescent pregnancy in an urban area in Turkey: a population-based case-control study

The aim of this study was to determine the degree to which socioeconomic status is a risk factor for first birth at age 19 or younger in married women in an urban area of Turkey. The research was a population-based case-control study. The study group comprised all married and pregnant women aged 15-19 (adolescent pregnancies) attending primary care centres (144 subjects). Married women between 20 and 29 years of age, experiencing their first pregnancy (adult pregnancies), were determined as the control group (144 subjects). A questionnaire was completed for each subject during face-to-face interviews. Adolescent pregnancy was more frequent in women from families with a low socioeconomic status, as determined by occupation (class) and income; both were associated with adolescent pregnancy. Multiple logistic regression analysis identified seven factors associated with adolescent pregnancy: exposure to violence within the family prior to marriage; families partially opposed or unopposed to adolescent marriage; secondary school or lower education level; lack of social security; living in houses in which the number of persons per room was over 1; unemployed women; and having sisters with a history of adolescent pregnancy.     

Parental age difference, educationally assortative mating and offspring count: evidence from a contemporary population in Taiwan

Using contemporary population data from Taiwan, we examine the relationships between parental age difference, educationally assortative mating, income and offspring count. Controlling for women's reproductive value (measured by age at first birth), we find that an older husband is associated with fewer offspring, whereas a husband with similar or higher education is associated with more offspring. Concerning resources, we find that women's income is negatively associated with fertility and husband's income is positively associated with fertility among highly educated women. These results are consistent with the view that women compensate for trade-offs between education, income generation and childbearing by seeking mates with a higher status.     

Social-demographic influence on first birth interval in China, 1980-1992

This study examines the delay between first marriage and first live birth in China among a sample of women who married between 1980 and 1992. Most couples in China only use contraception after the first child is born. Most sample women had their first child within 2 years of marriage. However, there are significant rural-urban differences in the first birth interval, indicating that there was most probably deliberate fertility regulation after marriage among many urban couples. Survival analysis shows that place of residence, level of education, age at first marriage and marriage cohort affect the first birth interval.     

The impact of reproduction on gambian women: Does controlling for phenotypic quality reveal costs of reproduction?

Life history theory predicts that where resources are limited, investment in reproduction will cause a decline in body condition and ultimately may lower survival rates. We investigate the relationship between reproduction and mortality in women in rural Gambia. We use a number of different measures of reproductive investment: the timing of reproduction, intensity of reproduction, and cumulative reproductive investment (parity). Though giving birth is clearly a risk factor for increased mortality, we find limited evidence that the timing, intensity, or cumulative effects of reproduction have a survival cost. Instead, there is some evidence that women who have invested heavily in reproduction have higher survival than women with lower reproductive investment: both high parity and late age at last reproduction are associated with high survival. The only evidence for any cost of reproduction is that women who have given birth to twins (considered a marker of heavy investment in reproduction) have higher mortality rates than other women, after the age of 50 years. A potential confounding factor may be differences in health between women: particularly healthy women may be able to invest substantially in both reproduction and their own survival, leading to the positive correlations between survival and both parity and age at last birth we observe. To control for differences in health between women, we reanalyze the relationship between reproduction and mortality but include variables correlating with health in our models (height, BMI, and hemoglobin). Even when controlling for health, the positive correlation between investment in reproduction and survival remains unchanged.     

Age at menarche, schooling, and sexual debut in northern Malawi

Background

Age at sexual debut is a key behavioural indicator used in HIV behavioural surveillance. Early age at menarche may precipitate early sex through perceived readiness for sex, or through school drop-out, but this is rarely studied. We investigated trends and circumstances of sexual debut in relation to schooling and age at menarche.

Methods and Findings

A cross-sectional sexual behaviour survey was conducted on all individuals age 15–59 within a demographic surveillance site in Karonga District, Malawi. Time trends were assessed using birth cohorts. Survival analysis was used to estimate the median age at menarche, sexual debut and first marriage. The 25^th centile was used to define “early” sex, and analyses of risk factors for early sex were restricted to those who had reached that age, and were done using logistic regression. Of the 8232 women and 7338 men resident in the area, 88% and 78%, respectively, were seen, and, 94% and 92% of these were interviewed. The median reported age at first sex was 17.5 for women and 18.8 for men. For women, ages at menarche, sexual debut and first marriage did not differ by birth cohort. For men, age at sexual debut and first marriage decreased slightly in later birth cohorts. For both men and women increased schooling was associated with later sexual debut and a longer delay between sexual debut and first marriage, but the associations were stronger for women. Earlier age at menarche was strongly associated with earlier sexual debut and marriage and lower schooling levels. In women early sexual debut (<16 years) was less likely in those with menarche at age 14–15 (odds ratio (OR) 0.31, 95%CI 0.26–0.36), and ≥16 (OR 0.04, 95%CI 0.02–0.05) compared to those with menarche at <14. The proportion of women who completed primary school was 46% in those with menarche at <14, 60% in those with menarche at 14–15 and 70% in those with menarche at ≥16. The association between age at menarche and schooling was partly explained by age at sexual debut. The association between age at menarche and early sex was not altered by adjusting for schooling.

Conclusions

Women with early menarche start sex and marry early, leading to school drop-out. It is important to find ways to support those who reach menarche early to access the same opportunities as other young women.     

Racial fertility differences: The role of female employment and education in wanted and unwanted childbearing

Abstract

This paper employs data from a merged sample of the National Surveys of Family Growth to examine how female employment status conditions the relationship between education and wanted and unwanted births among African American and white women. A rationale is presented for why a minority group status hypothesis that posits lower fertility among more highly educated African American women as compared to similar white women might find support in the case of wanted births and among certain women, including earlier birth cohorts. Our results provide some evidence for these ideas as well as evidence for a social characteristics hypothesis that predicts convergence of childbearing with rising education. However, persistently higher levels of unwanted births among African American women of all educational levels suggest that the dynamics of racial fertility differences are more complex than either of the hypotheses imply.     

Teenage childbearing: structural determinants in developing countries

Data for a sample of 50 developing countries are analysed to investigate the social correlates of the teenage birth rate. Of five major factors considered as predictors of national birth rates (socioeconomic development, family planning programmes, women's status, the sex ratio, and marriage patterns), regression analyses reveal that only the average age at marriage for women has a significant effect on the teenage birth rate. In contrast, all variables except the sex ratio and the average age at marriage for women have a significant effect on the total fertility rate.     

Fertility and patterns of labor force participation among married women

Abstract

Past research has shown that the labor market behavior of wives is discontinuous and affected by family events. Specifically, both cross‐sectional and panel data indicate that fertility decreases the period that a married woman spends working. Each birth appears to decrease labor force participation by one year or more. The present study attempts to specify these effects more completely. The variation in work patterns for each parity progression is examined to determine whether the fertility‐work effect is due to a few women who leave the labor force for an extended period during childbearing or due to a large number of women who have intermittent work histories. The analysis uses a national sample of women who were high school sophomores in 1955 and followed up as adults in 1970 and for whom retrospective data for each of the intervening years were obtained. Only married women with uncomplicated marital histories are included in the present study. We find dramatic evidence for two distinct types of response to childbearing. Women tend either to work almost continuously throughout the period or to drop out of the labor force for a very extended period of time after first birth.     

Is there a link between paternity concern and female genital cutting in West Africa?

Here we explore the relationship between female genital cutting (FGC), sexual behaviour, and marriage opportunities in five West African countries. Using large demographic datasets (n 72,438 women, 12,704 men, 10,695 couples) we explore key (but untested) assumptions of an evolutionary proposal that FGC persists because it provides evolutionary fitness benefits for men by reducing non-paternity rates. We identify and test three assumptions implicit in this proposal. We test whether cut women have reduced extra-pair sex before or within marriage; whether FGC is associated with a younger age at marriage as an indication of partner preference; and whether individual and group-level indicators of paternity concern are associated with a stronger preference for marriage to women with FGC.Our results show that FGC status does not affect the odds of women engaging in several indicators of premarital sex, however women with FGC have significantly lower odds of having more than one lifetime sexual partner. We also show that women with FGC get married at a younger age which supports the argument that FGC status influences women's marriage opportunities, even when it does not restrict sexual activity. Finally, we find that in population groups where reported sexual activity and perceived risk of women's extra-pair sex is high, men have higher odds of marrying a first wife with FGC. Together, these results indicate that paternity certainty may be one of several factors contributing to the persistence of FGC in this sample, and that group-level sexual norms are key to maintaining the practice of FGC through the marriage market.     

The effect of socio-economic status and food availability on first birth interval in a pre-industrial human population

Individual variation in nutritional status has direct implications for fitness and thus is crucial in shaping patterns of life-history variation. Nevertheless, it is difficult to measure in natural populations, especially in humans. Here, we used longitudinal data on individual life-histories and annual crop yield variation collected from pre-industrial Finnish populations experiencing natural mortality and fertility to test the validity of first birth interval (FBI; time between marriage and first birth) as a surrogate measure of nutritional status. We evaluated whether women with different socio-economic groups differ in length of FBI, whether women of poorer socio-economic status and experiencing lower crop yields conceive slower following marriage, and whether shorter FBI is associated with higher lifetime breeding success. We found that poorer women had longer FBI and reduced probability of giving birth in months with low food availability, while the FBI of richer women was not affected by variation in food availability. Women with shorter FBI achieved higher lifetime breeding success and a faster reproductive rate. This is, to our knowledge, the first study to show a direct relationship between environmental conditions and speed of childbirth following marriage, highlighting the value of FBI as an indicator of nutritional status when direct data are lacking.     

Early-Life Socioeconomic Status and the Prevalence of Breast Cancer in Later Life

Knowledge of mechanisms linking early-life social environment and breast cancer remains limited. We explore direct and indirect effects of early-life socioeconomic status (SES) on breast cancer prevalence in later life. Using 50-year data from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study (N = 4,275) and structural equation modeling, we found a negative direct effect of early-life SES, indicating that women from higher-SES family background had lower breast cancer prevalence than women from lower-SES families. Additionally, early-life SES has a positive indirect effect on breast cancer via women's adult SES and age at first birth. Were it not for their higher SES in adulthood and delayed childbearing, women from higher-SES families of origin would have had lower breast cancer prevalence than women from lower-SES families. Yet, early-life SES is associated positively with adult SES and age at first birth, and women's higher adult SES and delayed childbearing are related to higher breast cancer prevalence.     

Obesity and labor market outcomes among legal immigrants to the United States from developing countries

This paper studies the association between weight and labor market outcomes among legal immigrants to the United States from developing countries using the first nationally representative survey of such individuals. We find that being overweight or obese is associated with a lower probability of employment among women who have been in the U.S. less than five years, but we find no such correlation among men who have been in the U.S. less than five years, or among women or men who have been in the U.S. longer than five years. We generally find no significant association between weight and either wages, sector of employment, or work limitations for either women or men. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed.     

Premarital childbearing in northwest Kenya: challenging the concept of illegitimacy

A number of African countries, including Kenya, have experienced a marked rise in births among unmarried women. In Western countries, reproduction outside of marriage is assumed to be illegitimate and a social problem. One hypothesis used to explain the increasing incidence of premarital fertility in Africa is a breakdown of traditional social controls by the extended family over the sexual behavior of adolescents. A competing hypothesis suggests that unmarried women use sexual relations to achieve goals such as marriage. Among Turkana pastoralists of northwest Kenya, we find a pattern of premarital birth that fits either hypothesis only loosely. Premarital fertility among the Turkana is both widespread and culturally acceptable, with over 30 per cent of women having at least one child prior to marriage. Although women with premarital births initiate childbearing on average one year earlier than women with only marital births, women's marital status does not influence the length of the interval between first and second births. Marriage among the Turkana is not a social trigger for the onset and continuation of reproduction or a means to legitimate reproduction. Marital status of the parents simply determines the custody of a child. In a premarital birth, the father pays a set fee to the mother's family, and the custody of the child remains permanently with the mother's family. If the parents later marry, the father must purchase custody of the child by another fee at that time. Since the Turkana have experienced few effects of modernization, the existence of such a practice suggests that cultural factors must be taken into account before assessing premarital fertility in Africa as a social problem.     

Divorce in Ethiopia: the impact of early marriage and childlessness

Forty-five per cent of first marriages in Ethiopia end in divorce within 30 years, and two-thirds of women who divorce do so within the first 5 years of marriage. This paper looks at two factors that may have an impact on the risk of divorce in Ethiopia: early age of first marriage, and childlessness within the first marriage. Data used were from the 1990 National Family and Fertility Survey conducted by the Government of Ethiopia. A total of 8757 women of reproductive age (15-49) were analysed. Life table analysis was used to determine the median age at first marriage, first birth and the median duration of marriage. Cox models were analysed to determine the differentials of divorce. The results of this analysis showed that both early age at marriage and childlessness have a significant impact on the risk of divorce. An inverse relationship was found between age at marriage and risk of divorce. Having a child within the first marriage also significantly reduced the risk of divorce. In addition, several cultural and socioeconomic variables were significant predictors of divorce.