Inequalities in income and long-term disability in Spain: analysis of recent hypotheses using cross sectional study based on individual data.

OBJECTIVE: To compare the relation between inequalities in long-term disability and income in the 17 regions of Spain. DESIGN: Data were taken from the survey on impairments, disabilities, and handicaps that was carried out in Spain in 1986. For each region the inequality in long-term disability associated with income was calculated as the odds ratio associated with reducing monthly household income by 10,000 pesetas (about Ponds 50) (estimate of effect of inequality of income) and the odds ratio for the inequality in long-term disability between those at the bottom and those at the top of the income hierarchy (relative index of inequality). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Prevalence of long-term disability. RESULTS: Five of the eight regions where lowering income had a greater effect on long-term disability were among those with the lowest income per head, while six of the remaining nine regions where the effect was smaller were among those with the highest income per head. Three regions with the highest estimate of relative index of inequality had the highest estimate of effect, and another three regions with the lowest estimate of relative index of inequality had the lowest estimate of effect. In contrast, the relative position of the remaining 11 regions varied from one measure to another. CONCLUSIONS: These results support the theory that additional increments in material wellbeing have a negligible effect on health in countries with high socioeconomic development. However, inequality in income distribution did not determine inequality in health between those at the bottom and those at the top of the income hierarchy in many Spanish regions.     

A note on changes in age at marriage of females and their effect on the birth rate in India

Abstract

Epidemiologists contend that income inequality reduces the health and life expectancy of the whole population, but this argument does not make sense within its own evolutionary framework. Recent evolutionary psychological theory suggests that the human brain, adapted to the ancestral environment, has difficulty comprehending and dealing with entities and situations that did not exist in the ancestral environment, and that general intelligence evolved as a domain‐specific adaptation to solve evolutionarily novel problems. Since most dangers to health in the contemporary society are evolutionarily novel, it follows that more intelligent individuals are better able to recognize and deal with such dangers and live longer. Consistent with the theory, and replicating an earlier study of cross‐national data, income inequality has no effect on the health and longevity of the population across the American states, when the racial composition (percent black) is controlled, but the average intelligence of the population (state IQ) has a significant effect The data presented here and in the earlier study challenge the conclusion that income inequality reduces the health of the population.     

Health and social cohesion: why care about income inequality?

Throughout the world, wealth and income are becoming more concentrated. Growing evidence suggests that the distribution of income-in addition to the absolute standard of living enjoyed by the poor-is a key determinant of population health. A large gap between rich people and poor people leads to higher mortality through the breakdown of social cohesion. The recent surge in income inequality in many countries has been accompanied by a marked increase in the residential concentration of poverty and affluence. Residential segregation diminishes the opportunities for social cohesion. Income inequality has spillover effects on society at large, including increased rates of crime and violence, impeded productivity and economic growth, and the impaired functioning of representative democracy. The extent of inequality in society is often a consequence of explicit policies and public choice. Reducing income inequality offers the prospect of greater social cohesiveness and better population health.     

The Dynamics of Wealth Inequality and the Effect of Income Distribution

The rapid increase of wealth inequality in the past few decades is one of the most disturbing social and economic issues of our time. Studying its origin and underlying mechanisms is essential for policy aiming to control and even reverse this trend. In that context, controlling the distribution of income, using income tax or other macroeconomic policy instruments, is generally perceived as effective for regulating the wealth distribution. We provide a theoretical tool, based on the realistic modeling of wealth inequality dynamics, to describe the effects of personal savings and income distribution on wealth inequality. Our theoretical approach incorporates coupled equations, solved using iterated maps to model the dynamics of wealth and income inequality. Notably, using the appropriate historical parameter values we were able to capture the historical dynamics of wealth inequality in the United States during the course of the 20th century. It is found that the effect of personal savings on wealth inequality is substantial, and its major decrease in the past 30 years can be associated with the current wealth inequality surge. In addition, the effect of increasing income tax, though naturally contributing to lowering income inequality, might contribute to a mild increase in wealth inequality and vice versa. Plausible changes in income tax are found to have an insignificant effect on wealth inequality, in practice. In addition, controlling the income inequality, by progressive taxation, for example, is found to have a very small effect on wealth inequality in the short run. The results imply, therefore, that controlling income inequality is an impractical tool for regulating wealth inequality.     

Investigating Neuroanatomical Features in Top Athletes at the Single Subject Level

In sport events like Olympic Games or World Championships competitive athletes keep pushing the boundaries of human performance. Compared to team sports, high achievements in many athletic disciplines depend solely on the individual’s performance. Contrasting previous research looking for expertise-related differences in brain anatomy at the group level, we aim to demonstrate changes in individual top athlete’s brain, which would be averaged out in a group analysis. We compared structural magnetic resonance images (MRI) of three professional track-and-field athletes to age-, gender- and education-matched control subjects. To determine brain features specific to these top athletes, we tested for significant deviations in structural grey matter density between each of the three top athletes and a carefully matched control sample. While total brain volumes were comparable between athletes and controls, we show regional grey matter differences in striatum and thalamus. The demonstrated brain anatomy patterns remained stable and were detected after 2 years with Olympic Games in between. We also found differences in the fusiform gyrus in two top long jumpers. We interpret our findings in reward-related areas as correlates of top athletes’ persistency to reach top-level skill performance over years.     

Social life factors affecting the mortality, longevity, and birth rate of total Japanese population: effects of rapid industrialization and urbanization

To expand upon the findings that lower mortality was found in Japanese urban areas in contrast to the Western model where in the US and Britain the risk of death was higher in metropolitan areas and conurbations, 22 social life indicators are examined among 46 prefectures in Japan in terms of their effect on age specific mortality, life expectancy, and age adjusted marriage, divorce, and birth rates. The effects of these factors on age adjusted mortality for 8 major working and nonworking male populations, where also analyzed. The 22 social life factors were selected from among 227 indicators in the system of Statistical Indicators on Life. Factor analysis was used to classify the indicators into 8 groups of factors for 1970 and 7 for 1975. Factors 1-3 for both years were rural or urban residence, low income and unemployment, and prefectural age distribution. The 4th for 1970 was home help for the elderly and for 1975, social mobility. The social life indicators were classified form 1 to 8 as rural residence in 1970 and 1975, urban residence, low income, high employment, old age, young age, social mobility, and home help for the elderly which moved from 8th place in 1970 to 1st in 1975. Between 1960-75, rapid urbanization took place with the proportion of farmers, fishermen, and workers declining from 43% in 1960 to 19% in 1975. The results of stepwise regression analysis indicate a positive relationship of urban residence with mortality of men and women except school-aged and middle-aged women, and the working populations, as well as life expectancy at birth for males and females and ages 20 and 40 years for males. Rural residence was positively associated with the male marriage rate, whereas the marriage rate for females was affected by industrialization and urbanization. High employment and social mobility were positively related to the female marriage rate. Low income was positively related to the divorce rate for males and females. Rural residence and high employment were positively related to the birth rate. The birth rate is higher in rural areas. Mortality of professional, engineering, and administrative workers was slightly lower than the total working population, while sales workers, those in farming, fishing, and forestry, and in personal and domestic service had significantly higher mortality. The mortality of the nonworking population was 6-8 times higher than sales, transportation, and communication, and personal and domestic service as well as the total population.     

Diminishing returns to aggregate level studies

The idea that the health of individuals depends on the characteristics of the society in which they live and on their own characteristics is important. The aggregate level relation between income inequality and population mortality has been examined by empirical works. However, if the individual level relation between risk of mortality and income is curvilinear, at least part of any association between population mortality and income inequality is artifactual in the sense that it could arise even if individual risk was due only to individual income and not to its distribution. Wolfson et al attempted to estimate how much of the variation in cross-sectional US state-level mortality could be due to the curvature of the relation between individual level mortality and income interacting with differences in the distribution of income within states. They concluded that the artifact is not the main reason for the frequently documented correlations between population mortality and income distribution. However, in the absence of any detailed information on the regressions, it is difficult to determine if the difference between actual and hypothetical mortality is significantly related to income equality. The individual risk of mortality is also affected by other individual characteristics, like climate or public health infrastructure. The authors suggest that investigations of the determinants of individual health test the effect of societal factors and that such testing requires both individual level and aggregate data.     

Ouderen met een verstandelijke beperking verliezen veel zelfredzaamheid gedurende drie jaar: resultaten van de Gezond Ouder studie (GOUD)

The responsibilities for the care of a significant portion of the population with an intellectual disability (ID) were recently transferred from the government to the municipalities. It is therefore important that policymakers and care professionals know how much support this population needs in their daily life. Therefore, this study focuses on the decline in daily functioning of older adults with ID (≥50 years, n = 703) over 3 years, and if daily functioning is a predictor for all-cause mortality. Daily functioning was operationalized as basic and instrumental activities of daily living (ADL and IADL) and mobility. Fifty-five percent of the total group declined in ADL, 42?% in IADL, and 38?% in mobility. Thirty-nine percent of the participants with mild ID declined in ADL, 55?% in IADL, and 27?% in mobility. Poor daily functioning and mobility was a risk factor for all-cause mortality. This epidemiological study shows a clear decline in the daily functioning of older adults with intellectual disabilities over a 3-year follow-up period. Care providers should be aware of this decline and focus on maintaining as much independence as possible.     

Economic inequality predicts biodiversity loss

Human activity is causing high rates of biodiversity loss. Yet, surprisingly little is known about the extent to which socioeconomic factors exacerbate or ameliorate our impacts on biological diversity. One such factor, economic inequality, has been shown to affect public health, and has been linked to environmental problems in general. We tested how strongly economic inequality is related to biodiversity loss in particular. We found that among countries, and among US states, the number of species that are threatened or declining increases substantially with the Gini ratio of income inequality. At both levels of analysis, the connection between income inequality and biodiversity loss persists after controlling for biophysical conditions, human population size, and per capita GDP or income. Future research should explore potential mechanisms behind this equality-biodiversity relationship. Our results suggest that economic reforms would go hand in hand with, if not serving as a prerequisite for, effective conservation.     

The Inequality Footprints of Nations: A Novel Approach to Quantitative Accounting of Income Inequality

In this study we use economic input-output analysis to calculate the inequality footprint of nations. An inequality footprint shows the link that each country''s domestic economic activity has to income distribution elsewhere in the world. To this end we use employment and household income accounts for 187 countries and an historical time series dating back to 1990. Our results show that in 2010, most developed countries had an inequality footprint that was higher than their within-country inequality, meaning that in order to support domestic lifestyles, these countries source imports from more unequal economies. Amongst exceptions are the United States and United Kingdom, which placed them on a par with many developing countries. Russia has a high within-country inequality nevertheless it has the lowest inequality footprint in the world, which is because of its trade connections with the Commonwealth of Independent States and Europe. Our findings show that the commodities that are inequality-intensive, such as electronic components, chemicals, fertilizers, minerals, and agricultural products often originate in developing countries characterized by high levels of inequality. Consumption of these commodities may implicate within-country inequality in both developing and developed countries.     

Income distribution trends and future food demand

This paper surveys the theoretical literature on the relationship between income distribution and food demand, and identifies main gaps of current food modelling techniques that affect the accuracy of food demand projections. At the heart of the relationship between income distribution and food demand is Engel''s law. Engel''s law establishes that as income increases, households'' demand for food increases less than proportionally. A consequence of this law is that the particular shape of the distribution of income across individuals and countries affects the rate of growth of food demand. Our review of the literature suggests that existing models of food demand fail to incorporate the required Engel flexibility when (i) aggregating different food budget shares among households; and (ii) changing budget shares as income grows. We perform simple simulations to predict growth in food demand under alternative income distribution scenarios taking into account nonlinearity of food demand. Results suggest that (i) distributional effects are to be expected from changes in between-countries inequality, rather than within-country inequality; and (ii) simulations of an optimistic and a pessimistic scenario of income inequality suggest that world food demand in 2050 would be 2.7 per cent higher and 5.4 per cent lower than distributional-neutral growth, respectively.     

Modeling the Origin and Possible Control of the Wealth Inequality Surge

The rapid increase of wealth inequality in the past few decades is a most disturbing social and economic issue of our time. In order to control, and even reverse that surge, its origin and underlying mechanisms should be revealed. One of the challenges in studying these mechanisms is to incorporate realistic individual dynamics in the population level in a self-consistent manner. Our theoretical approach meets the challenge by using interacting multi-agent master-equations to model the dynamics of wealth inequality. The model is solved using stochastic multi-agent iterated maps. Taking into account growth rate, return on capital, private savings and economic mobility, we were able to capture the historical dynamics of wealth inequality in the United States during the course of the 20th century. We show that the fraction of capital income in the national income and the fraction of private savings are the critical factors that govern the wealth inequality dynamics. In addition, we found that economic mobility plays a crucial role in wealth accumulation. Notably, we found that the major decrease in private savings since the 1980s could be associated primarily with the recent surge in wealth inequality and if nothing changes in this respect we predict further increase in wealth inequality in the future. However, the 2007–08 financial crisis brought an opportunity to restrain the wealth inequality surge by increasing private savings. If this trend continues, it may lead to prevention, and even reversing, of the ongoing inequality surge.     

The global impact of income inequality on health by age: an observational study

Objectives To explore whether the apparent impact of income inequality on health, which has been shown for wealthier nations, is replicated worldwide, and whether the impact varies by age.Design Observational study. Setting 126 countries of the world for which complete data on income inequality and mortality by age and sex were available around the year 2002 (including 94.4% of world human population).Data sources Data on mortality were from the World Health Organization and income data were taken from the annual reports of the United Nations Development Programme.Main outcome measures Mortality in 5-year age bands for each sex by income inequality and income level.Results At ages 15-29 and 25-39 variations in income inequality seem more closely correlated with mortality worldwide than do variations in material wealth. This relation is especially strong among the poorest countries in Africa. Mortality is higher for a given level of overall income in more unequal nations.Conclusions Income inequality seems to have an influence worldwide, especially for younger adults. Social inequality seems to have a universal negative impact on health.     

Income inequality and depression: a systematic review and meta‐analysis of the association and a scoping review of mechanisms

Most countries have witnessed a dramatic increase of income inequality in the past three decades. This paper addresses the question of whether income inequality is associated with the population prevalence of depression and, if so, the potential mechanisms and pathways which may explain this association. Our systematic review included 26 studies, mostly from high‐income countries. Nearly two‐thirds of all studies and five out of six longitudinal studies reported a statistically significant positive relationship between income inequality and risk of depression; only one study reported a statistically significant negative relationship. Twelve studies were included in a meta‐analysis with dichotomized inequality groupings. The pooled risk ratio was 1.19 (95% CI: 1.07‐1.31), demonstrating greater risk of depression in populations with higher income inequality relative to populations with lower inequality. Multiple studies reported subgroup effects, including greater impacts of income inequality among women and low‐income populations. We propose an ecological framework, with mechanisms operating at the national level (the neo‐material hypothesis), neighbourhood level (the social capital and the social comparison hypotheses) and individual level (psychological stress and social defeat hypotheses) to explain this association. We conclude that policy makers should actively promote actions to reduce income inequality, such as progressive taxation policies and a basic universal income. Mental health professionals should champion such policies, as well as promote the delivery of interventions which target the pathways and proximal determinants, such as building life skills in adolescents and provision of psychological therapies and packages of care with demonstrated effectiveness for settings of poverty and high income inequality.     

The many states of aging: a meeting and some demographic aspects

With an expectation of life at birth of 27 years in the middle of the 18th century, 21% of males reached their 60th birthday with a remaining expectation of life of 12 years. Under the conditions of mortality of 1950, in France, 70 percent could celebrate their 60th birthday, and they had still 15 years (only) to live on the average. This last figure started increasing after 1950: the expectancy of life at age 60 is now over 20 years, and it will exceed 25 years around 2050 (for women, the mean will be 31 years). Longevity is an individual capacity. It is now increasing fast, and becomes more and more responsible for the ageing of the population (the rise in the proportion of older persons in the population). We now try to forecast the number of centenarians, and even of super-centenarians (aged 110 years and more), and speculate about the maximum life span. We are in fact entering an entirely new era, when three, four, even five generations can survive simultaneously. Are we prepared to it? The French Ministers for Research and for Social affairs set up a Committee of 15 members (chaired by Henri Leridon) to prepare a National Meeting of Researchers on Ageing, in order to review the situation of research in France on this issue and to make proposals for organising and orienting new studies. The life span of human species, as well as the one of individuals, is undoubtedly depending upon genetic factors. But interactions with environmental factors and with behaviour also play a major role. To be able to disentangle these complex associations, it will be necessary to combine the work of biologists, clinicians and social sciences specialists. The main conclusions of the June 2001 meeting are reported here, together with some orientations of demographic research on mortality at oldest ages and the limits of longevity.     

Impact of Mobility Impairment on Indirect Costs and Health-Related Quality of Life in Multiple Sclerosis

This study was conducted to estimate the indirect costs and health-related quality of life (HRQoL) (utilities) of multiple sclerosis (MS) patients in the United States (US), and to determine the impact of worsening mobility on these parameters. In collaboration with the North American Research Committee on Multiple Sclerosis (NARCOMS) registry we conducted a cross-sectional study of participants who completed the biannual update and supplemental spring 2010 survey. Demographic, employment status, income, mobility impairment, and health utility data were collected from a sample of registry participants who met the study criteria and agreed to participate in the supplemental Mobility Study. Mean annual indirect costs per participant in 2011US$ and mean utilities for the population and for cohorts reporting different levels of mobility impairment were estimated. Analyses included 3,484 to 3,611 participants, based on survey completeness. Thirty-seven percent of registrants were not working or attending school and 46.7% of these reported retiring early. Indirect costs per participant per year, not including informal caregiver cost, were estimated at $30,601±31,184. The largest relative increase in indirect costs occurred at earlier mobility impairment stages, regardless of the measure used. Participants’ mean utility score (0.73±0.18) was lower than that of a similarly aged sample from the general US population (0.87). As with indirect costs, larger decrements in utility were seen at earlier mobility impairment stages. These results suggest that mobility impairment may contribute to increases in indirect costs and declines in HRQoL in MS patients.     

Income inequality and obesity prevalence among OECD countries

Using recent pooled data from the World Health Organization Global Infobase and the World Factbook compiled by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, this study assesses the relation between income inequality and obesity prevalence among 31 OECD countries through a series of bivariate and multivariate linear regressions. The United States and Mexico well lead OECD countries in both obesity prevalence and income inequality. A sensitivity analysis suggests that the inclusion or exclusion of these two extreme cases can fundamentally change the findings. When the two countries are included, the results reveal a positive correlation between income inequality and obesity prevalence. This correlation is more salient among females than among males. Income inequality alone is associated with 16% and 35% of the variations in male and female obesity rates, respectively, across OECD countries in 2010. Higher levels of income inequality in the 2005-2010 period were associated with a more rapid increase in obesity prevalence from 2002 to 2010. These associations, however, virtually disappear when the US and Mexico have been excluded from the analysis. Findings from this study underscore the importance of assessing the impact of extreme cases on the relation between income inequality and health outcomes. The potential pathways from income inequality to the alarmingly high rates of obesity in the cases of the US and Mexico warrant further research.     

Relations of income inequality and family income to chronic medical conditions and mental health disorders: national survey

ObjectivesTo analyse the relation between geographical inequalities in income and the prevalence of common chronic medical conditions and mental health disorders, and to compare it with the relation between family income and these health problems.Design Nationally representative household telephone survey conducted in 1997-8.Setting 60 metropolitan areas or economic areas of the United States.Participants 9585 adults who participated in the community tracking study.Results A strong continuous association was seen between health and education or family income. No relation was found between income inequality and the prevalence of chronic medical problems or depressive disorders and anxiety disorders, either across the whole population or among poorer people. Only self reported overall health, the measure used in previous studies, was significantly correlated with inequality at the population level, but this correlation disappeared after adjustment for individual characteristics.Conclusions This study provides no evidence for the hypothesis that income inequality is a major risk factor for common disorders of physical or mental health.

What is already known on this topic

Several studies have found a relation between income inequality and self reported health or mortality

What this study adds

There is a strong social gradient in health, as measured by the prevalence of chronic medical conditions and specific mental health disorders, by income or educationNo such association is seen between income inequality and health     

Inequalities in mortality during and after restructuring of the New Zealand economy: repeated cohort studies

Objectives To determine whether disparities between income and mortality changed during a period of major structural and macroeconomic reform and to estimate the changing contribution of different diseases to these disparities.Design Repeated cohort studies.Data sources 1981, 1986, 1991, 1996, and 2001 censuses linked to mortality data.Population Total New Zealand population, ages 1-74 years.Methods Mortality rates standardised for age and ethnicity were calculated for each census cohort by level of household income. Standardised rate differences and rate ratios, and slope and relative indices of inequality (SII and RII), were calculated to measure disparities on both absolute and relative scales.Results All cause mortality rates declined over the 25 year study period in all groups stratified by sex, age, and income, except for 25-44 year olds of both sexes on low incomes among whom there was little change. In all age groups pooled, relative inequalities increased from 1981-4 to 1996-9 (RIIs increased from 1.85 (95% confidence interval 1.67 to 2.04) to 2.54 (2.29 to 2.82) for males and from 1.54 (1.35 to 1.76) to 2.12 (1.88 to 2.39) for females), then stabilised in 2001-4 (RIIs of 2.60 (2.34 to 2.89) and 2.18 (1.93 to 2.45), respectively). Absolute inequalities were stable over time, with a possible fall from 1996-9 to 2001-4. Cardiovascular disease was the major contributor to the observed disparities between income and mortality but decreased in importance from 45% in 1981-4 to 33% in 2001-4 for males and from 50% to 29% for females. The corresponding contribution of cancer increased from 16% to 22% for males and from 12% to 25% for females.Conclusions During and after restructuring of the economy disparities in mortality between income groups in New Zealand increased in relative terms (but not in absolute terms), but it is difficult to confidently draw a causal link with structural reforms. The contribution of different causes of death to this inequality changed over time, indicating a need to re-prioritise health policy accordingly.     

Do Children Lose and Maintain Weight Easier Than Adults: A Comparison of Child and Parent Weight Changes From Six Months to Ten Years

Recent research has shown weight maintenance for obese preadolescent children over 60 and 120 month intervals, while studies on adults consistently show they fail to maintain weight loss. This paper is designed to examine differences in percent overweight changes at 6, 60 and 120 months in obese parents and children from 113 families who participated in randomized controlled outcome studies evaluating family-based behavioral treatment. Analyses showed children had significantly greater changes in percent overweight than their parents at each time point. Chi-Square and Logistic Regression analyses showed children were more likely than their parents at each time point to have percent overweight decreases greater than 20%, with over 20% of the children and less than 1% of the parents showing changes this large. The implications of these results for weight control are discussed. These results suggest there may be differences in the efficacy of treating obesity in children versus adults.