Nationalism and Support for Immigrants' Rights Among Adolescents in 25 Countries

Adolescents' attitudes toward immigrants develop in tandem with their sense of national identity. In this article we identify factors that influence restrictive views of nationalism and opposition or support for immigrants' rights during young people's formative years, among the generation that comprises today's young adults. Data were analyzed from 77,000 native-born 14-year-olds from 25 countries surveyed in the IEA Civic Education Study of 1999. National indicators of citizenship policies and demographics were incorporated into a multilevel analysis. High levels of protective nationalism were associated with negative attitudes toward immigrants' rights in long-established democracies, but not in newer ones; this relationship was stronger in religiously diverse countries. Adolescents in countries with more restrictive citizenship policies were less supportive of immigrants' rights, although these policies did not moderate the extent to which attitudes to immigrants were correlated with nationalism. The findings illustrate the importance of attention to the national context when studying the development of social attitudes.     

Liberal ethnicity: beyond liberal nationalism and minority rights

This article tries to make the case for a variant of the good life based on a synthesis of liberalism and ethnicity. Liberal communitarianism's treatment of ethnicity tends to fall under the categories of either liberal culturalism or liberal nationalism. Both, it is argued, fail to come to terms with the reality of ethnic community, preferring instead to define ethnicity in an unrealistic, cosmopolitan manner. By contrast, this essay squarely confronts four practices that are central to ethnic communities: symbolic boundary-maintenance; exclusive and inflexible mythomoteurs ; the use of ancestry and race as boundary markers; and the desire among national groups to maintain their ethnic character. This article argues that none of these practices need contravene the tenets of liberalism as long as they are reconstructed so as to minimize entry criteria and decouple national ethnicity from the state. The notion of liberal ethnicity thereby constitutes an important synthesis of liberal and communitarian ends.     

From Serbia with Hate: A Case Study in Globalization, Trauma, and Language

This article analyzes a set of five postcards, purchased from a street stand in Belgrade, the capital of Yugoslavia, shortly after the NATO bombing of the country took place in the spring of 1999. While the postcards obviously serve as protests against the bombing, as well as testimonies of the nation-wide trauma caused by it, they also reveal a careful negotiation between representations of trauma — keeping it displaced enough to avoid vicarious traumatization for individual survivors, but focused enough to translate it into a part of the national Serb identity and relying on the symbolism available in historical public narratives. However, since all the postcards analyzed here use English language in one form or another, they can also be read as peculiar interpretations of globalization on a local level. The article is an examination of the function of English, both in the negotiation of private/public trauma as described above, and its role in the complex reconfiguration of the phenomenon of globalization as embedded with local meaning given the context of the narrative within the Serbian popular culture. While these pop culture artifacts offer an assurance to the Serb national spirit, they also express a multifaceted national take on globalization visible in the use of English as the language of the Western ‘enemy’. Overall,the postcards can be read as a curious traumatic figuration of postmodernism which seems to be battling modernism in Belgrade's streets, while the Serb nationalism faces off with the global world in the realm of the imaginary.     

Remembrance Day influence on national sentiments and hostility towards out-groups: evidence from a panel study in Israel

While scholars have long emphasized the significant impact of national days on the masses, the actual impact of national days on people’s national sentiments have been ignored. This study set out to examine the ways in which exposure to Remembrance Day impacts national sentiments and hostility towards out-groups. Unlike previous cross-sectional-design studies, it adopted longitudinal design in order to explore the actual impact of exposure to Remembrance Day amongst Israeli Jews. While exposure to Remembrance Day increased the respondents’ sense of nationalism, neither their level of national identification and hostility towards out-groups nor the magnitude of the positive link between nationalism and hostility towards out-groups changed significantly. While national identification was unrelated to hostility prior to Remembrance Day, it became negatively related to it on Remembrance Day itself. The findings shed new light on the prevalent assumption regarding the impact national days have on public sentiment.     

Christian nationalism and white racial boundaries: examining whites' opposition to interracial marriage

How does the convergence of national and religious identities potentially fortify white racial boundaries in the USA? Focusing on openness to racial exogamy as an indicator of racial boundaries, we examine the link between Christian nationalism and white Americans' views towards their hypothetical daughter marrying an African American, Latino, or Asian. Drawing on insights from social identity complexity theory, we argue that the convergence of religious and national identities serves to reinforce in-group boundaries, thereby fortifying notions of white purity, and consequently, strengthening whites' discomfort with potential race-mixing in marriage. Multivariate analyses of national survey data demonstrate that Christian nationalism is strongly associated with an increase in white Americans' discomfort with a daughter marrying any racial minority, and particularly African Americans. We demonstrate how the convergence of religious and national identities in Christian nationalism influences whites' regulating of racial boundaries (evidenced in intermarriage attitudes) above and beyond the independent effects of political conservatism or religious exclusivism.     

Nationalism remixed? The politics of cultural flows between the South Asian diaspora and ‘homeland’

This article examines ‘Asian electronic music’, a generally progressive diasporic South Asian scene which fuses electronic dance music beats with instruments/sounds traditionally associated with the subcontinent, and how it became embedded into ‘majoritarian’ Indian nationalism. In India, the music's perceived ‘fusion’ aesthetic became emblematic of an emergent India which was economically prosperous while ‘respecting’ its cultural heritage. Using the case of an album which remixed India's national song, Vande Mataram, this article explores the convergences and divergences between Asian electronic musicians in Delhi and Hindu nationalists. The article concludes that the musicians in Delhi did not lend to Hindu nationalism. However, they perhaps gave secular Indian nationalism a ‘cool’ gloss. Ultimately, the production and consumption of Asian electronic music in Delhi raises significant questions regarding the scene's relationship to Indian nationalisms.     

Nationalism and the ‘idiocy’ of the countryside: The case of Serbia

The mobilization of the countryside has direct consequences for political discourse about national values and in times of social crisis, the ‘conservatism’ of the countryside has the potential to assume an aggressive, offensive posture. When rural mobilization is accompanied by religious revival, group loyalty and so‐called ‘traditional’ values are sacralized. When rural mobilization, ethnic mobilization, and religious revival occur simultaneously, it signifies that the society is undergoing profound destabilization. Examining the case of Serbia, this article argues that while Serbia is, in cultural and social terms, predominantly rural in character, Titoist Communism imposed the values of the city on that culture, while the 1987 coup by Slobodan Milosevic represented, among other things, the triumph of the countryside over the city in Serbia.

This article begins by characterizing the countryside in cultural terms, provides documentation of the importance of rural traditions in Serbian society, documents the rural character of the Serbian national movement, connecting its ideology and behaviour with populist appeals, and examines the contribution made by the Serbian Orthodox Church to the mobilization of the Serbian countryside.     

Fragments of a Composite Identity: Aspects of Australian Nationalism in a Sports Setting1

I argue that it is erroneous to view nations as culturally homogeneous entities. Rather, all nations are riven by multiple divisions. What characterises a nation is that the people constituting it believe that they share a sameness with their co-nationals. So, the idea of cultural homogeneity is a myth that breathes life into nationalism: it is a cohering leitmotiv, a predicate of the ‘imagined community’ that can be subscribed to in different ways by people of diverse social locations and of disparate interests. Whereas most writers on nationalism write from a top-down perspective, I side with Hobsbawm in posing the question of how ‘ordinary’ people embrace a belonging to their nation. I maintain that there is no single, simple axis of national cohesion: rather, in any nation, there are multiple ways of identifying with and intuiting the collectivity. The emergence of the axioms of Australian nationhood, particularly with regard to how ideas of Australian distinctiveness emerged in counterpoint to British based discourses, is explored. I suggest that people ‘lock-in’ to these axioms through the symbology of specific events and situations. Attention is directed to the Stawell Easter Gift professional running carnival as an event that, amongst other things, provides occasions that enable participants to ‘lock-in’ to the meta-discourse of national identity.     

Ethnonationalism,ethnic nationalism,and mini‐nationalism: A comparison of Connor,Smith and Snyder

Some terms have been coined to highlight the important relation between nationalism and ethnicity. However, there has been much confusion as to the meaning of such concepts as ‘ethnonationalism’, ‘ethnic nationalism’ and ‘mini‐nationalism’. This article compares the three terms, as used respectively in the works of Walker Connor, Anthony Smith and Louis Snyder. These scholars are selected not only because of their well‐respected position in the study of nationalism but also because their works are representative of each of the three concepts. The comparison finds that since both Connor and Smith emphasized the ethnic dimension of nationalism, their ideas can be presented in one analytical framework. In fact, Connor's ‘ethnonationalism’ and Smith's ‘ethnic nationalism’ overlap with each other. However, Smith's theory of nationalism is comprehensive enough to take care of the fact that the nationalisms of many new states of today's world have no ethnic base at all, whereas Connor's analysis makes no mention of this. In this respect, Smith's model is preferred to that of Connor. Finally, Snyder's ‘mini‐nationalism’ is seen as the least useful concept, since the use of size rather than ethnicity to classify nationalisms does not increase our understanding of the concept.     

The problematic of multinational and multicultural societies

The study of multinationality and the study of the absorption of immigrant ethnic minorities in the British Isles have been dealt with academically in terms of two separate problematics. The first has been dealt with in terms of the theory of nationalism, the second in terms of migration and class. This article attempts to bring the two problematics together in terms of a master concept of empires and multinational states. Starting from this standpoint the nature of Welsh, Scottish and Irish nationality and nationalism in Britain are discussed in the first part of the essay and the structure of migration to the metropolis from post‐colonial societies in the second. While the article is based upon an analysis of the British case, however, it is suggested that this type of analysis can be extended to take account of other cases of multinationality and other types of international migration.     

The ideological contest between Greek‐Cypriot nationalism and Cypriotism 1974–1995: Politics,social memory and identity

As a result of the division of Cyprus in 1974, and until the mid‐1980s, Greek‐Cypriot nationalism was suppressed at the expense of Cypriotism, an ideology that pledged support to the political independence of the island. The retreat of nationalism, however, was temporary and it soon resurfaced as a dominant ideology, albeit in a changed form. The new Greek‐Cypriot nationalism does not go unopposed. Whereas the clash between Greek nationalism and Cypriotism is not a recent phenomenon, in the post‐1974 years it has acquired a greater intensity and constitutes the major battle in the Greek‐Cypriot contest over identity. This essay examines the post‐1974 period and especially the revival of Greek‐Cypriot nationalism since the mid‐1980s. The aim is to analyse the ideological contest between Greek nationalism and Cypriotism as it becomes articulated in the social construction of cultural and political identity and the collective memory of the Greek‐Cypriot community.     

Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question

This article addresses the ways in which Turkish nationalism has perceived the Kurdish question. It is shown that both Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question have passed through some paradigmatic moments in the twentieth century. This, I argue, has shaped the way that the Kurdish question has been perceived by Turkish nationalism. While the Kurdish question had been seen by Turkish nationalism mostly in terms of a fatal rivalry between the backward, pre-modern and tribal past and the prosperous present in the first half of the century, it was perceived in terms of a tension between the peripheral economy and national market in the fifties and sixties. In the 1970s, the Kurdish unrest was believed to be a product of communist incitement. Despite this impurity in perception, one thing has remained nearly unchanged for Turkish nationalism: Kurds could become Turkish. In other words, Turkish nationalism of the republican era has principally perceived Kurds as future-Turks. However, the signs in circulation at present indicate that the confidence of Turkish nationalism as to Kurds’ potential of becoming Turkish is not as firm as it used to be. At present, Turkish nationalism seems to be getting prepared to abandon its contention that Kurds are future-Turks.     

Of cows and men: Nationalism and Australian cow making

This article explores why cows were identified as Australian in a public debate over the treatment of cattle in Indonesian abattoirs. Using a discursive approach applied to data extracted from media coverage, the article traces the debate, beginning with the ways Australian‐ness was constructed before moving on to consider the implications of this construction in relation to nationalism and rights. The article argues that making the cows Australian had two functions. By being treated as autochthonous they were presumed to hold a certain set of rights which justified interference in practices occurring in an independent sovereign nation. Second, the nationalism implicit in the rendering of animals as Australian functioned to contrast Australia's ‘civilisation’ with Indonesian (and Islam's) ‘barbarism’, allowing Australia to re‐assert a sense of itself as humanitarian. This was particularly relevant in a context where that humanity was in question due to Australia's treatment of asylum seekers.     

Defining difference,forging unity: The co‐construction of race,ethnicity and nation in Belize

This article examines competing nationalist projects which compete to constitute a Belizean nation: pluralist nationalism constructs the nation as ethnically diverse; synthetic nationalism attempts to submerge ethnic or racial difference into a shared national identity; hegemonic nationalism works to attach preferentially a single racial identity to the nation and exclude other identities. Within these projects, the homogenizing processes which construct national sameness are integrally related to the individualizing processes which constitute subnational difference: both national sameness and subnational differences are constituted in terms of race, ethnicity, or a conflation of the two. The article explores how the essentialization of racial, ethnic and national identities facilitates their assimilation of one another.     

Theorizing citizenship in British settler societies

This article discusses citizenship in states with a history as British 'dominion' settler societies, focusing on questions of ethnicity and national identity. After noting the shortcomings of T. H. Marshall's widely used citizenship model, the key differences between English and British settler society citizenship experience are outlined, drawing on illustrative material from Australia, New Zealand, and Canada. The main settler/English state differences highlighted, are the presence of aboriginal peoples with distinct juridicial and political statuses; a characteristic set of relationships between successive flows of British migrants and subsequent generations of local-born settlers, and the shift in societies of immigration towards more extensive forms of ethnic and national pluralism within a 'post-settler' conception of multicultural nationhood in a globalized world. Finally, the article suggests settler and post-settler society citizenship is best conceptualized and described by examining the linked processes of what is called the aboriginalization (of aboriginal minorities), the ethnification (of immigrant minorities) and the indigenization (of settler majorities).     

Following the dead beyond the ‘nation’: a map for transnational Alevi funerary routes from Europe to Turkey

Abstract

Life-cycle rituals such as weddings and funerals vigorously stimulate transnational engagements among immigrant communities. On the basis of a two-year multi-sited ethnographic research project among Alevi immigrant communities in Europe, this article approaches the process of ‘revival’, by which Alevism has evolved from a locally invisible to a transnationally visible belief community, through the lens of mortuary practices. The ‘mortuary focus’ draws attention to the significance of funeral rituals to the study of transnational engagements of contemporary immigrant communities beyond methodological nationalism. This analysis thus considers the act of transporting deceased community members back to their home-village as a ritualized and spatial practice of (transnational) community-making beyond national categories and cartographies.     

A critical note on ‘exclusive recognition’

Cenk Saracoglu conceptualizes the antipathy towards Kurdish migrants manifesting in certain cities of Turkey since the early 2000s as ‘exclusive recognition’ in his article ‘“Exclusive recognition”: the new dimensions of the question of ethnicity and nationalism in Turkey’ published in Ethnic and Racial Studies 32(4). According to the author, these recent developments represent ‘a historically specific ethnicization process’ and its sources cannot be found directly and only in historical discourses and policy of mainstream Turkish nationalism. In this note, I contradict the author's claims by asserting that the recent manifestations of anti-Kurdish sentiments are an extension of the ongoing policies of Turkish national identity based on Turkish nationalism.     

A simple model for the influence of habitat resource availability on lateral clonal spread

Plant clonal spread is ubiquitous and of great interest, owing both to its key role in plant community assembly and its suitability for plant behaviour research. However, mechanisms that govern spreading distance are not well known. Here we link spacer costs and below-ground competition in a simple model of growth in a homogeneous below-ground environment, in which optimal distance between ramets is based on minimizing the sum of these costs. Using this model, we predict a high prevalence of clonal growth that does not employ spacers in resource-poor environments and a nonlinear increase in spreading distance in response to increasing below-ground resource availability. Analysis of database data on clonal growth in relationship to below-ground resource availability revealed that patterns of the spread based on stolons is compatible with the model''s predictions. As expected, model prediction failed for rhizomatous species, where spacer sizes are likely to be selected mainly to play roles other than spread. The model''s simplicity makes it useful as a null model in testing hypotheses about the effects of environmental heterogeneity on clonal spread.     

What is Spanish nationalism today? From legitimacy crisis to unfulfilled renovation (1975–2000)

The article explores the different discourses on Spanish nationalism and 'patriotic affirmation' existing in contemporary Spain. Since the end of Francoism, Spanish nationalism has existed in a de-articulated and diffuse way, rather as a reaction against the challenge of stateless nationalisms than as a substantive doctrine. However, since the mid-1980s there has been a recovery of Spanish nationalist discourse, often labelled as 'Constitutional patriotism', whose main point is the insistence on History as the founding basis for the legitimation of the present Spanish polity, as well as the vindication of the 1978 Constitution as the end-point of decentralization.