The role of African states in the development of the law of the sea at the third United Nations conference

Abstract

This interpretation of the role of African states in the development of the law of the sea at UNCLOS III analyzes relevant economic and political factors behind policy decisions. First, an analysis is made of the economic factors. The African states are developing states and share the common problems of lack of financial resources, dependence on raw material exports, and lack of managerial and technical skills. As members of the Group of 77, they adopt a common approach to the powers of the International Sea‐bed Authority, the economic zone, scientific research, and transfer of technology. However, there are great divergencies among the African states in natural resources and rate of development; divergent interests have emerged between the coastal states and the landlocked ones, and these differences are reflected in negotiating positions. The major political element dominating the approach of the African states is the colonial heritage of the great majority and their becoming independent in the period between the 1958/60 Conferences and UNCLOS III. This common political background has contributed to the strong cohesion of the African Group and its adherence to a group position throughout the negotiations, despite the divergent economic interests of individual states.

The positions of the African states are analyzed in depth, from the Sea‐bed Committee through the 6th Session of UNCLOS III. One of the major contributions made by the African states to the law of the sea is the development of the economic zone concept, which is essentially different from the extension of the territorial sea proposed by some other developing states, and from the continental shelf concept. The African provision made for participation by landlocked states in access to the living resources of the zone is also an important innovation, which promises a radically new approach to resource management. Finally, the impact made by the African states is examined in the context of the development of a New Economic Order. The law of the sea is seen as one aspect of the global problem of allocating benefits from world resources towards the developing states, and redressing the balance between the industrialized and the developing nations.     

The long arm of the Arab state

ABSTRACT

Under what conditions do authoritarian states exercise control over populations abroad? The securitization of cross-border mobility has been a common theme in examining immigration policies in the Global North. The securitization of emigration and diasporas in non-democratic contexts remains neglected; this is particularly true with regard to Arab states’ extraterritorial authoritarian practices. This article argues that authoritarian states develop a range of migration policies that are driven by the contradictory pressures of economic and political imperatives or, put differently, an illiberal paradox: if a state does not expect economic gains from cross-border mobility, it is more likely to securitize its emigration policy; otherwise, it is more likely to securitize its diaspora policy. The article illustrates this trade-off via a most-similar comparison of Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, and Morocco. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary and secondary sources, it sketches a novel area of research on migration and security.     

The application of a market theory to the regulation of international fisheries

Abstract

This paper discusses the roles of ecological and economic information in the political and legal matrix of international fisheries. An argument is made for vesting exclusive management authority in a monopoly subject to a constraint that stocks not be depleted beyond the point of economic restitution. It is suggested that an appropriate authority be chosen by the criterion of the closest merging of ecological, economic, sociological, and political self‐interests. The reallocation of fishing effort by market dealings rather than by governmental negotiations is visualized as a means to reduce international conflicts over fishing rights. Precedents for the various elements of this model and the dangers inherent in it are discussed.     

The domestic context of Brazilian maritime policy

Abstract

The domestic context of Brazil's emerging maritime policy is discussed from three perspectives. Basic national policy guidelines are examined first, with particular attention given to their, influence in shaping maritime policy. Bureaucratic politics has shaped, and been shaped by, these guidelines, and is examined in a subsequent section. International politics, too, has played an important role in shaping Brazilian maritime policy, and its relationship to the domestic context is explored in a final section. The crucial decision to extend the territorial sea to 200 mi in 1970, including its historical background and aftermath, illustrates these forces shaping maritime policy. Other maritime issues are analyzed to illustrate these forces when relevant.

It is acknowledged that Brazil's prominent position in the South Atlantic has not led it to become a maritime‐oriented state. Increasing efforts have nevertheless been made during the past decade to utilize ocean space and the resources of the sea for national policy ends. As Brazilian maritime policy gained cohesiveness and dynamism in the late 1960s and 1970s, it became complementary to national economic progress and increasingly involved in international economic and political questions.     

Sea Control by Other Means: Norwegian Coast Guard Operations Under International Maritime Law

Abstract

This article examines the development and peacetime activities of the Norwegian Coast Guard through the lens of sea control. It argues that the creation of economic and fisheries protection zones has dramatically shaped the extent to which a smaller naval power, like Norway, has had to increase its ability to monitor and control maritime space. Although the maritime means and ends vary widely between peacetime and wartime contexts, the fundamentally contested aspect of sea use can still be discerned in the influence of international maritime law on Norwegian seapower.     

Corporate political activity in the context of unhealthy food advertising restrictions across Transport for London: A qualitative case study

BackgroundDiets with high proportions of foods high in fat, sugar, and/or salt (HFSS) contribute to malnutrition and rising rates of childhood obesity, with effects throughout the life course. Given compelling evidence on the detrimental impact HFSS advertising has on children’s diets, the World Health Organization unequivocally supports the adoption of restrictions on HFSS marketing and advertising. In February 2019, the Greater London Authority introduced novel restrictions on HFSS advertising across Transport for London (TfL), one of the most valuable out-of-home advertising estates. In this study, we examined whether and how commercial actors attempted to influence the development of these advertising restrictions.Methods and findingsUsing requests under the Freedom of Information Act, we obtained industry responses to the London Food Strategy consultation, correspondence between officials and key industry actors, and information on meetings. We used an existing model of corporate political activity, the Policy Dystopia Model, to systematically analyse arguments and activities used to counter the policy. The majority of food and advertising industry consultation respondents opposed the proposed advertising restrictions, many promoting voluntary approaches instead. Industry actors who supported the policy were predominantly smaller businesses. To oppose the policy, industry respondents deployed a range of strategies. They exaggerated potential costs and underplayed potential benefits of the policy, for instance, warning of negative economic consequences and questioning the evidence underlying the proposal. Despite challenging the evidence for the policy, they offered little evidence in support of their own claims. Commercial actors had significant access to the policy process and officials through the consultation and numerous meetings, yet attempted to increase access, for example, in applying to join the London Child Obesity Taskforce and inviting its members to events. They also employed coalition management, engaging directly and through business associations to amplify their arguments. Some advertising industry actors also raised the potential of legal challenges. The key limitation of this study is that our data focused on industry–policymaker interactions; thus, our findings are unable to present a comprehensive picture of political activity.ConclusionsIn this study, we identified substantial opposition from food and advertising industry actors to the TfL advertising restrictions. We mapped arguments and activities used to oppose the policy, which might help other public authorities anticipate industry efforts to prevent similar restrictions in HFSS advertising. Given the potential consequences of commercial influence in these kinds of policy spaces, public bodies should consider how they engage with industry actors.

In a qualitative case study, Kathrin Lauber and colleagues examine the nature of corporate political activity in the context of unhealthy food advertisement restrictions across transport for London.     

Prioritizing Surgical Care on National Health Agendas: A Qualitative Case Study of Papua New Guinea,Uganda, and Sierra Leone

BackgroundLittle is known about the social and political factors that influence priority setting for different health services in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), yet these factors are integral to understanding how national health agendas are established. We investigated factors that facilitate or prevent surgical care from being prioritized in LMICs.ConclusionsNational health agenda setting is a complex social and political process. To embed surgical care within national health policy, sustained advocacy efforts, effective framing of the problem and solutions, and country-specific data are required. Political, technical, and financial support from regional and international partners is also important.     

Legal regimes for seabed hard mineral mining: Evolution at the federal and state levels

Abstract

During the last decade U.S. government and industry interest in seabed hard minerals has shifted from areas beyond national jurisdiction to those within national jurisdiction. A variety of factors—technical, economic, political, legal—are behind this trend. This article focuses on the legal aspects of federal and state efforts to encourage and regulate seabed minerals exploration activities, prospective avoidance of conflicts between seabed mining and other ocean uses, federal‐state relations in seabed minerals development, and the special situation of mineral deposits spanning the federal‐state boundary offshore.     

China's antarctic policy and the Antarctic Treaty system

Abstract

China began to express its interest in Antarctica in the early 1980s. China acceded to the Antarctic Treaty in 1983 and obtained consultative party status within the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) two years later. Since 1984, China has been sending national scientific expeditions annually to this white continent and the surrounding seas. This article analyzes China's interests in and policy toward Antarctica as a whole by first discussing China's activities in Antarctica, its approaches to the Antarctic Treaty, and its role in the ATS and then exploring the future trend of China's Antarctic policy from political, economic, scientific, and environmental perspectives. The article concludes that, with China's involvement in Antarctic affairs, the vitality of the ATS has been further strengthened and Antarctica can better serve the interest of all mankind.     

With a Little Help from EPR?: Technological Change and Innovation in the Norwegian Plastic Packaging and Electronics Sectors

In this article we discuss the interplay between extended producer responsibility (EPR) and technological change and innovation (TCI) in Norway. We ask whether Norwegian EPR policy has an effect on TCI and, if so, whether it makes any difference how the EPR policies are designed. By carrying out a comparative study between the plastic packaging (PP) sector and electrical and electronic (EE) sector in Norway, we conclude that there is a correlation between Norwegian EPR policy and TCI, but the causality is rather weak. EPR has an effect on downstream activities through increased recycling and indirectly through institutional innovation and learning. It does not, however, make a significant difference how the policies are designed, because they are considered similar by a majority of actors contributing financially to the EPR schemes. As for technological change and innovation upstream, the role of Norwegian EPR policies in the observed trends is not significant. Other factors such as the EPR-based Restriction on Hazardous Substances (RoHS) Directive promulgated by the European Union (EE sector) and the need for competitiveness (PP sector) seem far more important. In order to make collective EPR policies more powerful in inducing technological change and innovation, decision-makers should consider more specific measures that directly address the core businesses of the producers.     

Changing Islam,changing the world: contrasting visions within political Islam

ABSTRACT

How do political Islamists, movements and thinkers view political change? To what extent do they promote violence as a means of bringing about change? Are they themselves willing to change and adapt to modern political systems? There is a wide array of movements in the Muslim world that grapple with these questions and as a consequence, numerous answers and disagreements. This paper will focus on three cardinal and contested issues: Is violence a legitimate means to bring about change? Is it legitimate to adopt Western political institutions? How should Muslim movements and regimes coexist with ancient political entities such as tribes and ethnic groups? By comparing and contrasting the political outlooks of the Muslim Brothers and the Salafi-Jihadis, the article highlights the ideological gaps between moderate and militant political Islam.     

Lack of Correlation Between Antiobesity Policy and Obesity Growth Rates: Review and Analysis

ObjectiveTo review federal, state, and local antiobesity policies and to assess their relationships with obesity growth rates.MethodsWe performed a literature review, acquired data from governmental Internet sources, and assessed the statistical correlation between state antiobesity policies and the concavity in obesity growth rates.ResultsState-by-state antiobesity policies in 3 categories—taxation of sugared beverages and snacks, physical education and physical activity in schools, and funding for bicycle trails—were found to have no significant immediate correlation with the change in obesity growth rates.ConclusionsIneffective antiobesity legislation may be attributable to shortcomings in policy implementation. Behavioral economics and addressing large-scale cultural issues may have critical roles in promoting more healthful lifestyles. We propose that a systems-based paradigm evaluating complex interactions among pathophysiological, cultural, political, economic, and behavioral components can improve antiobesity policy implementation and should therefore be a research focus. (Endocr Pract. 2012;18:737-744)     

Assessing the state of the art in national ocean policy studies

Abstract

For over a decade the nation‐states of the world have been redefining the legal and political status of the world's oceans, both unilaterally and in multilateral negotiations. Despite the growing importance of ocean policy, we know too little concerning what are current nation‐state marine interests, how they make their marine related decisions, or how they organize themselves for marine policy. This paper was written as an organizing paper for a workshop to assess the state of the art in national ocean policy studies. It was sponsored by the Marine Science Affairs Program, International Decade of Ocean Exploration Office, National Science Foundation. The paper states the goal of the workshop, it defines the terms of reference, such as public policy, public policy analysis, comparative public policy analysis and national ocean policy; it offers a “systems”; influenced model for the evaluation of national ocean policy, and it identifies the state of our knowledge of the various components of national ocean policy by performing a computer‐based survey of the literature. Some 5,000 studies were examined and reduced to 1,000 relevant items. Highlights of the findings show that: 1) we know most about the output stage of ocean policy, less about input, little about process; 2) we know most about bureaucratic ocean decisions, less about legislative, little about judicial ocean decisions; 3) output studies rose and declined, input studies have increased steadily, and process studies may show a sharp rise; 4) we know most about the United States, Japan, and the USSR, less about Western Europe, little about the Third World; and 5) most of the studies were conducted by those using “traditional”; research tools.     

Science,politics, and the sea grant college program

Abstract

During its eighteen‐year history of research, education, and advisory activities, the National Sea Grant College Program has played a distinctive role in the nation's efforts to develop, use, and manage its marine resources. The partnership between Sea Grant universities, marine industries, and government agencies has resulted in demonstrable scientific and economic contributions. Despite these successes, the Reagan Administration has proposed termination of the program and embroiled it in a lengthy political struggle for survival. Should Sea Grant survive, its future success will depend increasingly on its ability to support an expanded basic research program.     

Human rights,environment, and development: The dispossession of fishing communities on Lake Malawi

In a growing number of cases throughout Africa, communities' resource bases are being undermined or appropriated by outsiders, a process which seriously threatens the continuation of local cultures and livelihoods. In this article, we use a political ecology framework to examine how the linked processes of economic development, political power, and environmental change are transgressing the rights of fishing communities on the shores of Lake Malawi. In the cases described, these communities, or community members within them, find themselves powerless to prevent the expropriation of the resources over which they previously had either legal or customary control. Thus, it is not the economic processes of dispossession alone which lead to human rights violations but rather dispossession combined with an authoritarian political context.     

Hereditary susceptibility in rheumatic fever

Abstract

The authors criticize past studies for concluding that the relationship between socio‐economic status and infant mortality has declined in modern industrial societies to the degree that it is almost nonexistent. Such studies computed infant death rates utilizing small numbers of births and deaths, resulting in unreliable rates. In this study, social area analysis is employed in a fairly large city with vital data from the early 1970's. The findings indicate a rather strong relationship still exists between SES and infant mortality. Limitations of social area analysis are discussed, and suggestions for future research are given.     

Schismogenesis in the Wilderness: The Reintroduction of Predators in Norwegian Forests

The change in predator policy from state-supported persecution to state-supported protection has created conflicts in several countries. The Norwegian case is in this article analysed by means of Gregory Bateson's schismogenesis concepts: The antagonism between the protectionist and the sheep farmer fronts is maintained and reinforced by stimuli generated through the competition for leadership within each of these fronts. Schismogenesis implies that potentially viable compromises are kept off the political agenda.     

基于老年人口卫生服务分析的医保效果评价

目的 通过对某省老年人口卫生服务需求、利用、就医流向及费用负担等卫生服务指标进行测算,了解现行医保制度的实施效果。方法 通过抽取某省第五次卫生服务调查的老年人群数据,对社会人口学特征、卫生服务需求与利用、医疗卫生费用负担及住院流向等指标进行测算与分析。结果 不同医保制度下,老年人口卫生服务需求与利用存在差异性,且在住院就医服务的选择上尚未形成合理格局,卫生费用负担较重。结论 某省现行医保制度对老年人口的经济保护力度仍有待提高,应调整医保制度卫生福利包的覆盖范围并提高补偿水平,通过政策倾斜构建合理就医格局,进而减轻老年人口的疾病经济负担。     

Divided we stand: attitudes,social classes,and voting for the radical right after the Great Recession in Europe

ABSTRACT

Part of the literature identifies the core constituency of radical right parties (RRPs) in the so-called “modernization losers”. But while analysing the social bloc supporting RRPs, the literature often treats the matter as a monolithic bloc rather than focusing on the different expectations of such a heterogeneous electorate. Our findings indicate that political attitudes and other social characteristics influence the voting behaviour in different ways depending on the voter’s social backgrounds. Our study indicates that while cultural nativism is a common trait of the RR electorate, economic nativism is a significant predictor only for small-business owners and production workers. Our results also indicate also that the significance of Euroscepticism and political distrust as predictors of a RR vote varies across social backgrounds. We conclude by highlighting the need for further research to differentiate within the RR electorate.     

Ethnic intolerance and ethnic conflict in the dissolution of Yugoslavia

The causal link between ethnic intolerance and ethnic conflict is tested using four highly comparable data sets from Croatia that span the time before and after the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia: 1984–5, 1989–90, 1996 and 2003. Though most approaches to ethnic conflict posit a social-psychological dimension critical to violent encounters, our analysis provides an unprecedented empirical examination that dispels the commonly held view that ethnic hatred, hostility, and intolerance are the cause of ethnic conflict. After explaining the events and the shifting social, political and economic landscape that precipitated the war, we examine demographic, social structural and attitudinal changes between 1985 and 2003 that are associated with variation in ethnic intolerance, giving special attention to the connection between religiosity and intolerance. Prior to the war people were slow to translate public tensions into personal animosities. We find strong support for concluding that the events of the war itself and especially elite manipulation of public images of these events, are strongly implicated in rising intolerance during the war, and that the war's residual effect has been slow to dissipate.