Rethinking Ancient Maya Social Organization: Replacing "Lineage" with "House"

Long-standing disagreements concerning prehispanic Maya kinship and social organization have focused on the nature of their corporate groups, generally presumed to have been lineages. Specific debates center on whether the lineages were patrilineal or incorporated some kind of double-descent reckoning, how descent was combined with locality to define a group, and the status of lineage-outsiders within a group. It is argued here that Maya social organization is better approached within the contemporary critique of kinship, replacing "lineage" with Lévi-Strauss's model of the "house"—a corporate group maintaining an estate perpetuated by the recruitment of members whose relationships are expressed "in the language" of kinship and affinity and affirmed by purposeful actions. In this perspective, the operation of corporate groups is the primary concern, and relationships construed in terms of consanguinity and affinity are seen as strategies pursued to enhance and perpetuate the group, [ancestor veneration, house society, kinship, Maya, social organization]     

Conquests of the Imagination: Maya-Mexican Polarity and the Story of Chichén Itzá

For generations scholars have explained the marked difference in the ruins of Chichén Itzá by attributing the southern buildings to indigenous Yucatecan Maya and then telling of central Mexican Toltec invaders who built (or forced the Maya to build) the Tula-like plaza to the north. But evidence now suggests that the infamous "Toltec conquest of the Maya" never happened. The story may actually be the manifestation of a Western tendency to express ambivalent attitudes toward Native Americans in terms of polar opposites, in this case, "gentle Maya priests" versus "brutal Mexican warriors." In the end, the story may reveal more about the Western politics of knowledge than about pre-Columbian Mesoamerican history.     

Classic Maya State, Urbanism, and Exchange: Chipped Stone Evidence of the Copán Valley and Its Hinterland

In this article I use quantitative data from 91,916 pieces of chipped stone artifacts from the Copán Valley and its hinterland in Honduras to understand better the nature and role of exchange in the development of a Classic Maya state-level society. The results of this study suggest that intraregional exchange was more crucial for state development than was longdistance exchange. The management of procurement and exchange of utilitarian commodities, such as Ixtepeque obsidian blade cores, along with other factors, played a significant role in the development of the Copán state. In contrast to other major Maya lowland states, the Copán state directly obtained obsidian blade cores from nearby sources, distributed them to local leaders at Copán, and exported them to local rulers in neighboring regions. In this sense, the Classic Copán state maintained a centralized and integrated political and economic organization based on far more than kinship, ideology, and ritual, [exchange, complex society, urbanism, Classic Maya state]     

Maya mobile medicine in Guatemala: the "other" public health

Maya mobile medical providers in highland Guatemala and the goods and services that they offer from "soapboxes" on street corners, local markets, and on buses exemplify an important yet underinvestigated domain of localized health care, one that I refer to as the "other" public health. This medical and linguistic examination of traveling medical salespeople calls for a reconsideration (on a global scale) of what has come to be understood as "public health," arguing that "othered," local forms of public health that are often overlooked by anthropologists as "nontraditional" and delegitimized by bio-medicine as nonscientific merit serious consideration and investigation. This ethnography of marginalized forms of public health offers global insights into emerging heterodoxical forms of public health care that contest bio-medical authority and challenge our preexisting definitions of what counts as "access," wellness seeking, and even health care itself.     

The Symbols of "Forest": A Structural Analysis of Mbuti Culture and Social Organization

This structural analysis of the Epulu Mbuti (Zaire) offers an "ideationalist" alternative to more radically "empiricist" or "materialist" studies of hunter-gatherers. Spatial, kinship, affinal, and ritual metaphors of the "Forest" (ndura) involve homologous representations of family, sub-band, band, and total Forest collectivities. Peculiarly Mbuti "anomalies" (e.g., reputed absence of kinship, patriliny, and sub-band groups; elima ritual; age and gender equality) become intelligible in terms of resolving the core contradiction of the system: endogamy versus exogamy.     

Genealogy of wine grape cultivars: "Pinot" is related to "Syrah"

Since the domestication of wild grapes ca 6000 years ago, numerous cultivars have been generated by spontaneous or deliberate crosses, and up to 10 000 are still in existence today. Just as in human paternity analysis, DNA typing can reveal unexpected parentage of grape cultivars. In this study, we have analysed 89 grape cultivars with 60 microsatellite markers in order to accurately calculate the identity-by-descent (IBD) and relatedness (r) coefficients among six putatively related cultivars from France ("Pinot", "Syrah" and "Dureza") and northern Italy ("Teroldego", "Lagrein" and "Marzemino"). Using a recently developed likelihood-based approach to analyse kinship in grapes, we provide the first evidence of a genetic link between grapes across the Alps: "Dureza" and "Teroldego" turn out to be full-siblings (FS). For the first time in grapevine genetics we were able to detect FS without knowing one of the parents and identify unexpected second-degree relatives. We reconstructed the most likely pedigree that revealed a third-degree relationship between the worldwide-cultivated "Pinot" from Burgundy and "Syrah" from the Rhone Valley. Our finding was totally unsuspected by classical ampelography and it challenges the commonly assumed independent origins of these grape cultivars. Our results and this new approach in grape genetics will (a) help grape breeders to avoid choosing closely related varieties for new crosses, (b) provide pedigrees of cultivars in order to detect inheritance of disease-resistance genes and (c) open the way for future discoveries of first- and second-degree relationships between grape cultivars in order to better understand viticultural migrations.     

"The Hands Know": Bodily Engagement and Medical Impasse in Highland Maya Bonesetting

In southern Middle America, highland Maya bonesetters are called on to treat many cases of bodily injury. While Guatemalan Maya bonesetters vary greatly in their techniques and specialties, they prioritize manual treatment modalities, using their hands to address problems in clients' bodies. For bonesetters, the hands achieve direct knowledge of the suffering body, enabling them to work and securing the trust of those they treat. Nonetheless, Maya bonesetters face opposition from physicians who argue that bonesetters are untrained in Western trauma techniques and can inflict irreparable harm on people. This article examines how Maya bonesetters work in an environment hostile to their craft and explores some important vectors of bodily and ideological engagement between Maya bonesetting and Guatemalan biomedicine. [Maya bonesetters, manual medicine, embodied knowledge]     

Genomic insights on the ethno-history of the Maya and the ‘Ladinos’ from Guatemala

Background

Guatemala is a multiethnic and multilingual country located in Central America. The main population groups separate ‘Ladinos’ (mixed Native American-African-Spanish), and Native indigenous people of Maya descent. Among the present-day Guatemalan Maya, there are more than 20 different ethnic groups separated by different languages and cultures. Genetic variation of these communities still remains largely unexplored. The principal aim of this study is to explore the genetic variability of the Maya and ‘Ladinos’ from Guatemala by means of uniparental and ancestry informative markers (AIMs).

Results

Analyses of uniparental genetic markers indicate that Maya have a dominant Native American ancestry (mitochondrial DNA [mtDNA]: 100%; Y-chromosome: 94%). ‘Ladino’, however, show a clear gender-bias as indicated by the large European ancestry observed in the Y-chromosome (75%) compared to the mtDNA (0%). Autosomal polymorphisms (AIMs) also mirror this marked gender-bias: (i) Native American ancestry: 92% for the Maya vs. 55% for the ‘Ladino’, and (ii) European ancestry: 8% for the Maya vs. 41% for the ‘Ladino’. In addition, the impact of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade on the present-day Guatemalan population is very low (and only occurs in the ‘Ladino’; mtDNA: 9%; AIMs: 4%), in part mirroring the fact that Guatemala has a predominant orientation to the Pacific Ocean instead of a Caribbean one. Sequencing of entire Guatemalan mitogenomes has led to improved Native American phylogeny via the addition of new haplogroups that are mainly observed in Mesoamerica and/or the North of South America.

Conclusions

The data reveal the existence of a fluid gene flow in the Mesoamerican area and a predominant unidirectional flow towards South America, most likely occurring during the Pre-Classic (1800 BC-200 AD) and the Classic (200–1000 AD) Eras of the Mesoamerican chronology, coinciding with development of the most distinctive and advanced Mesoamerican civilization, the Maya. Phylogenetic features of mtDNA data also suggest a demographic scenario that is compatible with moderate local endogamy and isolation in the Maya combined with episodes of gene exchange between ethnic groups, suggesting an ethno-genesis in the Guatemalan Maya that is recent and supported on a cultural rather than a biological basis.

Electronic supplementary material

The online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12864-015-1339-1) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.     

The register of "complaint": psychiatric diagnosis and the discourse of grievance in the south Indian mental health encounter

In the language of the medical file, "complaint" refers to the symptoms and ailments reported by the patient. In this article, I draw on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2004 and 2007 in the mental healthcare setting in South India to argue that the typology of "complaint" and the dialogic exchanges involved in its production mark a far wider catchment area for the allegations and grievances that circulate between patient, kin, clinician, and observing anthropologist. I propose the notion of the register of complaint as a hermeneutic for grappling with the emotionally charged, interactional processes of accusation, arbitration, and reportage that drive clinical modes of inquiry and evaluation in the South Indian mental health encounter. Ethnographic case studies suggest that grievance and accusation command both a vital directive force and evidentiary role in the social, moral, and emotional work of psychiatric diagnosis. [complaint, diagnosis, kinship and family, emotion,     

Population structure of the Classic period Maya

This study examines the population structure of Classic period (A.D. 250-900) Maya populations through analysis of odontometric variation of 827 skeletons from 12 archaeological sites in Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and Honduras. The hypothesis that isolation by distance characterized Classic period Maya population structure is tested using Relethford and Blangero's (Hum Biol 62 (1990) 5-25) approach to R matrix analysis for quantitative traits. These results provide important biological data for understanding ancient Maya population history, particularly the effects of the competing Tikal and Calakmul hegemonies on patterns of lowland Maya site interaction. An overall F(ST) of 0.018 is found for the Maya area, indicating little among-group variation for the Classic Maya sites tested. Principal coordinates plots derived from the R matrix analysis show little regional patterning in the data, though the geographic outliers of Kaminaljuyu and a pooled Pacific Coast sample did not cluster with the lowland Maya sites. Mantel tests comparing the biological distance matrix to a geographic distance matrix found no association between genetic and geographic distance. In the Relethford-Blangero analysis, most sites possess negative or near-zero residuals, indicating minimal extraregional gene flow. The exceptions were Barton Ramie, Kaminaljuyu, and Seibal. A scaled R matrix analysis clarifies that genetic drift is a consideration for understanding Classic Maya population structure. All results indicate that isolation by distance does not describe Classic period Maya population structure.     

Assessing the impact of ancient Maya animal use

Tropical forest animals are at high risk worldwide as a result of over-exploitation and forest clearing. Zooarchaeological studies of animal use by the ancient Maya of the southern lowland regions of Guatemala, Honduras, Belize, and Mexico provide long-term historical information on animal populations under conditions of human population growth and climatic change that is valuable to both archaeology and conservation biology. In this paper, zooarchaeological data from 35 chronologically defined faunal sub-samples recovered from 25 ancient Maya archaeological sites are used to assess the effects of ancient hunting on animal populations of the Maya region between the Preclassic and Colonial periods (2000 BC–AD 1697). The variations in species abundance are used as a proxy for describing changes in ancient Maya hunting practices and hunted animal populations, interpreted on the basis of hunting efficiency models from foraging ecology. A significant reduction in the proportion of large mammals, particularly Odocoileus virginianus, in zooarchaeological assemblages between the Late Classic (AD 600–850) and Terminal Classic/Postclassic periods (AD 850–1519) suggest that over-hunting during the Late Classic may have led to a reduction in availability of these animals to the ancient Maya hunters in the later periods. This finding is discussed in relation to important social and environmental variations to evaluate the impact of hunting and other factors such as forest clearance and climate on ancient animal populations in the Maya region.     

Round and large: morphological and genetic consequences of artificial selection on the gourd tree Crescentia cujete by the Maya of the Yucatan Peninsula, Mexico

Background and Aims

Artificial selection, the main driving force of domestication, depends on human perception of intraspecific variation and operates through management practices that drive morphological and genetic divergences with respect to wild populations. This study analysed the recognition of varieties of Crescentia cujete by Maya people in relation to preferred plant characters and documents ongoing processes of artificial selection influencing differential chloroplast DNA haplotype distribution in sympatric wild and home-garden populations.

Methods

Fifty-three home gardens in seven villages (93 trees) and two putative wild populations (43 trees) were sampled. Through semi-structured interviews we documented the nomenclature of varieties, their distinctive characters, provenance, frequency and management. Phenotypic divergence of fruits was assessed with morphometric analyses. Genetic analyses were performed through five cpDNA microsatellites.

Key Results

The Maya recognize two generic (wild/domesticated) and two specific domesticated (white/green) varieties of Crescentia cujete. In home gardens, most trees (68 %) were from domesticated varieties while some wild individuals (32 %) were tolerated. Cultivation involves mainly vegetative propagation (76 %). Domesticated fruits were significantly rounder, larger and with thicker pericarp than wild fruits. Haplotype A was dominant in home gardens (76 %) but absent in wild populations. Haplotypes B–F were found common in the wild but at low frequency (24 %) in home gardens.

Conclusions

The gourd tree is managed through clonal and sexual propagules, fruit form and size being the main targets of artificial selection. Domesticated varieties belong to a lineage preserved by vegetative propagation but propagation by seeds and tolerance of spontaneous trees favour gene flow from wild populations. Five mutational steps between haplotypes A and D suggest that domesticated germplasm has been introduced to the region. The close relationship between Maya nomenclature and artificial selection has maintained the morphological and haplotypic identity (probably for centuries) of domesticated Crescentia despite gene flow from wild populations.     

Statistical test for detecting overdispersion in offspring number based on kinship information

In this paper, we develop a theory of a new statistic that tests overdispersion in offspring number on the basis of exactly known kinship relationships. The statistic utilizes the sample size and the number of kinship pairs found in a sample, specially the number of mother–offspring (MO) and maternal–half-sibling (MHS) pairs. Given a sufficiently large sample size, the statistic proposed in this paper approximately follows a standard-normal distribution under non-overdispersed conditions (Poisson’s variance). We found that (1) the value of the statistic (\(\ge 2\) or \(<2\)) reasonably indicates whether reproduction is overdispersed at the 5% significance level; (2) the power of the statistic is determined primarily by the balance between the degree of overdispersion and the sample size; (3) in many cases, if the number of kinship pairs can be approximated by a normal distribution, false-positive and false-negative situations can be avoided. The proposed method can detect moderate-weak levels of overdispersion that produce few MHS pairs in a sample because the effect of the population size (which determines the number of detected MHS pairs) is canceled by the detection of the number of MO pairs. Once the kinship determination procedure is established, this indirect measurement will be readily applicable to species even with weak overdispersion, expanding the available opportunities for understanding how overdispersion in offspring number affects ecological processes.     

Plasticity,political economy,and physical growth status of Guatemala Maya children living in the United States

Migration of Maya refugees to the United States since the late 1970s affords the opportunity to study the consequences of life in a new environment on the growth of Maya children. The children of this study live in Indiantown, Florida, and Los Angeles, California. Maya children between 4 and 14 years old (n = 240) were measured for height, weight, fatness, and muscularity. Overall, compared with reference data for the United States, the Maya children are, on average, healthy and well nourished. They are taller and heavier and carry more fat and muscle mass than Maya children living in a village in Guatemala. However, they are shorter, on average, than children of black, Mexican-American, and white ethnicity living in Indiantown. Children of Maya immigrants born in the United States tend to be taller than immigrant children born in Guatemala or Mexico. Families that invest economic and social resources in their children tend to have taller children. More economically successful families have taller children. Migration theory and political economy theory from the social sciences are combined with plasticity theory and life history theory (parental investment) from biology to interpret these data. Am J Phys Anthropol 102:17–32, 1997. © 1997 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Bacteriocins, spite and virulence

There has been much interest in using social evolution theory to predict the damage to a host from parasite infection, termed parasite virulence. Most of this work has focused on how high kinship between the parasites infecting a host can select for more prudent exploitation of the host, leading to a negative relationship between virulence and parasite kinship. However, it has also been shown that if parasites can cooperate to overcome the host, then high parasite kinship within hosts can select for greater cooperation and higher growth rates, hence leading to a positive relationship between virulence and parasite kinship. We examine the impact of a spiteful behaviour, chemical (bacteriocin) warfare between microbes, on the evolution of virulence, and find a new relationship: virulence is maximized when the frequency of kin among parasites' social partners is low or high, and is minimized at intermediate values. This emphasizes how biological details can fundamentally alter the qualitative nature of theoretical predictions made by models of parasite virulence.     

Rapid morphological change in living humans: implications for modern human origins

Human body size and body proportions are interpreted as markers of ethnicity, 'race,' adaptation to temperature, nutritional history and socioeconomic status. Some studies emphasize only one of these indicators and other studies consider combinations of indicators. To better understand the biocultural nature of human size and proportions a new study of the growth of Maya-American youngsters was undertaken in 1999 and 2000. One purpose of this research is to assess changes in body proportion between Maya growing up in the US and Maya growing up in Guatemala. Height and sitting height of 6-12-year-old boys and girls (n=360) were measured and the sitting height ratio [sitting height/height]x100, a measure of proportion, was calculated. These data are compared with a sample of Maya of the same ages living in Guatemala and measured in 1998 (n=1297). Maya-American children are currently 10.24 cm taller, on average, and have a significantly lower sitting height ratio, (i.e. relatively longer legs, averaging 7.02 cm longer) than the Guatemala Maya. Maya-American children have body proportions more like those of white children in the US than like Maya children in Guatemala. Improvements in the environment for growth, in terms of nutrition and health, seem to explain both the trends in greater stature and relatively longer legs for the Maya-Americans. These findings are applied to the problem of modern human origins as assessed from fossil skeletons. It has been proposed that heat adapted, relatively long-legged Homo sapiens from Africa replaced the cold adapted, relatively short-legged Homo neandertalensis of the Levant and Europe [J Hum Evol 32 (1997a) 423]. Skeletal samples of Maya adults from rural Guatemala have body proportions similar to adult Neandertals and to skeletal samples from Europe with evidence of nutritional and disease stress. Just as nutrition and health status explains the differences in the body proportions of living Maya children, these factors, along with adaptation to climate, may also explain much of the differences between the Neandertal and African hominid samples.