Democratic Hauntings: Michael Hanchard’s the Spectre of Race and the challenge of comparison

Michael Hanchard’s the Spectre of Race: How Discrimination Haunts Western Democracy is a sophisticated examination of the disciplinary absence and seething presence of race in the subfield and substance of comparative politics. Hanchard’s analysis reveals a genealogy of how certain concepts, such as political culture, came to be institutionalized in the discipline. Because disciplines discipline, the resultant marginalization of race in comparative politics is itself an act of power. Many of his insights are revelatory, though a more explicit excavation of racial transnationalism is warranted. Such an effort would: first, demonstrate that the transnational “entanglements” Hanchard details are even more knotted than originally presumed; second, challenge the conflation of racialization and colonialism; and third, question whether liberal democratic inclusion is possible or even worth the price of the ticket.     

Hope For/Against the State: Gridding in a Besieged Sarajevo Suburb

Anthropological dealings with the state often convey hope by replicating the hope of their subjects against the state. This libertarian paradigm provides effective analytical tools to grasp people's evasion of state grids, through cultural resilience-in-authenticity and/or autonomous self-organisation. Yet it cannot conceptualise their affective and practical investments in ordering statecraft, i.e. their hope for the state. Through a case study of self-organisation in the besieged outskirts of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, this article traces inhabitants’ yearnings for ‘normal lives’ and their efforts to allow the latter to unfold. I focus on schooling and its temporal calibration of routines, framed in the vertical encompassment of statecraft. Against the reduction of hope to hope against the state, the complementary analytical tool of ‘gridding’, I propose, allows an alternative form of replication, capturing people's yearnings for the convergence of top-down and upward/outward organisation of predictability on different scales.     

Is there a racial order? Comments on Emirbayer and Desmond

ABSTRACT

Emirbayer and Desmond’s THE RACIAL ORDER is a heroic but ultimately quixotic effort. The work relies upon an attempted synthesis of Deweyan pragmatism and Bourdieuian social capital theory. Emirbayer and Desmond deploy an uneasy combination of approaches, insisting upon ‘reflexivity’ in sociological study of race and racism (the pragmatism dimension), and crafting a dubious taxonomy of sociological ‘fields’ where racial conflict takes shape, and in which sociologists study race as well (the social capital dimension). A chapter on ‘racial reconstruction’ proposes to apply their understanding to concrete political struggles, in pursuit of an augmented ‘racial democracy’. While the book is tremendously erudite theoretically and provides a valuable literature review, it does not advance racial theory very much. The authors are distracted by Bourdieu’s scientism and obsession with classification. Although ‘racial order’ is revealed to be a chimera, there is still much to be learned here.     

The hollow shell: Loïc Wacquant's vision of state,race and economics

Wacquant's ‘Marginality, Ethnicity and Penality in the Neo-liberal City’ makes important contributions to our understanding of the role of state in shaping patterns of racial domination under neo-liberal regimes. As important as his contributions are, however, two major flaws in his conceptual framework undermine the utility of his approach for either scholarly analysis or political intervention. First, Wacquant systematically and incorrectly downplays the role of capitalism in shaping the dynamics of racial domination under neo-liberalism. Second, Wacquant, by focusing on what he calls ‘hierarchies of honour’, misses the essence of the racial order in the USA and worldwide – a racial order that continues to promote white supremacy as a system of exploitation and domination.     

Looking for immigration law

Culling the Masses by Professors David Scott FitzGerald and David Cook-Martín is an impressive work that makes important scholarly contributions. It analyses the trend in the USA, Canada, Cuba, Mexico, Brazil and Argentina away from explicit racial discrimination in immigration laws. One layer of the book's argument examines how ‘vertical’ (domestic) and ‘horizontal’ (external) forces led these countries to abandon explicit racism. In another layer, the book argues that this anti-racist turn was not a product of democracy. Instead, racist immigration laws were often the product of democratic influences and institutions. The nuanced examination of external influences on national immigration laws in Culling the Masses is an invaluable contribution. However, its inconsistent definition of ‘immigration law’ across countries leaves incomplete both its assessment of racism in the present-day immigration laws, and in turn, its assessment of the relationship between democracy and racism.     

John W. Burgess,the racial state and the making of the American science of politics

This article examines the place of racial ideas in the constitution of political science as an academic discipline in the USA. For the Gilded Age generation that built the first PhD-granting departments in political science in the country, ‘race’ was the source of sovereignty, the basis of democratic legitimacy and a tool for delineating democracy's borders. It was also an important element of that cohort's aspiration to a ‘science’ of politics, distinct from what they viewed as the ‘abstract and formal’ theorizing of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Moreover, while the brand of racialism that characterized this founding moment came to seem outmoded within a few decades, in the 1920s political scientists seeking once again to claim an empirical, scientific basis for their discipline – and for American democracy – turned to new accounts and sciences of race.     

The contested meanings of 'Asian American': racial dilemmas in the contemporary US

This article explores the contested meanings of the ‘Asian American’ concept in the US today. Since its emergence in the late 1960s, ‘Asian American’ has been defined by pan-Asian groups and organizations in the US as a collectivity bound by shared racial interests. Contemporary conditions have sharpened and highlighted the inherent contradictions and ambiguities of this conception of ‘Asian American’ as a racial interest group. Especially important have been the shifts in the composition of the Asian American population that followed the immigration reforms of 1965. Contestations of ‘Asian American’ also reflect larger uncertainties about the meaning of race in the US today, in particular, the nature of racial boundaries and racial disadvantage.     

Apartheid's end: South Africa's transition from racial domination

South Africa's transition to inclusive democracy does not conform to the prevalent theories of either revolution, or élite controlled ‘pact‐making’ as in Brazil. As a country long divided between supporters and opponents of racial domination, the loyalty of the former prevented a revolutionary overthrow, and the resistance of the latter drove and impinged upon negotiations. To account for South Africa's transition, we must take cognizance of the history of racial domination as the central impediment to democracy in that country. I argue that such racial domination was encoded as a means of unifying white ethnic groups, previously at war. Over the course of this century, amidst ongoing tension, intra‐white conflict was diminished with policies unifying whites on racial grounds. But such policies, excluding blacks, provoked massive resistance. When white unity had been more largely achieved, and the nation‐state and its economy threatened by growing protest by the majority, apartheid was ended. This process conforms with the seminal argument of Dunkwart Rustow (1970), that democracy can be achieved only with greater ‘national unity’ gained through contestation.     

The Middle East's majority problems: minoritarian regimes and the threat of democracy

This article examines the phenomenon of minoritarian regimes in the Middle East, focusing on Bahrain, Syria and Israel/Palestine. It considers, in each, how minority rule was established, the mechanisms through which it is maintained, and the means through which it is legitimated. Although these regimes are not typically analyzed as a category, they have important features in common. In all three, the state's political and security institutions are controlled by members of an ethnic/religious group that is a numerical minority in the country, at the expense of a majority group with a competing claim to indigeneity. While the legal and political mechanisms that these regimes use to restrict access to power vary, they employ similar strategies for legitimating minority rule, presenting democracy as a threat not only to the regime's survival, but also to the security of the group whose interests it claims to represent.     

Meritocracy dismissed

Undergraduates at elite universities in the US and UK are, according to Dr Warikoo, conflicted about the relation of racial diversity to meritocracy. In the US, white students view racial minorities as academically less qualified but as providing a diversity benefit; UK students view minorities as equal members of a meritocracy but turn a blind eye to racial disparities on and off campus. What Warikoo’s narrative overlooks is the role played by differences between the US and the UK in the educational paths and testing regimes that produce these disparate mentalities. Although 40 per cent of America’s colleges offer test-optional admissions, some like Harvard still require SAT/ACT scores. The SAT/ACT are predictively weak and biased, stigmatizing minorities as underperformers. Test biases and the predictive superiority of high school grades are not widely understood. Warikoo’s proposal to blow up meritocracy with an admissions lottery is to be applauded.     

Intermediate Moral Respect and Proportionality Reasoning

In a recent article in this journal Jonathan Pugh critiques the idea of intermediate ‘moral respect’ which some say is owed to embryos. This concept is inherent within the ‘principle of proportionality’, the principle that destructive research on embryos is permissable only if the research serves an important purpose. Pugh poses two specific questions to proponents of the idea of intermediate moral respect. This article argues that while the questions posed by Pugh are certainly pertinent to the debate, the hypothetical responses he suggests to these questions do not quite get to the core of what is troublesome about the concept. The article suggests alternative responses to Pugh's questions in order to focus attention on more fundamental problems facing the idea of intermediate moral respect, while also pointing to how the intermediate moral respect proponent might best develop these responses. It goes on to argue that these hypothetical responses fail to answer convincingly the questions posed. More specifically, this article challenges two possible justifications for the distinct idea of intermediate moral respect, namely the argument from potentiality (the argument raised by Pugh) and an argument from the proportionality of fundamental moral status (not considered by Pugh). The article also raises a dilemma inherent in the application of the principle of proportionality to cases involving beings to which intermediate moral respect is owed even where it is allowed, ex hypothesi, that both the category of intermediate moral respect and the general proportionality reasoning underpinning the principle of proportionality are basically cogent. This article thus develops and adds to the challenge laid down by Pugh to proponents of the idea of intermediate moral respect.     

The legitimacy of elite gatekeeping

Natasha Warikoo’s study of how students at Harvard, Brown, and Oxford Universities view race and fairness highlights the vast differences between the U.S. and Britain with respect to perceptions of meritocracy by these winners in the competition for places in elite institutions. The strict enforcement of uniform standards for admission is seen as critical and legitimate at Oxford, whereas a more holistic approach in the U.S. – one that sees racial diversity as an important and desirable part of the institution’s culture and identity – is seen as critical to a “diversity bargain”. I question the sources of students’ ideas about race and the diversity bargain, suggesting that they may be rooted more in their pre-college experiences than in their life at university. I also raise questions about whether and how an admissions lottery would work to address some of Warikoo’s concerns.     

‘They should hire the one with the best score’: White sensitivity to qualification differences in affirmative action hiring decisions

This paper uses innovative survey questions from the 1998 Detroit Area Study to examine how whites communicate their views about racial matters across three affirmative action hiring scenarios. Results suggest that most whites prefer explanations for not hiring blacks based on the abstract and decontextualized application of the principles of liberalism. Justifications that were initially offered emphasizing qualification thresholds, broad criteria, and contextual concerns, usually in support of hiring the black applicant, were largely withdrawn when the scenario was changed from one with equal scores to one with scores slightly favouring the white applicant. Concrete and contextualized concerns about workforce homogeneity and the slightness of score differences were raised in a conciliatory manner when scores were equal, but then were seldom maintained when scores favoured the white candidate. Whites also more readily voiced opposition when the reason for hire was changed from ‘diversity’ to ‘make up for past discrimination’, offering ‘reasonable’ responses about ‘the past is the past’ that don't deny concrete historical events, but dismiss their connection to today's racial order. Taken together, the evidence suggests that the language of universalism and minimization of racism allow most whites to communicate their views about affirmative action using rhetorical strategies that seem reasonable and moral.     

"Interracial" Sex and Racial Democracy in Brazil: Twin Concepts?

Racial democracy is maintained in Brazil through both scholarly and popular discourses that consider "interracial" sex as proof of Brazil's lack of a racial problem. In this article, I scrutinize the discourse that asks, "How can we be racist when so many of us are mixed?" I argue that racial discourses are embedded in everyday interactions, but are often codified or masked. "Race" is especially pertinent to sexuality, yet the two have hardly been analyzed together. In fact, it is not the belief in a racial democracy that is at the heart of Brazilian racial hegemony, but rather the belief that Brazil is a color-blind erotic democracy. Using my ethnographic data, I illustrate that "race" is embodied in everyday valuations of sexual attractiveness that are gendered, racialized, and class-oriented in ways that commodity black female bodies and white male economic, racial, and class privilege. [Brazil, race, sexuality, poverty]     

Is trans-race possible in an era of unsettled identities?

Brubaker’s book Trans is an important intervention in debates about sexual/gender and racial/ethnic identities in a period of generalized identity unsettlement. It challenges us to think precisely about identities and social categories. Thinking with trans proves to be intellectually productive, showing us the similarities and differences between transgender and trans-race. This contribution to the book symposium raises questions about the specificity of Indigenous identities framed by settler-colonial relations. It also discusses transgender in a global context where non-Western identities have been challenged, and where non-Western protagonists have responded to cultural liberalization at times with forms of gender and sexual repression.     

Longterm effects of incubation temperatures on the morphology and locomotor performance of hatchling lizards (Bassiana duperreyi, Scincidae)

The phenotypes of hatchling reptiles are known to be affected by the thermal environments they experience during incubation, but the evolutionary and ecological significance of this phenotypic plasticity remains unclear. Crucial issues include: (i) the magnitude of effects elicited by thermal regimes in natural nests (as opposed to constant-temperature incubation); (ii) the persistence of these effects during ontogeny; and (iii) the consistency of these effects across different test conditions (does the thermal regime during embryogenesis simply shift the hatchling's thermal optimum for performance, or actually modify overall performance ability regardless of temperature?). We examined these questions by incubating eggs of scincid lizards (Bassiana duperreyi) from montane southeastern Australia, under two fluctuating-temperature regimes that simulated ‘cold’ and ‘hot’ natural nests. These thermal regimes substantially modified hatchling morphology (mass, body length, tail length, and the relationship between these variables), locomotor performance (running speeds over distances of 25 cm and lm), anti-predator ‘tactics’ and survival rates. The differences in locomotor performance persisted throughout the 20 weeks of our experiment. Lizards that emerged after ‘hot’ incubation were faster runners than their ‘cold’-incubated siblings under all thermal conditions that we tested. Thus, incubation temperatures modified overall locomotor ability, with only a minor effect on the set-point for optimum performance. The magnitude, persistence and consistency of these incubation-induced phenotypic modifications suggest that they may play an important role in evolutionary and ecological processes within lizard populations.     

Innovating inequity: if race is a technology,postracialism is the genius bar

ABSTRACT

In this essay I posit race as a kind of technology, one that creates parallel universes and premature death, requiring routine maintenance and upgrade. I suggest that David Theo Goldberg’s Are We Postracial Yet? is a story of innovation that expertly exposes the trade secrets of the social production of race. I argue that not only are technological and social innovation metaphorically linked; technoscience is also one of the most effective conduits for reproducing racial inequality, and so I extend Goldberg’s analysis to address the central role of science and technology in modern statecraft and racecraft. Finally, if postracial innovators are busily refurbishing racism to remake inequality, then those who seek radical transformation in the other direction, towards freedom and justice, must re-examine the default settings, rather than the routine breakdowns, of social life.     

The multiple dimensions of racial mixture in Rio de Janeiro,Brazil: from whitening to Brazilian negritude

Abstract

The notion that racial mixture is a central feature of Latin American societies has been interpreted in different, if not strictly opposite, ways. On the one hand, scholars have presented it as evidence of weaker racial boundaries. On the other, it has been denounced as an expression of the illusion of harmonic racial relations. Relying on 160 interviews with black Brazilians, we argue that the valorization of racial mixture is an important response to stigmatization, but one that has multiple dimensions and different consequences for the maintenance of racial boundaries. We map out these different dimensions – namely, ‘whitening’, ‘Brazilian negritude’, ‘national identification’ and ‘non-essentialist racialism’ – and discuss how these dimensions are combined in different ways by our interviewees according to various circumstances. Exploring these multiple dimensions, we question any simplistic understanding of racial mixture as the blessing or the curse of Latin American racial dynamics.     

‘I'm black and I'll always be that way’: black identities through the lens of interracial intimacy

Early research on black racial identity development cautioned that close relationships with whites signalled an alienation from blackness and a subconscious acceptance that ‘white is right’. These assumptions mirrored popular media and political discourse suggesting that romantic relationships outside of one's racial group reflect a devalued or inauthentic racial self. More recent scholarly research presents a mixed picture about the role of interracial intimacy on black racial identities. Using in-depth qualitative narratives with forty-two interracially partnered African Americans, this article explores whether interracial intimacy recasts the meaning or intensity of black racial identities. Findings affirm that black racial identities are heterogeneous – some partners experienced blackness as a central, fundamental identity while others possessed ambivalent attachments to blackness. Across these experiences, however, adult interracial intimacy had at most an incremental influence on racial identity. Interracial contact during adolescence was far more influential because it allowed blacks to develop dimensions of white cultural identity.