Maternal age at last birth in Egypt

To assess the effects of women's education, residence, and marital experience on their age at the birth of their last child, a proportional hazards regression model was applied to 1980 Egyptian Fertility Survey (EFS) data. The detailed data include the date of birth of each child for every women interviewed, and the woman's date of birth and age at interview. Age at last birth was examined by regression analysis on birth history and socioeconomic information. 4 hypotheses were tested: women who are well educated have a greater probability of ending childbearing earlier than women with less education; women in rural areas have a higher probability of having their last child at older ages than urban women; marital disruption without remarriage lowers the probability of older maternal age at last birth; and marital disruption with remarriage increases the probability that a woman stops reproducing at an older age. The overall chi-square indicates a significant regression. All coefficients were significant, except the coefficient for women with intact 1st marriages. Women with more education had a greater probability of ending childbearing earlier than women with less education. Rural women tended to have their last children at ages significantly older than overall age at last birth. Current residence in urban areas had the opposite effect. The coefficient for those with intact 1st marriages was insignificant, meaning that the mean age at last birth for this group of women was not much different from the overall mean. Remarried women tended to end childbearing at ages significantly older than the overall average age at last birth, suggesting that these women tended to have children by their new husbands. Those with dissolved 1st marriages who had not remarried had a higher probability of ending childbearing earlier than did older women. Marriage age and final parity had highly significant negative coefficients; as marriage age and number of children born increased, so did the "survival" time or the age at last birth. Results from the hazards model indicate that the effects were as anticipated. The median age at last birth for the total sample of women aged 45-49 was 45-49 years. The median age at last birth was about 2 years older for rural compared to urban women. Illiterate women had the oldest median age at last birth of the education groups. There was little differences between median ages at last birth for women with intact 1st marriages and those whose 1st unions were dissolved and who had remarried. The median age at last birth increased with final parity.     

Differential fertility in the United States, 1980: continuity or change?

This paper considers how changes in women's sociocultural characteristics have influenced recent patterns of differential fertility in the US and whether the convergence of fertility differentials observed up to 1970 has continued. The data are drawn from the June 1980 US Current Population Survey, which is a probability sample survey selected to represent the civilian non-institutionalized population living in households. The study population consists of 20,621 ever-married White and Black women aged 25-44, a group for various reasons considered to have a high impact from the point of view of fertility behavior. Fertility to date and ever expected fertility are the dependent variables. The respondents were separated into age cohorts, and differentiated by race. The data suggest that there has been no change in differential fertility in recent years: the 2 youngest cohorts (25-29 and 30-34 years) have similar expected fertilities that are lower than those of the older cohorts. Age at 1st birth, length of 1st birth interval, income, and education were negatively associated with fertility, among both older and younger women, of both races. Differentials by race have narrowed slightly. When fertility expectations were examined, the association of the independent variables with expected completed fertility was weaker among younger women, indicating that there has been some convergence in expected fertility. Further narrowing of differentials in actual fertility depends on how successful the younger women are in preventing future unplanned births. If the present tendency towards surgical sterilization (among both races and groups above and below the poverty level) persists, it will make it possible for more women to stay within their expected total fertility levels.     

Abortion experience among obstetric patients at Korle-Bu Hospital, Accra, Ghana

Hospital admissions for complications of abortion have been increasing in Africa, indicating a rise in the incidence of abortion. In all pregnant women ever admitted to Korle-Bu hospital in Accra, Ghana, the chance that the outcome of their last pregnancy was an induced abortion decreased as the number of previous pregnancies increased. Women with higher levels of education were more likely to have their 1st pregnancy terminated in an induced abortion. Younger women were more likely than older women at each level of education to have an induced abortion terminate a 1st pregnancy. The use of contraceptives during the last pregnancy interval increased with the level of education of the woman and the number of previous pregnancies. Contraceptive use was also highest among women whose last pregnancy outcome was an induced abortion. The mean pregnancy interval decreased with increasing number of previous pregnancies for both women who used and who did not use contraceptives during their last pregnancy interval. But the mean pregnancy interval was higher among women who used contraceptives. It appears that the abortion experience in this region of Africa is most common in lower parity young women with high levels of education who desire to delay a 1st birth or to space births. This is in contrast in Latin America and other developing countries in which abortion is used mainly by older, married, urban women to limit family size. Contraceptive use in this region of Africa is low, indicating the need for more family planning programs and increasing use of existing programs.     

Birth spacing in Pakistan

Life table analysis was applied to data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey to identify child spacing differentials between population subgroups. Women in urban areas had shorter birth intervals than their rural counterparts from parities 1-6; only after parity 7 was this differential reversed. Similarly, women with some education had shorter birth intervals at the earlier parities than uneducated women. While overall family size is relatively homogeneous in Pakistan, women of more modern backgrounds seem to space their children more closely than traditional women. Age at marriage appears to play an important role not only in determining the length of the 1st interval, but also that of subsequent intervals. An unexpected finding was that ever users of contraception had distinctly more rapid spacing of their births than never users. The median interval to 1st birth was shortest in North West Frontier Province, but similar in Punjab and Sind. Multiple classification analysis revealed that some differentials in child spacing by education, residence, and province persisted even after other variables were controlled. Cohort of mother had an independent effect, with younger cohorts having shorter birth intervals. However, the variable that had the strongest effect on length of interval (aside from the 1st interval) was breastfeeding duration. It is likely that increasing urbanization and improved levels of education among women will lead to high levels of marital fertility associated with shorter birth intervals. Even though these trends tend to increase the age at marriage, they are associated with shorter durations of breastfeeding. In the longer term, greater use of contraception among women in the modern sector may partially counteract the fertility increasing effect of reduced birth intervals.     

Socioeconomic determinants of age at first marriage in Bangladesh

Using data from the 1976 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, multiple classification analysis was used to evaluate the effect of socioeconomic factors on age at 1st marriage. The independent variables considered were education, childhood and current residence, religion, work status before marriage, and husband's childhood residence, education, and occupation. Analysis was carried out for the total sample as well as for 3 birth cohorts of approximately equal size: 1) those born before 1940, 2) those born between 1940-50, and 3) those born after 1950. Of all the included variables, women's education has the strongest influence on the variation of age at 1st marriage. For all ever-married women, the mean age at marriage for women with primary education is 13.4 years, 0.9 years higher than for women with no education (12.5 years), and 1.2 years lower than for women with a high school education or beyond (14.6 years). Difference in means for cohorts indicate a gradually increasing influence of education on people's decision in marriage. Husband's education does not appear to be as important. Childhood residence has, directly and indirectly, a strong influence in marriage age. Among other factors, women's premarital work participation, as well as region and husband's occupation, are important. Since women's education, childhood residence, and work participation are the strongest socioeconomic variables affecting marriage age, the modernizing influences of education, urbanization, and female work participation should have an effect on the marriage pattern; this effect is consistent with that observed in other societies.     

Cessation of childbearing in the absence of contraception in Sri Lanka

In data from the Sri Lanka Fertility Survey, 1975, the cessation of childbearing is examined among women who have never used contraception. The sample consisted of 6810 currently or previously married women, 57% of whom reported that they had never used contraception. Cessation of childbearing is studied according to age and marriage duration. The variables analyzed are age at last birth, proportions infertile during the last 5 or 7 years, and the infertile open interval. The duration of breastfeeding is taken into account where necessary, and the contraceptive users and nonusers are compared where appropriate. Non-users tend to cease childbearing early, and therefore are infertile for longer periods during their marriages. It is probably age of the 1st child that influences decisions on future fertility. Among women aged 45-49 who married before age 20 and continued in their 1st marriage, mean age at last live birth in non-users, was 34.5 years, about 2 years earlier than in those who had used contraception. Non-users who married at any age below 30 years cease childbearing well below age 40. The proportion not currently pregnant and infertile over the past 5 years increases with marriage duration among the fertile non-users in each age group. When age at last birth and the duration of breastfeeding in the open interval are taken into account and the reference period is increased to 7 years, the period of infertility increases with marriage duration among nonpregnant non-users below age 45. The proportion of women who were currently not pregnant and had remained infertile over the past 7 years is higher among the older non-users whose 1st child was born more than 10 years ago.     

Alternative theories of the relationship of schooling and work to family formation: evidence from Mexico

Role incompatibility, education as an investment in human capital, and schooling as a transformative experience are three mechanisms that link women's education to the timing of marriage and first birth. We simultaneously evaluate these different explanations using retrospective life history data for two cohorts of Mexican women collected in a nationally representative sample. Our analyses provide evidence in support of all three hypotheses. While in school young women are at a substantially lower risk of marriage and of a first birth. We find no evidence that women leave school to enter into unions nor do we find evidence that the effect of being a student diminishes with age. Women who work for a wage are also at a lower risk of marriage and a first birth. Once we control for student and employment status, the direct effects of cumulative education on family formation are relatively modest, although cumulative education is strongly associated with positive attitudes towards women's work and a significant increase in the likelihood of premarital and postmarital employment.     

Cancer incidence rate ratios of Turkish immigrants in Hamburg,Germany: A registry based study

The aim of this study was to estimate cancer incidence rate ratios for Turkish migrants in Hamburg, Germany. We used a name-based approach and identified 1346 cases with Turkish names (as a proxy of Turkish origin) among 140,249 cases of cancer registered in the cancer registry Hamburg during 1990–2005. To estimate the size of the denominator population, we applied the name-based approach to the population of Hamburg as well. The cancer incidence of specific cancer sites was compared between Turkish and non-Turkish cases using incidence rate ratios (IRR), stratified by gender and birth cohort. Our main findings are that cancer of the respiratory organs is diagnosed less frequent among Turkish men in older birth cohorts but with higher frequency in the younger birth cohorts. Malignant neoplasms of lymphoid, haematopoietic and related tissues are slightly higher in most male Turkish men birth cohorts, and even considerably higher for the birth cohort 1961 to <1971 (IRR = 1.8). Among women, incidence rates for Turkish women are lower than for non-Turkish women for cancer of the respiratory system, skin cancer and cancer of genital organs. Also, breast cancer incidence rates of Turkish women are lower than for non-Turkish women, especially in older birth cohorts. Incidence rate ratios of neoplasms of lymphoid, haematopoietic and related tissues are low in the 1931 to <1941 cohort (IRR = 0.71) but increase in younger birth cohorts. In conclusion, we found differences in cancer risks between cases with and without Turkish names for specific cancer sites. These results are consistent with the findings of studies from other countries.     

Parental age difference, educationally assortative mating and offspring count: evidence from a contemporary population in Taiwan

Using contemporary population data from Taiwan, we examine the relationships between parental age difference, educationally assortative mating, income and offspring count. Controlling for women's reproductive value (measured by age at first birth), we find that an older husband is associated with fewer offspring, whereas a husband with similar or higher education is associated with more offspring. Concerning resources, we find that women's income is negatively associated with fertility and husband's income is positively associated with fertility among highly educated women. These results are consistent with the view that women compensate for trade-offs between education, income generation and childbearing by seeking mates with a higher status.     

Men's life course trajectories: Exploring the differences by cohort and social class

Abstract

Making use of retrospective information gathered through a 2001 national survey in Canada, we examined the timing of transitions and life course trajectories starting from events experienced early in life to events that usually happen later in life. The subjects of the study were men born from 1926 to 1975, and the analyses were done by 5‐year birth cohorts and by social status. Results of the analysis showed that there have been significant changes over cohorts and that the life course trajectories of the poor were different from those economically better off. Men from higher social class were more likely to experience family life events ‐ such as start of regular work and entry into union ‐ at older ages, and were also more likely to follow a normative life course trajectory. We explore the factors affecting such differences in the context of constraints on decision‐making.     

Continuing fertility transitions in a plural society: ethnic trends and differentials in Peninsular Malaysia

Fertility in Peninsular Malaysia has declined continuously from the late 1950s, reaching a total fertility rate of 3735 in 1983. All ethnic groups in Malaysia have contributed to this modern demographic transition but the rate of change has been most rapid for Chinese and Indians, Malay fertility having reached a plateau in the early 1980s. The effect of age structure, marital patterns and marital fertility (by parity) on the fertility declines for each ethnic community are analyzed. There has been a tendency, in each ethnic group, for the age distribution within the group of reproductive-age women to grow younger, reflecting the entry into the younger reproductive ages of the large birth cohorts of the 1950s and early 1960s. The effect of this on crude birth rates is hard to determine, because rising age at marriage and increasing use of contraception meant that fertility was increasingly concentrated in the more central reproductive ages. By the 1990s, the earlier declines in fertility will bring about a decline in the proportion of the total population made up of females in the main reproductive ages. After that point, further declines in fertility will be reflected in a sharper decline in the crude birth rate and hence the rate of population increase. Between 1947 and 1980, the age at marriage changed dramatically for females of all ethnic groups. The transition to higher age at marriage for Chinese was completed earlier, and since 1970 has risen by only a year. For Malays and Indians, the rise began later, proceeded faster and continued right up to 1980 when the medium ages at 1st marriage were Malays 22, Indians 23, Chinese 24 years. In 1980, Malay women on average were marrying 5 years later, and Indian women 6 years later than had their mothers' generation in 1947. The proportion never-married among Malay and Indian women aged 20-24 rose from 1/10 to 1/2 over this period; relatively greater changes are evident at ages 25-29. Other factors are the almost complete shift from parent-arranged to self-arranged marriages. Family size desired has decreased for all groups and the decline in breastfeeding has been offset by the sharp increase in the practice of contraception. Continuation of these trends would lead to replacement-level fertility for Malaysian Chinese and Indians by the year 2000. Malay fertility is likely to continue to decline but at a more moderate pace.     

Birth interval, mortality and growth of children in a rural area in Kenya

The impact of the length of birth intervals on mortality and growth of children from the perinatal period to 2 years in the Northern Division of Machakos District, Eastern Province, Kenya, were analyzed. There are 2 types of birth intervals: 1) the prospective birth interval--between the birth concerned (the 1st birth of the interval pair) and the subsequent birth; and 2) the retrospective birth interval--between the birth considered (the 2nd of the interval pair) and the preceeding birth. This study includes 3019 women who had at least 1 live birth between April, 1974 and April, 1981. They gave birth to 6778 children (including stillbirths). Births occurring in 1974 are excluded in the analysis because of considerable underregistration. 102 stillbirths and 213 deaths in the 1st 2 years are analyzed. They have been grouped into deaths during the perimatal period; the 1st year after the 1st week of life (infant period); and the 2nd year of life. The most convient method of analysis of the relation between retrospective birth interval and mortality is multivariate analysis, as the intermedicate biological and behavioral factors through which birth intervals can affect health are simultaneously influenced by other variables like maternal age and birth order; the log linear model is applied here. The probability of dying is the dependent variable. The impact of short prospective intervals are closely associated. Only infant and child deaths occurring after the conception of the next child are included. The size of cohorts in which these deaths occur can be calculated with a life table approach. The mortality probability between 5 and 12 months for children with short prospective intervals is .034. This is higher than the corresponding rate for all children in the area (P0.05). It is shown that children with short retrospective or prospective birth intervals do not run a greater risk of mortality or growth retardation than children with longer intervals, neither during the perinatal period nor during the 1st 2 years of life.     

Effect of birth spacing on infant and child mortality in rural Nepal

This examination of the effect of birth spacing on infant and child mortality in rural Nepal is based on data from the Nepal Fertility Survey 1976 carried out by the Nepal Family Planning and Maternal Child Health Project in collaboration with the World Fertility Survey. The study confirms that the higher risk of infant death to 1st born children is mainly due to the higher proportion of younger women having 1st births, rather than due to their being 1st order births per se. The effect of maternal age on infant and child mortality is largely associated with birth interval. Previous birth interval, therefore, stands out as the most important factor affecting infant mortality; the next most important factor is the survival of the preceding child. A child born after an interval of less than 18 months since the previous live birth has a 31% higher risk of dying during infancy than 1 born after an interval of 1 1/2 to 2 years. The risk of the index child's dying is only 50% of that when its preceding sibling is dead. Neither education of mother nor education of father has a significant effect on infant mortality in rural Nepal.     

Implications of Advancing Paternal Age: Does It Affect Offspring School Performance?

Average paternal age is increasing in many high income countries, but the implications of this demographic shift for child health and welfare are poorly understood. There is equivocal evidence that children of older fathers are at increased risk of neurodevelopmental disorders and reduced IQ. We therefore report here on the relationship between paternal age and a composite indicator of scholastic achievement during adolescence, i.e. compulsory school leaving grades, among recent birth cohorts in Stockholm County where delayed paternity is notably common. We performed a record-linkage study comprising all individuals in Stockholm County who finished 9 years of compulsory school from 2000 through 2007 (n = 155,875). Data on school leaving grades and parental characteristics were retrieved from administrative and health service registers and analyzed using multiple linear regression. Advancing paternal age at birth was not associated with a decrease in school leaving grades in adolescent offspring. After adjustment for year of graduation, maternal age and parental education, country of birth and parental mental health service use, offspring of fathers aged 50 years or older had on average 0.3 (95% CI −3.8, 4.4) points higher grades than those of fathers aged 30–34 years. In conclusion, advancing paternal age is not associated with poorer school performance in adolescence. Adverse effects of delayed paternity on offspring cognitive function, if any, may be counterbalanced by other potential advantages for children born to older fathers.     

Factors in the rejection and survival of captive cotton top tamarins (Saguinus oedipus)

Captive colonies of cotton top tamarins experience a high rate of rejection of infants within the 1st week of life. The rates of rejection and survival to maturity (2 or more years) among 659 live colony-born infants were correlated with rearing, birth group, litter size, season of birth, gender, origin of parents, experience of parents raising siblings, parity and age of parents, and experience of parent pairs. The most important factors associated with low rejection rates were family life and parental experience raising infants. Infants born into family groups or reared in families were rejected at a significantly lower rate. Rejection of infants whose sires were raised with siblings was significantly lower. Paternal experience was more important than maternal experience. Litter size had no effect on rejection of infants born to family groups, whereas, rejection of triplets was significantly higher than twins or singles among those born to parents alone. Rejection was significantly higher among primiparous births than multiparous birth. The combined experience of colony-born parents was not related to rejection if there were no sibling helpers in the cage at the time of birth. Rejection was significantly lower if sibling helpers were present. High survival of infants who were not rejected was correlated with rearing by or being born into family groups and higher parity and older age of the sires.     

Patterns of low birth weight in the Bengali newborns

This paper examines the distribution of low birth weight (2500 g or less) by gestation time, sex, maternal age, parity (birth order), socioeconomic conditions, and season of birth among 5117 single live births born to Bengali mothers at the Ramakrishna Mission Seva Pratisthan Hospital in Calcutta, India. Preterm infants have low birth weight significantly more often than their full term counterparts. Female infants have low birth weights significantly more often than male infants. The infants of poor mothers have lower birth weights in higher order births more often than infants of higher orders born to well-off mothers. Teenaged mothers produce low birth weight babies significantly more often than older mothers. Although the relationship is not significant, low birth weight infants occur more often among 1st and late born infants and less often among 2nd born infants. The season of birth is not significantly associated with birth weight. Less than 10% of low birth weight infants are pre-term, while the rest are full term. The great majority of low birth weight infants are small-for-gestational-age; the minority are small due to curtailed gestational age. The proportion of infants weighing less than 2001 g is only 9%; this figure tallies closely with earlier studies of India.     

Racial fertility differences: The role of female employment and education in wanted and unwanted childbearing

Abstract

This paper employs data from a merged sample of the National Surveys of Family Growth to examine how female employment status conditions the relationship between education and wanted and unwanted births among African American and white women. A rationale is presented for why a minority group status hypothesis that posits lower fertility among more highly educated African American women as compared to similar white women might find support in the case of wanted births and among certain women, including earlier birth cohorts. Our results provide some evidence for these ideas as well as evidence for a social characteristics hypothesis that predicts convergence of childbearing with rising education. However, persistently higher levels of unwanted births among African American women of all educational levels suggest that the dynamics of racial fertility differences are more complex than either of the hypotheses imply.     

Mortality and age differences in marriage.

Data from the 1971 census population were used to evaluate the effects of age differences of married partners on mortality rates. Different age groups were isolated to highlight the association between mortality and age of spouse for specific ages of married men and women. Men married to much younger or to older women exhibited a higher mortality rate than men married to women who were only a few years younger than themselves. A similar trend was observed among women married to much younger or much older men compared with those whose spouses were a few years older or of similar ages as themselves. Trends for other age groups (women aged 60-69 years, men below 40, and women below 30) did not exhibit a clear pattern. Although statistical biases within age groups may in part account for the differences in the findings, the trend which emerged from the analysis suggests that lower morbidity is associated with the most common age combinations (husbands same age or slightly older than wives). Other factors could also account for the differences (e.g., selection of healthy partners in 1st marriages, differences in lifestyles between married and single).