Anthropology and history: the revaluation of history in anthropological research

The main premise of this paper is that the accepted view of history based on written documents (historiography) is marked by hierarchical ordering and evaluation implicit in it. The paper examines the context of the negation of history, and the revaluation of history in anthropological research. The lack of written documents concerning particular social groups on the internal plane, but also particular nations (ethnic groups) on the global plane, earned them the name of "nations (groups) without history". This criterion of historicity--the existence of a writing system and written documents--implies the hypothesis about the inferiority of those nations and groups. The attributes of history seen in this way are modernity, linearity and cumulativeness. This system implies ethnocentrism based on a twofold negation: a) the negation history, and b) the negation of otherness. What we must not forget is that the symbolic universes are social products with a history, and in order to understand their meaning, one must understand the history of their production. It is very important to pay close attention to the historical practice of projecting our cultural practices onto others. The question of who determines the history and which views are presented to a particular audience is a matter of power and contest. contemporary history-oriented sociocultural anthropology focuses on the total reconstruction of the way of life and thinking in particular periods of history: on the everyday life. This brought together the intellectual traditions of "new history", ethnology, sociocultural anthropology and the sociology of culture. While modernism stresses the present change versus the static past, postmodernism denies the past ever being static and hypostatises fluidity and change as permanent condition. Postmodernism strives to undermine the old, Euro-centric notion that "we" have a history but "they" do not; it has also lead to social scientists' renewed interest in history.     

Mesenchymal stem cells: revisiting history, concepts, and assays

The concept of mesenchymal stem cells has gained wide popularity. Despite the rapid growth of the field, uncertainties remain with respect to the defining characteristics of these cells, including their potency and self-renewal. These uncertainties are reflected in a growing tendency to question the very use of the term. This commentary revisits the experimental origin of the concept of the population(s) referred to as mesenchymal stem cells and the experimental framework required to assess their stemness and function.     

Mestizo Logics: Anthropology of Identity in Africa and Elsewhere

Mestizo Logics: Anthropology of Identity in Africa and Elsewhere. Jean-Loup Amselle. Translated by Claudia Royal. Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press. 1996. 207 pp.     

Anthropology and Africa: Changing Perspectives on a Changing Scene

Anthropology and Africa: Changing Perspectives on. Changing Scene. Sally Falk Moore. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1994. 165 pp.     

Pollen-derived history of timber exploitation from the Roman period onwards in the Romanche valley, central French Alps

The history of forestry in the Romanche river valley, south-east of Grenoble, France, is reconstructed for the past ca. 3000 years on the basis of detailed pollen analysis and AMS¹⁴C dating. Three deforestation phases are recorded during the last two millennia, each phase showing different features and also contrasting woodland succession in the post-clearance period. The first major deforestation is recorded at the Roman time whenAbies alba (fir) was selectively exploited, presumably for use by peoples living downstream of the site. Apart from the deforestation, there appears to have been little human activity in the vicinity of the site at this time. After the clearance fir gradually, and more or less fully, recovered. The second deforestation phase occurred in ca. the 5^th and 6^th century A.D. when there is also substantial evidence for local farming. At this time, both fir and beech (Fagus sylvatica) were non-selectively exploited and probably used locally. Beach subsequently recovers but there is no further regeneration of fir. The third deforestation phase in ca. the 12^th century A.D. is similar to the preceding phase but this time beech does not recover. With the decline in human activity, secondary forest that included spruce (Picea) and pine (Pinus), developed. Forest dynamics were controlled by local human activity and also the economic relationships between the local area and the wider region and especially the region downstream from the site.     

Anthropology and the politics of facts,knowledge, and history

Conclusions In this paper I have tried to discuss several levels of the politics of facts, knowledge and history in relation to contemporary anthropology. Taking off on the current school of anthropology known as interpretive anthropology or anthropology as text, I have suggested that issues involving the representation and documentation of knowledge and history are not primarily found in the process of writing an ethnographic text, but in the arenas of power relations which fall outside of ethnographic production. The power dynamics of unequal language as described by Asad operate in the political, economic, cultural and social lives of real individuals who carried on a historical existence before the entrance of the anthropologist and who continue to struggle, day to day, to survive and retain a sense of autonomous identity after the anthropologist leaves.Here the politics of facts, knowledge, and history have been explored in relation to my own fieldwork in the Zapotec community of Teotitlan del Valle in Oaxaca, Mexico. My discussion focused on the power relations of history and language reflected in the community archives, the ways in which different sectors of the community use history to defend their own agendas and differential access to power in a gendered and economically stratified community, and the ways in which collaborative projects can highlight different bases of linguistic and historical authority within a community.Unlike many indigenous peasant communities in Mexico, Teotitlan is not in the throes of an economic or political crisis. In fact, it probably has one of the highest standards of living of all the indigenous communities in Oaxaca. The community's protection of its many histories has been used, particularly by the merchant sector, as a way of asserting a claim to Zapotec weavings. The cultural claim to the textiles has been used to facilitate the community's insertion into the international capitalist economy. A claim to Zapotec ethnicity has been critical to the community's autonomy struggle as it has worked to gain independence from the Mexican state, first through circumventing documentation of production, and later, by avoiding deep involvement in craft development programs, which put the state in the role of middleman.Other indigenous communities and populations in Mexico and throughout Latin America face a much more severe crisis of autonomy, usually linked first to physical survival, and secondly, to maintaining control over natural resources. In the state of Oaxaca, significant numbers of the human rights violations which have occurred in the 1970s and 1980s involved indigenous peoples who were murdered, beaten, jailed or harassed for ethnically based political activities. Particularly outstanding were abuses leveled against the Trique living in and around San Juan Copala who have engaged in confrontations involving 13,705 hectares of disputed woodlands and communal land.For indigenous communities waging battles for self-determination and autonomy, the representation of history and facts are linked to political struggles to improve material conditions and gain greater control over their place in the larger political-economy. At the level of struggle at which the Trique are engaged in the crisis over authority and representation is played out in armed incursions by troops, police and gunmen, assassinations of Triqui leaders, torture, and rape. In the community of Teotitlan, it is played out more subtly in negotiations with American importers and within the community over prices and who controls the production and distribution of Zapotec weavings. In both instances the politics of facts, knowledge, and history reappear in the colonial encounter people live on a day to day basis and which anthropologists focused on in the 1970s. While the enterprise of ethnography winds itself through changing epistemologies in the pages of journals and at conferences, the lives of indigenous peasants continue in a struggle of empowerment against a history of marginalization.Lynn Stephen is Professor of Anthropology, Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego.     

Phylogeography, risk factors and genetic history of hepatitis C virus in Gabon, central Africa

Background

The epidemiological and molecular characteristics of hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection in the general population have been poorly investigated in Africa. The aim of this study was to determine the prevalence, genotype distribution and epidemic history of HCV in the Gabonese general population.

Methods/Principal Findings

A total of 4042 sera collected from adults in 220 villages in all nine administrative areas of the country were screened for antibodies to HCV. HCV NS5B region sequencing was performed for molecular characterization and population genetic analyses. Of 4042 tested sera, 455 (11.2%) were positive. The seroprevalence of HCV varied significantly by administrative area, with the highest rate in Ogooué-Lolo province (20.4%) and the lowest in Ogooué-Maritine province (3.7%). History of parenteral injections, past hospital admission and age over 55 years were independent risk factors for HCV infection (p<0.0001). Phylogenetic analyses showed that 91.9% of the strains were genotype 4 (HCV-4), 5.7% genotype 1 and 2.2% genotype 2. HCV-4 strains were highly heterogeneous, with more than eight subtypes; subtype 4e predominated (57.3%). Coalescence analyses indicated that subtype 4e was the oldest, with an estimated most recent common ancestor of 1702 [95% CI, 1418–1884]. The epidemic profile indicated that it spread exponentially during the first part of the 20th century, probably by iatrogenic transmission.

Conclusions/Significance

These results confirm the endemicity of HCV subtype 4e in Gabon and show that its spread is due to a cohort effect, with previous, possibly iatrogenic events. More extensive epidemiological studies are needed to better characterize the route of transmission and the dissemination of HCV in Gabon.     

Linking recruitment to trophic factors: revisiting the Beverton--Holt recruitment model from a life history and multispecies perspective

The Beverton--Holt recruitment model can be derived from arguments about evolution of life history traits related to foraging and predation risk, along with spatially localized and temporarily competitive relationships in the habitats where juvenile fish forage and face predation risk while foraging. This derivation explicitly represents two key biotic factors, food supply (I) and predator abundance (R), which appear as a risk ratio (R/I) that facilitates modelling of changes in trophic circumstances and analysis of historical data. The same general recruitment relationship is expected whether the juvenile life history is simple or involves a complex sequence of stanzas; in the complex case, the Beverton--Holt parameters represent weighted averages or integrals of risk ratios over the stanzas. The relationship should also apply in settings where there is complex, mesoscale variation in habitat and predation risk, provided that animals sense this variation and move about so as to achieve similar survival at all mesoscale rearing sites. The model predicts that changes in food and predation risk can be amplified violently in settings where juvenile survival rate is low, producing large changes in recruitment rates over time.