郑州地区晚更新世中期人类的生计方式——老奶奶庙遗址动物遗存研究

本文对郑州晚更新世老奶奶庙遗址从动物考古学的视角进行研究。埋藏学观察显示动物遗存的堆积是人类活动的结果。动物遗存主要由马科和原始牛构成,还包含羚羊、鹿类、野猪、犀牛等。对马科动物的分析表明:人类很可能把猎物整体搬运到遗址上进行屠宰。动物骨骼中的骨髓与油脂被充分提取,成为人类饮食的重要构成,反映了狩猎采集者最大化地获得食物的生计策略。马科动物和原始牛的死亡年龄结构显示:人类以获取成年个体为主,暗示了人类狩猎能力和集体协作行为的发展。本研究试图为进一步认识中原地区晚更新世人类生计方式与文化发展提供依据。     

宁夏鸽子山遗址第10地点出土动物骨骼的埋藏学初步观察

宁夏鸽子山遗址第10地点(QG10)位于青铜峡市西北约20km的贺兰山南麓。2014-2017年,中国科学院古脊椎动物与古人类研究所与宁夏文物考古研究所联合组队对该遗址进行了发掘,出土大量动物化石、近万件石制品以及装饰品、骨制品、结构性火塘等。本项研究基于遗址第4层出土动物化石的埋藏学初步观察认为:晚更新世末期的古人类是遗址中动物骨骼的富集者和改造者;QG10的狩猎-采集人群采取狩猎而非主动食腐的方式获取了遗址附近的大中型食草类动物,并将其完整搬运至遗址内进行后续的肢解、食肉与敲骨取髓等营养性处理过程。相对于上述动物种类而言,遗址内的小型动物则是在其营养物质之外,古人类还利用了它们的骨骼材料以制作器型规整的骨角类工具。     

“许家窑人”埋藏地层与时代探讨

“许家窑人”化石发现于河北省阳原县泥河湾盆地西端的侯家窑遗址。该遗址20世纪70年代历经数次发掘,发现古人类化石20件、石制品数万件以及大量的哺乳动物化石。虽然已有大量关于遗址的研究成果发表,但人类化石和考古遗物的出土地层仍有些模糊,文化层时代也存在较大争议;年代数据在20 kaBP到500 kaBP的大范围间变化,影响学者们对“许家窑人”及其文化遗存演化位置的认识。鉴于此,河北省文物研究所（现河北省文物考古研究院）在2007~2012年对该遗址开展了持续的考古调查及发掘,重要目的之一在于廓清遗址埋藏的地貌部位和文化层的分布状况等基本信息。侯家窑遗址的地层包含上、下两个文化层;下文化层以下2~3 m（距地表约14.5 m）处确认了不整合接触面,其下为泥河湾层堆积,之上为河流阶地堆积。综合对20世纪70年代发掘的地层描述、新发掘地层以及人类化石保存状态的认识,“许家窑人”化石应出自遗址地层沉积序列的上文化层中,而非湖相的泥河湾层中。通过对目前遗址已有测年数据的重新梳理,我们认为,上文化层即“许家窑人”化石的时代为200~160 kaBP,主要对应深海氧同位素6阶段早期;下文化层的准确年代仍需验证,目前光释光年龄为198±15 kaBP, ²⁶Al/ ¹⁰Be埋藏年代为240±50 kaBP。     

河南灵井许昌人遗址普通马(Equus caballus)化石居群的死亡年龄曲线

普通马(Equus caballus)是河南灵井许昌人遗址动物群中的一个优势属种。本文基于这一动物属种牙齿材料的测量与分析, 初步完成了普通马个体死亡年龄的计算及其化石居群的生命表构建, 并与世界范围内多个动物群的相关材料进行了对比研究。该动物群普通马化石材料的死亡年龄曲线反映了这一时期古人类以普通马居群中的壮年个体为主要狩猎目标的选择性生存策略和狩猎能力。     

马鞍山遗址动物群的死亡年龄研究

本文根据牙齿的萌出和磨蚀情况确定了马鞍山遗址动物群的死亡年龄,采用三角图法展现了它们的死亡年龄分布,并对上、下文化层动物群的死亡年龄分布成因进行了对比和分析,认为:马鞍山遗址早期和晚期原始居民猎杀水牛、中国犀和水鹿时可能都采取了潜伏式狩猎或陷阱狩猎的策略,所以死亡年龄分布点均位于灾难型死亡年龄分布区;猕猴的死亡年龄分布点落入壮年居优型的分布区可能是晚期原始居民追求脂肪的高回馈率,而忽视幼年个体的结果;东方剑齿象的死亡年龄分布点落入幼年居优型的分布区,可能是原始居民面对生命危险和狩猎机会时,做出折衷之选的结果,即放弃体型巨大的成年个体而猎杀攻击性较弱的幼年个体,但是(参照民族学材料后发现)也有可能是基于可食用性的考虑而放弃口感较差、难以食用并且攻击性较强的成年个体,而捕猎肉较鲜嫩而且危险性较小的幼象的结果。     

泥河湾盆地板井子晚更新世遗址古人类对动物资源的消费策略

本文以泥河湾盆地板井子遗址（约90 kaBP）2015年出土的动物骨骼为材料,通过骨骼表面痕迹分析、骨骼单元出现频率研究及长骨破碎方式的统计,辨识自然作用与人类行为对动物骨骼造成的不同影响,讨论深海氧同位素5阶段(MIS 5)中国北方古人类获取、搬运及处理动物资源的综合性策略。研究结果显示：1)遗址出土的动物遗存为古人类活动所遗留,自然营力对动物骨骼有改造作用,但并未影响我们对古人类行为的辨识;2)古人类在捕获马科动物之后,将其完整地带回了遗址并肢解;3)在处理猎物遗骸时,肌肉和骨髓富集的部位是古人类利用的重点。结合河南许昌灵井遗址的动物遗存研究结果,我们认为,在MIS 5阶段前后,中国北方已经出现了可以高效利用动物资源的人类群体;稳定、充沛的能量来源,或是他们应对北半球中高纬度干旱草原环境气候波动的重要生存策略。     

桦甸仙人洞遗址出土的动物化石与孢粉

桦甸仙人洞旧石器遗址的上、下文化层出土了大量动物化石, 本文通过动物化石的分布状况、出土状态分析, 复原了上、下文化层沉积时期古人类的狩猎和处置猎物的行为, 总体来看, 远古人类生计方式以狩猎为主, 晚期古人类比早期对猎物资源开发得更彻底。另外, 从洞穴内大量碎骨片和石制品来看, 该洞穴可能为临时的营地或者屠宰场。通过对动物群组成、年代和孢粉分析的综合研究, 认为该遗址所处环境经历了剧烈的变化, 总体处于寒冷干燥的气候环境中, 植被以草原为主, 伴有少量森林。这一研究为探讨中国东北地区晚更新世人类的生存行为和演化特征提供了重要的研究材料和数据。     

水洞沟遗址第7地点动物化石初步研究

水洞沟遗址第7地点2003~2005年发掘出土动物化石2000余件。初步鉴定包括蒙古野驴(Equus hemionus)、披毛犀(Coelodonta antiquitatis)、普氏原羚(Procapra przewalskii)、水牛(Bubalus sp.)等十多个动物属种。该遗址出土的动物骨骼标本表面少见食肉类啃咬痕迹且未有啮齿类啃咬痕迹及水流磨蚀等现象,表明这一动物骨骼组合应当不是食肉类、啮齿类与水流等自然性营力带入遗址的。遗址动物群中一定比例的具切割痕骨骼标本的出现表明了古人类在动物群富集过程中的主导地位。动物考古学观察表明,处于旧石器时代晚期的该地点古人类主要对遗址附近的大中型食草类动物进行了猎捕与肢解、利用,这与相对更晚阶段的第12地点古人类以小型哺乳动物为主要猎食对象的生存策略形成了较为明显的对比。     

《日本动物考古学基础》评介

动物考古学(Zooarchaeology)通过对人类各个历史时期考古遗址中发掘出的动物骨骼的鉴定与解释,了解古代居民居址附近的自然条件和生态环境、古人类狩猎的对象、对食物的选择以及家畜蓄养等情况,也采用动物学方法研究考古学相关问题.1976年,在法国举行的第九届史前学与原史学国际会议上,正式成立了国际动物考古学会( International Council for Zooarchaeology).至此,其逐渐成为考古学的一个重要分支.     

许家窑-侯家窑遗址地层穷究

许家窑-侯家窑遗址是中国旧石器时代中期一处重要的考古遗址, 出土的化石"许家窑人"属于早期智人。按照现行地层古生物学常规判断, 其地层应该属于上更新统。目前, 许家窑组是泥河湾盆地乃至东亚地区发现的上更新统包含古人类及其旧石器文化遗物和古哺乳动物化石相当丰富的一个地层剖面, 但断代存在理念误区。     

Scavenging or Hunting in Early Hominids: Theoretical Framework and Tests

Evidence from Bed I, Olduvai, supports the hypothesis that scavenging, not hunting, was the major meat-procurement strategy of hominids between 2 and 1.7 million years ago. Data used to evaluate the hunting and scavenging hypotheses are derived from studying cut marks on Bed I bovids, comparing adaptations necessary for scavenging with those of early hominids, and a pa-leoecological reconstruction of Bed I carcass biotnass, carnivore guild, and hominidforaging area.     

Risk and opportunity for humans coexisting with large carnivores

Models of Plio-Pleistocene hominid behavioral ecology often emphasize competition with large carnivores. This paper describes competition between modern humans and large carnivores in rural Uganda, including active, confrontational scavenging of carnivore kills by humans and carnivore attacks on humans. Information gathered from Ugandan Game Department archives (1923-1994) reveals that twentieth-century agropastoralists regularly tried to scavenge from leopard (Panthera pardus) and lion (Panthera leo) kills, and that these large carnivores have preyed on hundreds of humans in Uganda over the past several decades. Men were most often targets of carnivore attack, particularly while engaged in hunting-related activities. However attacks on men were less often lethal than attacks on women and children. Analyses show that lion attacks were more dangerous than leopard attacks. These data support recent contentions that hominids armed with even simple weapons can succeed in active, confrontational scavenging by chasing carnivores from kills. Hominids sharing East African habitats with large carnivores may have been regularly subject to attack.     

Hominin-carnivore interactions during the Chinese Early Paleolithic: taphonomic perspectives from Xujiayao

The ability of archaic Homo sapiens to survive in more northerly latitudes was contingent on securing a regular source of animal fat and protein. We present a taphonomic study that examines how successful these hominins were at acquiring these food sources during the latter part of the Early Paleolithic in Northeast Asia. This study focuses on the long bone midshaft surface modifications observed on the faunal remains from Xujiayao, a middle-late Pleistocene open-air site located at 40 degrees latitude in the western Nihewan Basin, northern China. The faunal assemblage is dominated by equid remains. Analysis of the percussion, tooth, and cut mark frequencies on the long bone midshafts demonstrates that the Xujiayao hominins had primary access to high utility (meat-bearing and marrow-rich) long bones. Investigation of the dual-patterned (tooth-marked and butchery-marked) bone fragments suggests that hominins were under little pressure from competing carnivores to abandon their kills. The lack of significant differences between the size of fragments with only percussion-marks and those with only tooth-marks supports these findings. Fragmentation ratios indicate that forelimbs were more intensively processed than hind limbs. Based on the water rounding and abrasion data, the Xujiayao assemblage is likely of autochthonous origin. Since the age of Xujiayao is still in question, we can only conclude that archaic Homo sapiens were successful predators of large game in Northeast Asia some time during the latter part of the Early Paleolithic.     

河南许昌灵井旧石器遗址哺乳动物群的性质及时代探讨

系统记述了在近两年从河南省许昌市灵井旧石器遗址出土的食肉目、长鼻目和奇蹄目化石:宽吻灵猫相似种(Viverra cf. zibetha)、熊未定种(Ursus sp.)、中国硕鬣狗相似种(Pachycrocuta cf. sinensis)、古菱齿象未定种(Palaeoloxodon sp.)、披毛犀(Coelodonta antiquitatis)、梅氏犀(Dicerorhinus mercki)、普通马(Equusca ballus)和蒙古野驴(Equus hemionus),并对灵井哺乳动物群的性质和年代进行了探讨,指出灵井动物群含有的北方种类较多,与北方区的很多动物群可以比较,属于北方区动物群,其生态环境为以平原草地为主,镶嵌有零散的森林,属北温带半湿润-半干旱大陆性季风气候,年平均温度似低于现在。灵井动物群中绝灭种类占44.4%,其时代应为晚更新世早期,其绝对年龄与许家窑接近,约在100kaBP。     

Male strategies and Plio-Pleistocene archaeology

Archaeological data are frequently cited in support of the idea that big game hunting drove the evolution of early Homo, mainly through its role in offspring provisioning. This argument has been disputed on two grounds: (1) ethnographic observations on modern foragers show that although hunting may contribute a large fraction of the overall diet, it is an unreliable day-to-day food source, pursued more for status than subsistence; (2) archaeological evidence from the Plio-Pleistocene, coincident with the emergence of Homo can be read to reflect low-yield scavenging, not hunting. Our review of the archaeology yields results consistent with these critiques: (1) early humans acquired large-bodied ungulates primarily by aggressive scavenging, not hunting; (2) meat was consumed at or near the point of acquisition, not at home bases, as the hunting hypothesis requires; (3) carcasses were taken at highly variable rates and in varying degrees of completeness, making meat from big game an even less reliable food source than it is among modern foragers. Collectively, Plio-Pleistocene site location and assemblage composition are consistent with the hypothesis that large carcasses were taken not for purposes of provisioning, but in the context of competitive male displays. Even if meat were acquired more reliably than the archaeology indicates, its consumption cannot account for the significant changes in life history now seen to distinguish early humans from ancestral australopiths. The coincidence between the earliest dates for Homo ergaster and an increase in the archaeological visibility of meat eating that many find so provocative instead reflects: (1) changes in the structure of the environment that concentrated scavenging opportunities in space, making evidence of their pursuit more obvious to archaeologists; (2) H. ergaster's larger body size (itself a consequence of other factors), which improved its ability at interference competition.     

Duinefontein 2: an Acheulean site in the Western Cape Province of South Africa.

Excavations at Duinefontein (DFT) 2 near Cape Town, South Africa have recovered numerous stone artefacts and animal bones on an ancient surface sealed within iron-stained eolian sands. U-series analysis of an overlying calcrete places the sands before 150 ka ago, while the large mammal taxa imply an age between 400 and 200 ka ago. The artefacts include a classic Acheulean handaxe and probable biface shaping flakes that support this age estimate. The principal mammalian species are long-horned buffalo, black wildebeest, greater kudu, Cape zebra, and grysbok/steenbok, which imply a grass-and-bush mosaic instead of the historic small-leafed shrubland.Hippopotamus and reedbuck indicate that water stood nearby, probably in dune swales. The large mammal bones are mostly vertebrae and other axial elements, often in near-anatomical order. Both proximal and distal appendicular elements are rare. Bones with carnivore damage are common, but ones with stone tool marks are scarce. The sum suggests a water-edge attritional death site where people played a minimal role and carcasses were disarticulated mainly by carnivore feeding and by trampling. Stone tool marks tend to be equally rare at other Acheulean attritional death sites, and the implication may be that Acheulean people rarely obtained large mammals, whether by hunting or scavenging. Human scavengers at DFT2 would not have encountered a disproportionate number of distal (versus proximal) limb elements, and it follows that the tendency for distal elements to dominate many archeological assemblages need not reflect scavenging versus hunting. Even if DFT2 was not itself a locus of intense human activity, it provides a useful baseline for evaluating bone damage, skeletal part representation, and other variables at sites where people were deeply involved.     

African origins of modern asses as seen from paleontology and DNA: what about the Atlas wild ass?

As a contribution to the still open debate on the multiple african origins of the domesticated donkey, this work focuses on the wild ass of the Maghreb. It follows the recent paleontological review of the equids from Lac Karâr, a middle Pleistocene site in Northern Algeria, where most of the faunal remains were attributed to wild asses (Equus africanus Heuglin and Fitzinger, 1866). The morphometric resemblance between the equid of Lac Karâr, and Equus melkiensis Bagtach, Hadjouis and Eisenmann, 1984 which might correspond to the equid commonly referred to, as the Atlas wild ass (vernacular name) and, by descent, to Equus tabeti Arambourg, 1970, the only subspecies of ass from the early Pleistocene in Northern Africa, highlights the need for extensive biomolecular and radiometric studies on this wild and robust ass, endemic to the Maghreb. This is especially important given that progress in extracting ancient DNA from equids has been demonstrated by several recent studies and that remains of wild asses are still being uncovered in many late Pleistocene to Holocene (Neolithic) deposits in the Maghreb. The results from such studies could substantially improve the knowledge on the origin of asses. In particular, these analyses could shed light on the, as yet, undetermined clade 2 which may originate from the wild ass of the Maghreb as recently hypothesized by several authors. The archaeological and genetic data reviewed in this paper focuses on the ancient range of the Atlas wild ass mainly from sites in the northern part of the Maghreb; it contributes to current debates regarding this subspecies as one of the possible ancestors of modern asses. In addition, the paper identifies directions for further genetic researches on the extant donkey of the Maghreb.     

许家窑遗址哺乳动物化石的铀子系法年代测定

本文报告用铀子系法测量许家窑旧石器文化遗址出土的哺乳动物化石年代的初步结果。 山西省阳高县许家窑遗址的发现不仅在研究石器的文化传统上有重要的意义,而且在地层上证实了桑干河流域早更新统标准地层“泥河湾层”的上部还包括了晚更新世的沉积物。