Converting the Spirit Spouse: The Violent Transformation of the Pentecostal Female Body in Maputo,Mozambique

This article discusses the forceful transformation of the female body in Brazilian Pentecostalism in urban Mozambique and argues for an understanding of Pentecostal conversion as embodying spiritual warfare. Presenting the case of avenging spirits, such as the spirit spouse, it explores how spirits interfere in women's new socio-economic positions and intimate relationships. Pentecostal women learn to stay in control of their body under guidance of the Holy Spirit and a ‘violent’ war against the spirit spouse unfolds. The prevalence of ‘violence’ implies that we should critically question a perception of conversion as bringing healing and harmony.     

Epidemiology of violence and war

The magnitude of the threat that violence and war pose to the health, the quality of life, and the very survival of humanity is obvious. A number of scientific disciplines have provided, each through its own methodology, insights into the causation, genesis, and dynamics of violence and war. Although epidemiological and psychological methodologies received priority, the multidisciplinary approach to this problem seems to be the most appropriate. This essay attempts to approach holistically the study of epidemiology of violence and war and the ways of preventing these severe problems of the contemporary society. Conceptual models of the causative mechanisms and dynamics of violence and war, mapping the various psychic, social, and environmental factors, are presented. These models, besides advancing abstract ideas, also provide a concrete framework for determining and exploring the interactions and dynamics of the factors and processes which lead to violence and war. The types of interventions outlined for control and prevention are intended to make an impact upon "critical points" within the dynamics of the process which produces violence and war, and are conceived to be implemented on both the national and international level. The importance of family, community, and school influences is considered, but the role of international organizations, including the United Nations, and other governmental and non-governmental organizations is also stressed. Discussion is focused on the factors which favour peace and hamper aggression, on "internationalization" and global society versus xenophobia and nationalism. The conclusions state that there is sufficient knowhow to devise and implement a reasonable and effective international programme for the control and prevention of violence and war, provided there is adequate public and political willingness and support.     

Physical strength predicts political violence

Research has revealed an association between individual physical strength and attitudinal support for modern war. Physical strength of one individual has an infinitesimal effect on the outcomes of state-level aggression involving large-scale armies and complex military technology. The fact that stronger individuals do support such aggression hints at an evolved psychology specialized for small-scale coalitional aggression, where strength of coalition members non-negligibly contribute to the net coalition strength. Here, I examined whether strength also accounts for participation in modern political aggression, as contrasted to mere support. Given that contemporary political aggression primarily occurs within—not between—states, I focused on intra-state forms of political violence, specifically violent antigovernment protests. To enhance external and ecological validity, I relied on large probability samples from both non-WEIRD and WEIRD countries experiencing political violence (N = 6283; interviewees were quota-sampled from YouGov online panels to generate representative samples of online adult populations). Multinational analyses revealed that self-perceived strength significantly predicts intentions to participate in political violence and self-reported participation, and that this association is stronger among young interviewees, but not among men (compared to women). The predictive power of strength was modest but comparable to that of gender, an established predictor of aggression. I discuss why the fact that strength—a physiological variable—relates to political violence—a complex modern phenomenon—is remarkable. Subsequently, I suggest a new research agenda that draws on insights from evolutionary research to study modern political violence.     

Rape revisited: sexual violence against women in the former Yugoslavia

This article presents information on the rape of women in the former Yugoslavia, focusing more on Muslim women in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and examines the evolutionary, sociological, psychological, and feminist theories of this form of sexual violence. Using a case study approach, through documentation from newspapers and other media accounts, this paper investigated the sexual violence that featured strongly in the campaign of ethnic cleansing or genocide of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It was noted that the variables of power, sex, and aggression in the context of war seem to be linked. This is particularly evident when authority legitimates sexual aggression. Without the backing of authority, some rape is expected, but not of such proportion or brutality. In terms of the theories, the evolutionary perspective appears to have limited applicability in explaining rape as an act of war. However, the feminist and macrosociological multivariate theories that focus on heterogeneity of the population, a cultural foundation of very traditional gender roles, and a historical tradition that legitimates sexual violence by armies in war-time, provide more persuasive insights.     

Parallel and divergent landscapes: cultural encounters in the ethnographic space of Tuareg medicine

This essay explores the dialogue between the local quest for healing and the anthropological quest for healing knowledge, and local assessments of knowledge-power relationships in these processes. The context is medical discourse among the Tuareg of Niger Republic, West Africa, and my research experiences among these people. I examine local medical specialists and their traditional and changing practice in terms of how they perceive and respond to wider knowledge and power systems that impinge on local health care. Paramount in these systems are central state policies and medical anthropological research on healing, as these intersect in a postcolonial and post-separatist/rebellion setting. The essay analyzes parallels between the exchange of medicine and the exchange of knowledge and reflects upon how anthropological knowledge of African healing systems is constructed in an environment highly charged with power and danger--of political violence and economic crisis. The broader issue addressed here is how to give greater empowerment to local residents' voices in their "indigenous critique" of the medical anthropological project.     

``Terror's Talk: Fieldwork and War'

My purpose in this essay is to raise some questions about what isinvolved in research on political violence. Since 1995 I haveconducted ethnographic research in rural villages throughoutAyacucho, the region of Peru most heavily affected by the warbetween the guerrilla group Sendero Luminoso, the rondascampesinas (armed peasant patrols) and the Peruvian armed forces.A key factor motivating my research was a desire to write againstthe culture of violence arguments that were used to ``explain'the war. The concept of a ``culture of violence' or ``endemicviolence' has frequently been attributed to the Andean region,particularly to the rural peasants who inhabit the highlands.I wanted to understand how people make and unmake lethal violencein a particular social and historical context, and to explore thepositioning and responsibilities of an anthropologist who conductsresearch in the context of war.     

Suffering Child: An Embodiment of War and Its Aftermath in Post-Sandinista Nicaragua

This article considers how the ripple effects of war and its aftermath are embodied and lived even after being mediated by time, space, and social status. Through a case study of a Nicaraguan boy and his natal family, I argue that the legacy of war, structural violence, and endemic poverty are chronic and lingering and emerge from internationally and locally produced traumatogenic social relations. I use a phenomenological approach to distress to minimize the clinical tendency to pathologize individual sufferers, and to illuminate the destructive capacities of politically and historically produced conditions of social "normal abnormality." The continuum of lived experience of social suffering is poignantly articulated by a member of one of society's most vulnerable sectors, a ten-year-old child, [children, social suffering, war and structural violence, phenomenology of distress, Nicaragua]     

Mortality in Iraq Associated with the 2003–2011 War and Occupation: Findings from a National Cluster Sample Survey by the University Collaborative Iraq Mortality Study

Background

Previous estimates of mortality in Iraq attributable to the 2003 invasion have been heterogeneous and controversial, and none were produced after 2006. The purpose of this research was to estimate direct and indirect deaths attributable to the war in Iraq between 2003 and 2011.

Methods and Findings

We conducted a survey of 2,000 randomly selected households throughout Iraq, using a two-stage cluster sampling method to ensure the sample of households was nationally representative. We asked every household head about births and deaths since 2001, and all household adults about mortality among their siblings. We used secondary data sources to correct for out-migration. From March 1, 2003, to June 30, 2011, the crude death rate in Iraq was 4.55 per 1,000 person-years (95% uncertainty interval 3.74–5.27), more than 0.5 times higher than the death rate during the 26-mo period preceding the war, resulting in approximately 405,000 (95% uncertainty interval 48,000–751,000) excess deaths attributable to the conflict. Among adults, the risk of death rose 0.7 times higher for women and 2.9 times higher for men between the pre-war period (January 1, 2001, to February 28, 2003) and the peak of the war (2005–2006). We estimate that more than 60% of excess deaths were directly attributable to violence, with the rest associated with the collapse of infrastructure and other indirect, but war-related, causes. We used secondary sources to estimate rates of death among emigrants. Those estimates suggest we missed at least 55,000 deaths that would have been reported by households had the households remained behind in Iraq, but which instead had migrated away. Only 24 households refused to participate in the study. An additional five households were not interviewed because of hostile or threatening behavior, for a 98.55% response rate. The reliance on outdated census data and the long recall period required of participants are limitations of our study.

Conclusions

Beyond expected rates, most mortality increases in Iraq can be attributed to direct violence, but about a third are attributable to indirect causes (such as from failures of health, sanitation, transportation, communication, and other systems). Approximately a half million deaths in Iraq could be attributable to the war. Please see later in the article for the Editors'' Summary     

The presence of the past: youth,memory making and the politics of self-determination in southeastern Nigeria

This article focuses on recent reconstructions of Igbo ‘memory’ by the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign state of Biafra (MASSOB). MASSOB is a second-generation Igbo separatist movement that draws on a collection of ‘memory repertoires’ to agitate for the self-determination and exit of the Igbo ethnic group from the Nigerian state into an alternative political and administrative arrangement known as the Republic of Biafra. The core issues relate to dual narratives generated by the Nigerian–Biafran War. While the state shapes the official history, memories and narratives of the war to suit its own vision, interests and politics, MASSOB contests these official views as the sole legitimate framework for remembering and interpreting the war, but still connects to the war as a war of Igbo national liberation. These contestations provide the context for the enactment of memory claims and counterclaims, and their association with political violence in contemporary Nigeria.     

Civil war and the non-linearity of time: approaching a Mozambican politics of irreconciliation

At least 1 million people died during the Mozambican civil war (1976/7-92). Unfolding after gaining independence from Portugal (1975) and alongside experiments with Afro-socialism in the 1980s, the war, despite its brutality, has not been subjected to global templates of reconciliation processes. Thus it comprises a unique case to probe what irreconciliation might mean – both as a political horizon and as an analytical concept. This text juxtaposes ethnographic material from rural, central Mozambique from the late 1990s and early 2000s emphasizing reconciliation with material from the same spaces from the 2010s onwards, where I identify what I term a ‘politics of irreconciliation’. I will make three arguments. First, informed by Hannah Arendt, I approach irreconciliation as fundamentally about the rejection of a world of violence in search of a world shared in common. Second, drawing on recent anthropological theorizing about temporal regimes and chronopolitics, I argue for the salience of a non-linear understanding of the politics of irreconciliation to grapple with the fact that civil war violence is understood as dangerously uncontained rather than nominally past. Third, within the context of Mozambique, forgiveness and its other, irreconciliation, are not only intimately tied to the temporally past or present; they are also, as I show, produced by a tangible and intense absence of a productive future.     

Socio-biological basis of “power” in man

The difference between individual aggressive behaviour and group violence is discussed. While individual aggressive behaviour has a biological background and has evolutionary significance for the survival of the individual and the species, group violence, like human character, is due to cultural imprinting and is against the survival of both individuals and populations (war).     

Analysis of México’s Narco-War Network (2007–2011)

Since December 2006, more than a thousand cities in México have suffered the effects of the war between several drug cartels, amongst themselves, as well as with Mexican armed forces. Sources are not in agreement about the number of casualties of this war, with reports varying from 30 to 100 thousand dead; the economic and social ravages are impossible to quantify. In this work we analyze the official report of casualties in terms of the location and the date of occurrence of the homicides. We show how the violence, as reflected by the number of casualties, has increased over time and spread across the country. Next, based on the correlations between cities in the changes of the monthly number of casualties attributed to organized crime, we construct a narco-war network where nodes are the affected cities and links represent correlations between them. We find that close geographical distance between violent cities does not imply a strong correlation amongst them. We observe that the dynamics of the conflict has evolved in short-term periods where a small core of violent cities determines the main theatre of the war at each stage. This kind of analysis may also help to describe the emergence and propagation of gang-related violence waves.     

The effect of the civil war on Rwandas bean seed systems and unusual bean diversity

The Rwandan civil war escalated in 1994, killing 800 000 people and displacing another 2 million. Agriculture, the occupation of over 90% of the Rwandans was acutely affected as violence peaked in the middle of the growing season. This article analyses the effects of the war on bean varietal diversity as, pre-war, Rwandan farmers grew the greatest range of varieties in active use anywhere and maintaining such diversity was central to sustainable production. Extensive pre- and post-war assessments show the current bean varietal situation to be relatively promising. The war had lesser effects than anticipated: fighting was staggered, harvests were better than expected, and local seed channels generally continued functioning. However, changes in varietal profiles were noted over the longer term due to two trends: farmers' needs to intensify production and to respond to swift and widespread root rot pressures. The article ends with five methodological reflections on how to assess varietal erosion in sites of acute disruption.     

Anger Regulation in Traumatized Cambodian Refugees: The Perspectives of Buddhist Monks

Recent research has highlighted the importance of traditional methods of healing in relation to the treatment of psychological distress in non-Western populations. This pilot study, conducted in Massachusetts, investigates what Buddhist Cambodian monks consider to be the causes, phenomenology and appropriate intervention strategies for anger among Cambodian refugees. Six monks were interviewed at four major temples in Massachusetts. Findings suggested that anger was common in the Cambodian community, was frequently triggered by marital discord, and commonly resulted in verbal and physical violence and, sometimes, suicidality. Buddhist-based anger management strategies identified as useful by the monks included education about Buddhist doctrines, mindfulness meditation practices, and the use of herbal medication and holy water. These anger regulation strategies and treatments are discussed in the context of Buddhist beliefs and Western psychological interventions.     

A Decade Later,How Much of Rwanda's Musculoskeletal Impairment Is Caused by the War in 1994 and by Related Violence?

Background

In 1994 there was a horrific genocide in Rwanda following years of tension, resulting in the murder of at least 800,000 people. Although many people were injured in addition to those killed, no attempt has been made to assess the lasting burden of physical injuries related to these events. The aim of this study was to estimate the current burden of musculoskeletal impairment (MSI) attributable to the 1994 war and related violence.

Methodology/Principal Findings

A national cross-sectional survey of MSI was conducted in Rwanda. 105 clusters of 80 people were selected through probability proportionate to size sampling. Households within clusters were selected through compact segment sampling. Enumerated people answered a seven-question screening test to assess whether they might have an MSI. Those who were classed as potential cases in the screening test were examined and interviewed by a physiotherapist, using a standard protocol that recorded the site, nature, cause, and severity of the MSI. People with MSI due to trauma were asked whether this trauma occurred during the 1990–1994 war or during the episodes that preceded or followed this war. Out of 8,368 people enumerated, 6,757 were available for screening and examination (80.8%). 352 people were diagnosed with an MSI (prevalence = 5.2%, 95% CI = 4.5–5.9%). 106 cases of MSI (30.6%) were classified as resulting from trauma, based on self-report and the physiotherapist''s assessment. Of these, 14 people (13.2%) reported that their trauma-related MSI occurred during the 1990–1994 war, and a further 7 (6.6%) that their trauma-related MSI occurred during the violent episodes that preceded and followed the war, giving an overall prevalence of trauma-related MSI related to the 1990–1994 war of 0.3% (95% CI = 0.2–0.4%).

Conclusions/Significance

A decade on, the overall prevalence of MSI was relatively high in Rwanda but few cases appeared to be the result of the 1994 war or related violence.     

Examining complexities of forest cover change during armed conflict on Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast

The effects of armed conflict on biodiversity are an emerging concern in conservation due in part to the occurrence of war in biodiversity hotspots, though few studies have addressed it. We investigate this topic by examining changes in forest cover on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua from 1978 to 1993, a period covering their civil war. We predict an increase in forest cover between pre- and post-conflict periods as residents abandoned agriculture plots and migrated from conflict areas. We used a remote sensing approach to detect changes in forest cover area and fragmentation at two study sites. Results confirmed that in the first 5–7 years of the conflict, reforestation was greater than deforestation, but in the latter years of the conflict deforested land almost doubled that which was reforested. Although some forest loss was due to Category 4 Hurricane Joan, several conflict-related factors were partially responsible for these results, such as mass human migration and land reform. Understanding how and why forest cover changes during periods of conflict can help conservationists protect resources both during war and in the tumultuous period following the cessation of violence when nascent governments lack the power to effectively govern and community institutions are fractured by war. In areas where the livelihoods of people are directly dependent on local resources, anticipating ecological and social impacts can help improve future conservation efforts.     

The patterns of ethnic settlement and violence: a local-level quantitative analysis of the Bosnian War

The debate on the link between ethnicity and violence has been raging in political science literature since the end of the Cold War. Often, cross-country quantitative studies dismissed the importance of ethnic heterogeneity as a source of violent conflict. How the patterns of ethnic settlement within a country affect the severity of violence, though, has not yet been studied through similar techniques. In this essay, we build and analyse a data set of major violence-related variables collected at the local level during the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. What emerges is that the local distribution of the population, in terms of the number and relative size of the groups, is a key factor in explaining the intensity of violence in the Bosnian municipalities.     

The Role of Intelligence in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder: Does it Vary by Trauma Severity?

Background

Only a small minority of trauma victims develops post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), suggesting that victims vary in their predispositions to the PTSD response to stressors. It is assumed that the role of predispositions in PTSD varies by trauma severity: when stressors are less severe, predispositions play a bigger role. In this study, we test whether the role of intelligence in PTSD varies by trauma severity. Specifically, does low intelligence plays a bigger part among victims of lower magnitude stressors than among victims of extreme stressors?

Methods

Data come from a longitudinal study of randomly selected sample in Southeast Michigan (n = 713). IQ was measured at age 6. PTSD was measured at age 17, using the NIMH-DIS for DSM-IV. Stressors were classified as extreme if they involved assaultive violence (e.g. rape, sexual assault, threatened with a weapon); other stressors in the list (e.g. disaster, accidents) were classified as lower magnitude. Assaultive violence victims had experienced assaultive violence plus other event types or only assaultive violence. Victims of other stressors were participants who had never experienced assaultive violence. We compared the influence of age 6 IQ on PTSD among persons exposed to assaultive violence vs. other stressors, using multinomial logistic regression.

Results

Relative risk ratio (RRR) for PTSD associated with a one point drop in age 6 IQ among victims of assaultive violence was 1.04 (95% CI 1.01, 1.06); among victims of other stressors, it was 1.03 (95% CI 0.99, 1.06). A comparison of the two RRRs indicates no significant difference between the two estimates (p = 0.652). IQ does not play a bigger role in PTSD among victims of other stressors than it does among victims of assaultive violence.

Conclusions

Lower IQ exerts an adverse PTSD effect on trauma victims, with no evidence of variability by the severity of trauma they have experienced.     

Réflexions sur les débuts de la guerre au Néolithique en Europe occidentale

The emergence of war during prehistoric times is a recurrent subject that has often been treated in archaeological literature. The present publication, in the light of a synthetic analysis of traces of violent death observed in Neolithic graves in France and completed by new data information obtained from excavations in Germany, in Austria and in Iberian Peninsula, raises the issue of emergence of a real climate of collective violence in the first farmer communities in Europe. From that moment on, violence ascent during Neolithic times can be reported to several factors: factual causes in relation to disputes over territorial boundaries, economic motivations to permit forcible seizure of wealth or valuable objects by incursions, raids and razzias, and to finish social reasons because victorious conflicts are a demonstration of strength of one community against another and they confirm the prestige of the group or the chief. However, the recognized or established examples of violent death and slaughter remain very few in the end within the first farmer and peasant communities in western Europe. They don’t justify the hypothesis of armed disputes on a large scale. We cannot speak of “war”. Actually, this collective violence is the early beginning of real war in this definition, that is to say an aggressiveness organized, managed, socialized and used for the group at the expense of a neighbouring group, referred to other implications. War is established notably by specific armaments adapted to hand-to-hand fight and to collective fight. Moreover, a society dedicated or consecrated to war includes a military caste or a military aristocracy. Once again, the appearance of a warlike elite is not discernable before the beginnings of the Bronze Age.     

‘Leemos!’: Perceptions of ethnic identity among settlers in north west river,Labrador*’

The influence of gender on patterns of ethnic violence in ex‐Yugoslavia has commanded considerable international attention. This article acknowledges the groundbreaking role of feminist scholarship in bringing the gender variable to the forefront in analyses of political and interpersonal violence. However, feminist applications of gender frameworks are to some extent constrained by feminism's normative commitments. The present article argues for a more balanced and inclusive understanding of the role gender plays in conditioning the actions and experiences of men and women alike, in the Balkans war and other conflicts. Towards this end, a detailed evaluation of gender‐specific and gender‐selective violence in ex‐Yugoslavia is presented, with particular attention to the group that appears to constitute the majority of victims ‐ males between the ages of eighteen and sixty‐five. The article concludes by stressing the importance of the gender variable in analysing ethnic and political violence, and suggests that a more nuanced approach to this variable's operations would shed important light on ethnic violence in ex‐Yugoslavia and worldwide.