Kingship in the Late Preclassic Maya Lowlands: The Instruments and Places of Ritual Power

The Maya of Central America constitute the only truly literate pre-Columbian civilization. Analysis of ancient Maya hieroglyphic texts and accompanying images dating from the Classic period (A.D. 200–900) documents the presence of a central and pervasive institution of governance: ahaw. The material symbol systems of the Lowland Maya of the protoliterate Late Preclassic period (350 B.C.-A.D. 100), as evinced in monumental decorated buildings and in portable art, suggest that these Maya innovated ahaw, the institution of kingship. The authority of ahaw rested upon direct descent and spiritual communion with the ancestors of all Maya, the Ancestral Heroes. Along with noble lineage, ahaw claimed charismatic power through the performance of shamanistic ritual. The Late Preclassic antecedents of the shamanistic parameters of ahaw are discussed in light of Classic and Postclassic ritual expressions.     

Like Water for Chocolate: Feasting and Political Ritual among the Late Classic Maya at Xunantunich, Belize

Subtle differences in the context of feasting and manners of food consumption can point to underlying levels of civil and social competition in state-level societies. Haute cuisine and high styles of dining are characteristic of societies with fully developed civil and social hierarchies such as Renaissance Europe and the Postclassic Aztec. Competitive yet socially circumscribed political and social organizations such as the Classic lowland Maya may have prepared elaborate diacritical meals that marked status, but the nature of feasting remained essentially patriarchal. Ancient Maya feasting is recognizable through archaeologically discernible pottery vessel forms that were used to serve festival fare such as tamales and chocolate. Comparison of ceramic assemblages across civic and household contexts at the site of Xunantunich, Belize, demonstrates that drinking chocolate, more so than eating tamales, served as a symbolic cue that established the political significance of events among the Classic Maya. [ feasting, ancient Maya, pottery analysis, chocolate ]     

Continuity of interpersonal violence between Nubian communities

Modern communities affiliated with the same culture have been shown to experience comparable levels of interpersonal violence, no matter what their size. It was hypothesized that a similar relationship would exist among ancient rural and urban people, but that accident-related trauma may be more prominent among rural dwellers due to their activity base. Through an analysis of antemortem trauma, this investigation contrasted the injury profile of Nubian adult villagers (N = 55) from the Kerma period (2500-1750 BC) to that of their urban neighbors (N = 223) at Kerma (2050-1500 BC). The injury pattern associated with interpersonal violence (cranial injury, direct-force ulna fractures, and multiple injuries) was similar between the two samples, as hypothesized. The rural group sustained significantly more nonviolence-related injuries that suggested occupational or environmental influences. The more severe cranial injuries observed among urban people are attributed to a preference for more lethal hand-wielded objects that may have accompanied increasing local tensions and incursions into Egypt during the 17th Dynasty.     

Warfare related trauma at Orendorf, a middle Mississippian site in west-central Illinois

Skeletal evidence of nonritual interpersonal trauma in the central Illinois valley is currently limited to the terminal prehistoric period in the region. Sixteen percent of the entire Norris Farms Oneota skeletal sample died violently, presumably because they intruded upon small groups of Mississippians who had not yet abandoned the region. Archaeological evidence of palisades, however, suggests that the region was embroiled in conflict before the Oneota arrived though the skeletal evidence supporting more than ritualized or geographically sporadic cases of scalping or embedded projectiles has been elusive. This study examines the frequency and nature of interpersonal trauma at Orendorf, a Middle Mississippian (AD 1150-1250) site at the northern periphery of the region. Nine percent (N = 25) of all 268 individuals documented at Orendorf suffered warfare-related trauma, including 13 cases of scalping, six instances of decapitation, five individuals with healed cranial blunt force trauma, three projectile point impacts, and eight cases of projectile injuries inferred by the burial context. All of the traumatized individuals were at or above the age of 15 years and males and females were victimized equally. The trauma rate among adults is 16%, which is less than that of the Norris Farms Oneota (34%) but higher than other Mississippian groups in the Southeast. The nature of the injuries is more consistent with attacks by outsiders than codified or ritualized intragroup violence.     

Assessing the impact of ancient Maya animal use

Tropical forest animals are at high risk worldwide as a result of over-exploitation and forest clearing. Zooarchaeological studies of animal use by the ancient Maya of the southern lowland regions of Guatemala, Honduras, Belize, and Mexico provide long-term historical information on animal populations under conditions of human population growth and climatic change that is valuable to both archaeology and conservation biology. In this paper, zooarchaeological data from 35 chronologically defined faunal sub-samples recovered from 25 ancient Maya archaeological sites are used to assess the effects of ancient hunting on animal populations of the Maya region between the Preclassic and Colonial periods (2000 BC–AD 1697). The variations in species abundance are used as a proxy for describing changes in ancient Maya hunting practices and hunted animal populations, interpreted on the basis of hunting efficiency models from foraging ecology. A significant reduction in the proportion of large mammals, particularly Odocoileus virginianus, in zooarchaeological assemblages between the Late Classic (AD 600–850) and Terminal Classic/Postclassic periods (AD 850–1519) suggest that over-hunting during the Late Classic may have led to a reduction in availability of these animals to the ancient Maya hunters in the later periods. This finding is discussed in relation to important social and environmental variations to evaluate the impact of hunting and other factors such as forest clearance and climate on ancient animal populations in the Maya region.     

The Collapse of the Classic Maya: A Case for the Role of Water Control

This article focuses on the role of water control in the emergence and demise of Classic Maya political power (c. C.E. 250-950), one that scholars have long underestimated. The scale of water control correlates with the degree of political power, reflected in three levels of Maya civic-ceremonial centers—regional, secondary, and minor. Such power derives from a complex relationship among center location, seasonal water supply, amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. Maya kings monopolized artificial reservoirs and other water sources during annual drought, providing the means to exact tribute from subjects. Climate change undermined the institution of rulership when existing ceremonies and technology failed to provide sufficient water. The collapse of rulers' power at regional centers in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) had differing impacts on smaller centers. Secondary and minor centers not heavily dependent on water control survived the drought and the collapse of regional centers. [Keywords: political power, water control, Classic Maya collapse]     

Trauma and violence in the Wari empire of the Peruvian Andes: warfare, raids, and ritual fights

This study examines bioarchaeological evidence for violence during the period of Wari imperialism in the Peruvian Andes through analysis of skeletal trauma from three populations dating to AD 650-800. The samples are from contemporaneous archaeological sites: Conchopata, a Wari heartland site in central highland Peru; Beringa, a community of commoners in the Majes valley of the southern Wari hinterland; and La Real, a high status mortuary site, also in the Majes valley. Given the expansionist nature of Wari and its military-related iconography and weaponry, it is hypothesized that Wari imperialism was concomitant with greater levels of violence relative to other prehispanic groups in the Andes. It is also hypothesized that differential articulation with the Wari empire (e.g., heartland vs. hinterland groups) affected the frequency and patterning of trauma. Results show that cranial trauma frequency of the three Wari era samples is significantly greater than several other Andean skeletal populations. This suggests that Wari rule was associated with high levels of violence, though it may not have always been related to militarism. The three adult samples show similar frequencies of cranial trauma (Conchopata = 26%; Beringa = 33%; La Real = 31%). This may suggest that differential positioning in the Wari empire had little effect on exposure to violence. Sex-based differences in cranial trauma frequencies are present only at La Real, but wound patterning differs between the sexes: females display more wounds on the posterior of the cranium, while males show more on the anterior. These data suggest that Wari rule may have contributed to violence.     

Possible relationship of cranial traumatic injuries with violence in the south‐east Iberian Peninsula from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age

The main aim of this study was to analyze the presence and distribution of cranial trauma, as possible evidence of violence, in remains from the Neolithic to Bronze Age from the SE Iberian Peninsula. The sample contains skulls, crania, and cranial vaults belonging to 410 prehistoric individuals. We also studied 267 crania from medieval and modern times for comparative purposes. All lesions in the prehistoric crania are healed and none of them can be attributed to a specific weapon. In all studied populations, injuries were more frequent in adults than in subadults and also in males than in females, denoting a sexual division in the risk of suffering accidents or intentional violence. According to the archeological record, the development of societies in the SE Iberian Peninsula during these periods must have entailed an increase in conflict. However, a high frequency of cranial traumatic injuries was observed in the Neolithic series, theoretically a less conflictive time, and the lowest frequency was in crania from the 3rd millennium B.C. (Copper Age), which is characterized by the archeologists as a period of increasing violence. The relatively large size and the high rate of injuries in Neolithic crania and the practice of cannibalism are strongly suggestive of episodes of interpersonal or intergroup conflict. The number and distribution of injuries in Bronze Age is consistent with the increase in violence at that time described by most archeologists. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Beyond palisades: The nature and frequency of late prehistoric deliberate violent trauma in the Chickamauga reservoir of east Tennessee

Based on the presence of palisades and an iconography suggesting a warrior elite, warfare is presumed to be endemic in the Late Mississippian period (AD 1200-1600) of the southeastern United States. Warfare is theorized to play a vital role in the cycling of chiefdoms. However, apart from a few exemplary cases that display double-digit frequencies, very little direct (i.e., skeletal) evidence of violent trauma has dovetailed with the archaeological presumptions of warfare. Eight sites from the Chickamauga Reservoir of east Tennessee were examined for skeletal evidence of deliberate violent trauma. Violent trauma was anticipated because these sites are in close proximity and consist of two adjacent, sociopolitically distinct, and temporally overlapping phases: Dallas (AD 1300-1600) and Mouse Creek (AD 1400-1600). In addition to small, round, nonlethal ectocranial blunt-force trauma (BFT) on the frontal and upper parietal bones, inflicted projectile points and scalping were identified. The low total trauma frequency in the Dallas sample (3.86%, n = 259) is consistent with emerging evidence from east and west Tennessee Late Mississippian data, but significantly different from Mouse Creek (8.06%, n = 273). The proportion of nonlethal cranial BFT in the collective Chickamauga sample is large and at odds with the Tennessee River Valley comparative literature. Based on other bioarchaeological literature, this pattern suggests intragroup violence, but not face-to-face ritual contests. It is better explained as interpersonal conflict resolution along codified lines. This is consistent with southeastern ethnohistoric data and may explain the more frequent cranial BFT in the less stratified Mouse Creek phase, which likely would not have had an overarching civil authority.     

Cranial trauma in iron age Samnite agriculturists, Alfedena, Italy: implications for biocultural and economic stress

The Samnites are an Iron Age protohistoric people from the central region of Italy. The skeletal remains are from the Alfedena necropolis, 6th through 5th centuries B.C. Macchiarelli et al. (Antropologia Contemporanea 4 (1981) 239-243) were the first to report on cranial trauma for this population, presenting four cases with extreme injuries. We re-examined this well documented skeletal population for additional examples of trauma. Previously unexamined remains from Alfedena, excavated at the turn of the 20th century, are also included in our analysis (Mariani. 1901. "Aufidena", ricerche archeologiche e storiche del Sannio settentrionale. Roma: Acc Naz Dei Lincei). Of the 209 adult crania examined, 12.9% of them exhibited trauma. Analysis of location and frequency of cranial trauma revealed that cranial injuries to the head appear to originate from all directions. The high rate of cranial trauma underscores the violent circumstances experienced during the Iron Age protohistoric period of central Italy. Males are much more likely to exhibit cranial injury than females (P = 0.009). We conclude that the injuries received by Samnite male farmer-warriors occurred while defending pastoral-agricultural resources. Trauma rates are similar for some Iron Age populations and not for others. Behavior associated with violence during the Iron Age period can not be generalized for all populations found in Italy.     

The causes and consequences of deforestation among the prehistoric Maya

The collapse of the Classic Maya state is investigated from an ecological perspective. Settlement and palynological data from the Maya center of Copan, Honduras, are presented which indicate that substantial clearing of the upland pine forest had occurred prior to and during the abandonment of that urban center. A comparative use- rate analysis suggests that the increased clearing of pine was primarily caused by demands for domestic fuel wood by an expanding urban population. This forest mismanagement is directly linked to accelerated erosion rates which are considered primary elements in the collapse of the Maya state.     

Skeletal evidence for Inca warfare from the Cuzco region of Peru

This article addresses the bioarchaeological evidence for Inca warfare through an analysis of 454 adult skeletons from 11 sites in the Inca capital region of Cuzco, Peru. These 11 sites span almost 1000 years (AD 600-1532), which allows for a comparison of the evidence for warfare before the Inca came to power (Middle Horizon AD 600-1000), during the time of Inca ascendency in the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400), and after the Inca came to power and expanded throughout the Cuzco region and beyond (Inca Imperial Period, AD 1400-1532). The results indicate that 100 of 454 adults (22.0%) showed evidence of cranial trauma. Of these, 23 individuals had major cranial injuries suggestive of warfare, consisting of large, complete, and/or perimortem fractures. There was scant evidence for major injuries during the Middle Horizon (2.8%, 1/36) and Late Intermediate Period (2.5%, 5/199), suggesting that warfare was not prevalent in the Cuzco region before and during the Inca rise to power. Only in the Inca Imperial Period was there a significant rise in major injuries suggestive of warfare (7.8%, 17/219). Despite the significant increase in Inca times, the evidence for major cranial injuries was only sporadically distributed at Cuzco periphery sites and was entirely absent at Cuzco core sites. These findings suggest that while the Inca used warfare as a mechanism for expansion in the Cuzco region, it was only one part of a complex expansion strategy that included economic, political, and ideological means to gain and maintain control.     

Frequency and patterning of bone trauma in the late medieval population (13th-16th century) from Dugopolje, southern Croatia

The aim of this paper is to test the hypothesis of an increased level of interpersonal violence in Dugopolje during the late medieval period as testified by written sources. In order to accomplish this, an analysis and comparison of frequencies and patterning of long bone and craniofacial fractures between sex and age categories in the Dugopolje skeletal sample was performed. In total 209 excellently preserved adult skeletons were analysed: 111 males and 98 females. The total long bone fracture frequency is 1.5% (29/1910) with a significantly higher frequency in males compared to females. Most of the long bone injuries occurred as a result of accidents, probably due to rugged mountainous terrain, while a certain portion of trauma resulted from deliberate violence. Significantly higher fracture frequencies in males could be a result of a strict sexual division of labour where males performed more physically demanding and risky tasks, as witnessed by historical sources. 26 out of 119 complete adult crania (21.8%) exhibit skeletal trauma with significantly higher frequencies in males. Perimortem trauma was observed in one individual while antemortem healed sharp force lesions were registered in five individuals (all males). The predominance of frontal craniofacial injuries, as well as the presence ofperimortem trauma and sharp force lesions, suggests the presence of deliberate violence in this community. Although the indicators of deliberate violence were recorded predominantly in males, suggesting that intentional violence in Dugopolje was exclusively males' prerogative, the presence of nasal fracture in a female skeleton might point to a male towards female violence. Presented bioarchaeological data are in accordance with the written documents thus corroborating the claims of an increased level of deliberate interpersonal violence in the late medieval population from Dugopolje.     

Biocultural interpretations of trauma in two prehistoric Pacific Island populations from Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands

Two Pacific Island skeletal samples originating from the inland site of Nebira, Papua New Guinea (1230–1650) and a coastal site on the small island of Taumako, Solomon Islands (1530–1698) were examined for evidence of skeletal trauma using a biocultural approach. The types of trauma identified were cranial trauma, postcranial fractures, and piercing and sharp force trauma. Both samples exhibit trauma (Nebira, n = 9/28, 32.1%; Taumako, n = 17/133, 12.8%). Postcranial fractures are significantly higher in males from Nebira (Fisher Exact P value = 0.025). The prevalence of cranial trauma (n = 6/28, 21.4%) is significantly higher in Nebira individuals (Fisher Exact P value = 0.007). There is no conclusive evidence of piercing trauma at Nebira unlike Taumako, which has four individuals with evidence of piercing or sharp force trauma. Both samples show evidence of interpersonal violence and warfare. The results suggest the environment may have contributed to the pattern of trauma at these sites. These patterns are discussed within their cultural and environmental contexts. Am J Phys Anthropol 142:509–518, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Founding Amerindian mitochondrial DNA lineages in ancient Maya from Xcaret, Quintana Roo

Ancient DNA from the bone remains of 25 out of 28 pre-Columbian individuals from the Late Classic-Postclassic Maya site of Xcaret, Quintana Roo, was recovered, and mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) was amplified by using the polymerase chain reaction. The presence of the four founding Amerindian mtDNA lineages was investigated by restriction analysis and by direct sequencing in selected individuals. The mtDNA lineages A, B, and C were found in this population. Eighty-four percent of the individuals were lineage A, whereas lineages B and C were present at low frequencies, 4% and 8%, respectively. Lineage D was absent from our sample. One individual did not possess any of the four lineages. Six skeletons out of 7 dated from the Late Classic period were haplotype A, whereas 11 skeletons out of 16 dated from the Postclassic period were also haplotype A. The distribution of mtDNA lineages in the Xcaret population contrasts sharply with that found in ancient Maya from Copán, which lack lineages A and B. On the other hand, our results resemble more closely the frequencies of mtDNA lineages found in contemporary Maya from the Yucatán Peninsula and in other Native American contemporary populations of Mesoamerican origin.     

Interpersonal violence in prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: behavioral implications of environmental stress

The prehistoric population of San Pedro de Atacama lived through periods marked by prosperity and interregional interaction, as well as times of severe drought, social stress, and widespread poverty. A sample of 682 crania was analyzed for evidence of cranial trauma in order to assess changing patterns of interpersonal violence during the occupation of the oasis. It was hypothesized that the level of traumatic injuries in this population would parallel some of the changes seen in the archaeological record. Low fracture rates would be expected in periods of affluence and environmental stability, while periods characterized by environmental extremes and state collapse would yield elevated rates of aggression. This analysis found that rates of trauma escalated from 5.1% (5/99) in the earliest period, to 10.9% (10/92) in the Middle Horizon (AD 600-950). Although it may reflect problems related to increasing population density in the oasis, this increase is surprising, given that the early period witnessed the shift to permanent settlements, and the middle period was one of prosperity and plentiful resource availability. Trauma rates peaked at 35.6% (16/45) in an early Late Intermediate period (AD 950-1400) cemetery, with other Late Intermediate cemeteries demonstrating similarly high rates of traumatic injury. The elevated trauma rates during this period correlate with major droughts, the concentration of settlements on the oasis' east side, fortified structures, and material poverty, all reflected in the archaeological record. As the Late Intermediate waned and environmental conditions improved, trauma concomitantly decreased (7.0%), and remained low throughout the Inka occupation (AD 1400-1532). This indicates that while the Atacama was not peaceful, violence became commonplace only during periods of great social change and resource stress.     

Bone fractures as indicators of intentional violence in the eastern adriatic from the antique to the late medieval period (2nd-16th century AD)

To test the historically documented hypothesis of a general increase in deliberate violence in the eastern Adriatic from the antique (AN; 2nd–6th c.) through the early medieval (EM; 7th–11th c.) to the late‐medieval period (LM; 12th–16th c.), an analysis of the frequency and patterning of bone trauma was conducted in three skeletal series from these time periods. A total of 1,125 adult skeletons—346 from the AN, 313 from the EM, and 466 from the LM series—were analyzed. To differentiate between intentional violence and accidental injuries, data for trauma frequencies were collected for the complete skeleton, individual long bones, and the craniofacial region as well as by type of injury (perimortem vs. antemortem). The results of our analyses show a significant temporal increase in total fracture frequencies when calculated by skeleton as well as of individuals exhibiting one skeletal indicator of deliberate violence (sharp force lesions, craniofacial injuries, “parry” fractures, or perimortem trauma). No significant temporal increases were, however, noted in the frequencies of craniofacial trauma, “parry” fractures, perimortem injuries, or of individuals exhibiting multiple skeletal indicators of intentional violence. Cumulatively, these data suggest that the temporal increase in total fracture frequencies recorded in the eastern Adriatic was caused by a combination of factors that included not only an increase of intentional violence but also a significant change in lifestyle that accompanied the transition from a relatively affluent AN urban lifestyle to a more primitive rural medieval way of life. Am J Phys Anthropol 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Detection of a population replacement at the Classic-Postclassic transition in Mexico

The Mexica Empire reached an outstanding social, economic and politic organization among Mesoamerican civilizations. Even though archaeology and history provide substantial information about their past, their biological origin and the demographic consequences of their settlement in the Central Valley of Mexico remain unsolved. Two main hypotheses compete to explain the Mexica origin: a social reorganization of the groups already present in the Central Valley after the fall of the Classic centres or a population replacement of the Mesoamerican groups by migrants from the north and the consequent setting up of the Mexica society. Here, we show that the main changes in the facial phenotype occur during the Classic-Postclassic transition, rather than in the rise of the Mexica. Furthermore, Mexica facial morphology seems to be already present in the early phases of the Postclassic epoch and is not related to the northern facial pattern. A combination of geometric morphometrics with Relethford-Blangero analyses of within- versus among-group variation indicates that Postclassic groups are more variable than expected. This result suggests that intense gene exchange was likely after the fall of the Classic and maybe responsible for the Postclassic facial phenotype. The source population for the Postclassic groups could be located somewhere in western Mesoamerica, since North Mexico and Central Mesoamerican Preclassic and Classic groups are clearly divergent from the Postclassic ones. Similarity among Preclassic and Classic groups and those from Aridoamerica could be reflecting the ancestral phenotypic pattern characteristic of the groups that first settled Mesoamerica.