Kinship and Cooperation

Chagnon’s analysis of a well-known axe fight in the Yanomamö village of Mishimishiböwei-teri (Chagnon and Bugos 1979) is among the earliest empirical tests of kin selection theory for explaining cooperation in humans. Kin selection theory describes how cooperation can be organized around genetic kinship and is a fundamental tool for understanding cooperation within family groups. Previous analysis on groups of cooperative Lamaleran whale hunters suggests that the role of genetic kinship as a principle for organizing cooperative human groups could be less important in certain cases than previously thought (Alvard Human Nature 14:129–163, 2003b). Evidence that supports a strong role for genetic kinship—groups are found to be more related than expected by chance—may be spurious because of the correlation between social structure and genetic kinship. Reanalysis of Chagnon’s data using matrix regression techniques, however, confirms that genetic kinship was the primary organizing principle in the axe fight; affinal relations were also important, whereas lineage identity explained nothing.     

Kinship and covariance

Price's (1970) covariance theorem can be used to derive an expression for gene frequency change in kin selection models in which the fitness effect of an act is independent of the genotype of the recipient. This expression defines a coefficient of relatedness which subsumes r(Wright, 1922), b(Hamilton, 1972), ρ (Orlove &; Wood, 1978), and R(Michod &; Hamilton, 1980). The new coefficient extends the domain of Hamilton's rule to models in which the average gene frequency of actors differs from that of recipients.     

Homicide and cultural evolution

Homicide rates are suitable materials for the study of “cultural evolution,” because they vary dramatically between societies (hence, are “cultural”) and change gradually rather than saccadically (hence, “evolve”).Sociological models of the sources of variation in homicide rates (“subcultures of violence”; demographic change; “legitimation of violence”; mass media effects) are criticized for inattention to the social context of violence and to the individual motives of the protagonists. Models of culture change that emphasize “transmission” are criticized for treating the culture-bearing person as a passive vessel rather than an active strategist. A satisfactory theory of the “cultural evolution” of violence awaits satisfactory theories of how people apprehend their interests and how they pursue them.     

Kinship and Behavior in Primates

Kinship and Behavior in Primates. Bernard Chapais and Carol M. Berman, eds. Oxford University Press, 2004. 507 pp.     

Adoption and Kinship in Oceania

The frequency and form of adoption practices in Oceania recently have been cited as evidence that human behavior is inconsistent with predictions derived from sociobiological theory (Sahlins 1976). Ethnographic data reviewed here, however, suggest otherwise. In Oceania kinship is an important factor in the selection and treatment of adopted children as adoption occurs almost exclusively among close relatives. Natal children often ally against their adopted siblings over the division of their common parents' estate while adoptive parents themselves frequently apportion their land unequally among their natal and adopted children. These patterns and other data are consistent with predictions generated by a socio biological model of adoptive decisions. The model illustrates how kinship facilitates adoption as a means of modifying extreme family sizes, and how asymmetries in the degrees of relatedness between parents and their adopted and natal children provide the basis of differential treatment of them. Adoption in Oceania provides an example of a clearly cultural behavior which is consistent with socio biological predictions, and suggests that both culture and biology are relevant to an understanding of human behavior . [sociobiology, kinship, adoption, Oceania]     

Symbolic Kinship Program

This paper discusses a computerized algorithm to derive the formula for the likelihood ratio for a kinship problem with any arbitrarily defined relationships based on genetic evidence. The ordinary paternity case with the familiar likelihood formula 1/2(q) is the commonest example. More generally, any miscellaneous collection of people can be genetically tested to help settle some argument about how they are related, what one might call a ``kinship' case. Examples that geneticists and DNA identification laboratories run into include sibship, incest, twin, inheritance, motherless, and corpse identification cases. The strength of the genetic evidence is always described by a likelihood ratio. The general method is described by which the computer program finds the formulas appropriate to these various situations. The benefits and the interest of the program are discussed using many examples, including analyses that have previously been published, some practical problems, and simple and useful rules for dealing with scenarios in which ancestral or fraternal types substitute for those of the alleged father.     

Kinship and Mode of Production

This article links the basic elements of kinship and marriage to the division of labor between the sexes. The concept of a mode of production is used to analyze the distinctive features of this organization of the labor process. These features include the categorization of persons by generation and sex and a specification of reciprocal rights and obligations. It is thus argued that kinship pertains to a particular form of production rather than to an irreducible and unchangeable human nature . [kinship, division of labor by sex, mode of production]     

Kinship and Corruption in Contemporary Nigeria

This article explores the social reproduction of 'corruption' in Nigeria, using ethnographic data collected in the Igbo-speaking southeast. The author argues that corruption must be understood in the context of everyday instances of patronage as they occur in networks of kin, community, and interpersonal association. Kinship relationships, and other social ties rooted in similar moral obligations and affective attachments, enable Igbos to navigate Nigeria's clientelistic political economy. They also serve to perpetuate an ethic of appropriate redistribution that fuels corruption. The article analyzes a deep-seated ambivalence that is created as the reciprocal obligations of kinship articulate with structures of power and inequality that characterize contemporary Nigeria. Rather than withering away as Nigeria modernizes, the instrumental importance of kinship and community of origin may be greater than ever.