A political body of civic and communal belonging: political memories in the creation of the Australian immigrant society

Any notion of political belonging is highly contested. Ultimately though, the political body of a society is shaped by contestation of two modes of belonging: civic and communal. In Australia, the relationship between these two modes of belonging has been negotiated through political conflicts, not least in reference to immigration, since the early years of European settlement. This article traces the trajectory of these conflicts by analysing political memories, specifically those of Australia Day commemorations, to engage with the underlying tension that constitutes the country's political body. Engaging with the long-standing civic/ethnic debate, it is argued that the actual relationship between civic and ethnic/communal belonging, rather than any separate references to them, is crucial to the specific constitution of sovereign political bodies, their particular form of social and political conflicts, and the ensuing implementation of policies, not least regarding migration.     

Creating the conditions for peacemaking: theories of practice in ethnic conflict resolution

Establishing the conditions for effective intergroup peacemaking is a formidable task in severe ethnic conflicts. Conflict resolution practitioners argue that a critical first step is developing preconditions which convince competing groups that there are opponents to whom it is worth talking, that it is possible to create structural changes conducive to a stable peace, and that an agreement is possible which can meet each side's basic concerns and needs. This article compares six theories of practice of ethnic conflict resolution: community relations, principled negotiation; human needs; psychoanalytically rooted identity; intercultural miscommunications and conflict transformation, examining how each understands ethnic conflict; the goals it articulates; the effects of good practice on participants in interventions; the mechanisms by which the project achieves its impact; and the dynamics of transfer affecting the course of a wider conflict. It is argued that clearer articulation of these assumptions will improve both theory and practice in the search for settlements to severe ethnic conflict.     

The politics of ethnic representation in Philippine bureaucracy

The good governance argument for diversity in civil service is based on the notion that creating a bureaucracy that represents the diverse communities it serves strengthens government accountability and legitimacy. This paper argues that ethnic representation in national bureaucratic governance in the Philippines primarily constitutes a means for political reallocation of space, as it is embedded in the government's framework of asymmetric political autonomy. Mired in intersecting political and ethnic tensions (i.e. blurred ethnic distinctions/ethnic identity disputes and politico-ethnic conflicts), patrimonial forces could easily exploit the country's bureaucratic representation policies as spaces for patronage and as superficial tokens to mollify interethnic factions of their share of the national polity. Thus, instead of facilitating equitable voice in bureaucratic governance, such policy framework could only hold ordinary indigenous and minority ethnic communities captive in the elite-dominated interethnic struggle for representation.     

Canada's pluralism in comparative perspective

Hans Kohn's definition of a more "liberal, civic Western" and "illiberal, ethnic Eastern" nationalism has been highly influential in providing a framework for our understanding of different types of nationalism. This article challenges the Kohn framework as idealized and argues that it did not reflect historical reality and is out of step with contemporary theories of nationalism. Its continued use also ignores the evolution from communist to civic states that has taken place in central-eastern Europe during the 1990s. The assumption that Western nation-states were always "civic" from their inception in the late eighteenth century is criticized and a different framework is proposed that sees Western states as only having become civic recently. In times of crisis (immigration, foreign wars, domestic secessionism, terrorism), the civic element of the state may continue to be overshadowed by ethnic particularist factors. The proportional composition of a country's ethnic particularism and civic universalism has always been in tension and dependent not on geography but on two factors: the historic stage of the evolution from ethnic to civic state and nationhood and the depth of democratic consolidation.     

Parks-people conflicts: the case of Gonarezhou National Park and the Chitsa community in south-east Zimbabwe

National parks have been the centre piece of international conservation strategies in developing countries. The expansion in the network of national parks has enabled the conservation of biodiversity and habitats but the acquisition of vast areas into the park system has often been achieved through the displacement of resident local communities. Displaced people are exposed to a variety of impoverishment risks and this stokes up animosity towards parks. The research reported here seeks to understand the key issues involved in the occupation of a section of Gonarezhou National Park by Headman Chitsa’s people. The paper examines how the interplay between the history of displacement and dispossession, demographic pressures, limited economic opportunities, the ‘fast track’ land reform programme and dynastic politics are fomenting the land conflict between Gonarezhou and Chitsa community. Secondary actors with diverse interests have also come into the fold. Official efforts to resolve the conflict using a top-down approach have yielded little success. This culminated in a shift towards the use of traditional mechanisms of resolving a chieftaincy dispute as a step towards addressing the broader parks-people land conflict. Lessons from the case study are, inter alia, that interventions aimed at resolving parks-people conflicts should be alive to local culture, livelihood needs and power dynamics and, to the extent possible, eschew forcible relocations. Finally, we draw attention to the need to address the wider contradiction between policies promoting wildlife conservation and those promoting agriculture. The article is written to share lessons with readers interested in parks-people conflicts.     

Nations: Old and new Comments on Anthony D. Smith's ‘The myth of the “Modern Nation” and the myths of nations’

Abstract

Do common ethnicity and ethnic solidarity constitute preconditions for the successful formation of modern nations? In response to Anthony Smith's contention to this effect, it is here argued that ethnic solidarity at a large‐enough scale to constitute a nation is a problematic notion. Solidarities beyond small local communities require ideological and political underpinning. Rather than being preconditions of nation‐formation, ethnic homogeneity and solidarity are often products of a stable history of state and nation formation. The failures of some modern nation‐states with diverse ethnic compositions are an indication of inadequacy of resources for achieving stable ‘governability’.     

Electrocardiographic abnormalities and associated factors in Chinese living in Beijing and in Mauritius. The Mauritius Non-Communicable Disease Study Group.

OBJECTIVE--To compare the prevalence of electrocardiographic abnormalities and to evaluate the association between these abnormalities and the levels of coronary heart disease among Chinese living in different environments. DESIGN--Cross sectional surveys. SETTING--Beijing, China, and the island of Mauritius. SUBJECTS--Random samples of people aged 35-64 years in Beijing (621 men, 642 women) in 1984 and in Mauritius among Chinese (137 men, 130 women) and non-Chinese (1265 men, 1432 women) in 1987. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES--Prevalence of electrocardiographic abnormalities suggesting coronary heart disease and of associated risk factors. RESULTS--Prevalence of electrocardiographic abnormalities suggesting coronary heart disease was significantly lower in Beijing (4.0%) than in Mauritian Chinese (24.3%) and Mauritian non-Chinese (24.5%). Mean serum concentrations of total and non-high density lipoprotein cholesterol were lower in Beijing Chinese than in Mauritian Chinese, but smoking and hypertension were slightly more prevalent. Overall, men with electrocardiographic abnormalities had higher risk factor levels than those with a normal electrocardiogram regardless of ethnic origin. CONCLUSIONS--The prevalence of coronary heart disease and associated risk factors was different among Chinese living in two different environments: in Beijing in the People''s Republic of China and in Mauritius. Chinese, who traditionally have a very low frequency of coronary heart disease, are by no means protected against coronary heart disease and other non-communicable diseases. Therefore, primary prevention of coronary heart disease is a major challenge for preventive medicine in China, as well as in many other developing countries.     

Saving face: the emotional costs of the Asian immigrant family myth

Access to resources through ethnic group membership is often presumed to affect the intensity of ethnic identification. We examine this premise using survey data on three ethnic groups in Mauritius: Creoles, Hindus, and Muslims. Two key findings emerge from our research. First, access to material resources explains only a modest proportion of total variation in ethnic identification within each group. Second, the resources that affect ethnic identification differ significantly across groups. Access to political goods through group membership affects Hindu identification but is unrelated to ethnic identification among Creoles or Muslims. Conversely, access to economic goods affects Creole and Muslim identification but has no effect on Hindu identification. Explaining these group differences leads us beyond a basic means–ends instrumentalist model to identify conditions that likely mediate the relationship between individual interests and collective identification including the divisibility of economic goods relative to political goods in Mauritius.     

Social justice and affirmative action

ABSTRACT

While the concept ‘justice’ undergirds every discourse on affirmative action, its meaning is feverishly contested with contradictory definitions wielded as battling swords in a zero sum struggle over the distribution of scarce material resources and symbolic goods. In part, the issues have become even more important since the number of states that have now embarked on affirmative action policies have been growing and the results have been diverse. Affirmative action policies have occurred most frequently in internally heterogeneous societies marked by deep ethno-cultural divisions in which one ethnic community has tended to dominate the rest. To overcome inequalities and ingrained segmental prejudices in these multi-ethnic countries that witnessed over the years the cementing of advantages and privileges among certain ethnic groups has been the primary aim of affirmative action policies. Upheavals and ongoing conflicts have generally dogged these experiences, attesting to some successful societal changes in institutions and practices, to winners and losers. In this paper, we examine some of the controversies, especially in relation to two paradigms and perspectives of social justice.     

Ethnic conflict and the United Nations

The United Nations [UN] is an organization of states. As such it can be expected to represent the interests of its members and uphold a state‐centric view of international politics. For this reason it has been suggested that the organization cannot respond positively to ethnic conflicts within states, or across state borders. However, since such ethnic conflicts can be a threat to international peace and security and to internationally accepted norms of behaviour, the UN cannot always remain indifferent. In fact, it has become involved in ethnic conflicts in several ways. It has dispatched peace‐keeping operations to Cyprus and Lebanon, which try to keep apart the warring factions. The UN has been involved in peace‐making in ethnic conflicts through mediation and Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. It has also engaged in peace‐building, which involves efforts to change both socio‐economic conditions and the mutually hostile attitudes of the parties to violent ethnic conflict. Finally, even though the UN, unlike the League of Nations, has not been prepared to adopt a system of minority‐rights protection, it has been involved in the issue of group rights in at least three areas. These are the Genocide Convention, the work of the Sub‐Commission for the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities, and the issue of the right of national self‐determination.     

‘Us’ and ‘Them’: The role of religion in mediating and challenging the ‘model minority’ and other civic boundaries

This article examines how Korean Americans use the cultural resources of religious communities to mediate race, ethnic, and socio-economic boundaries that have consequences for civic life. Specifically, I compare involvement of Korean Americans in second-generation Korean congregations to those in multiethnic churches. I find Korean Americans who participate in second-generation Korean churches use religion to largely reproduce images of Korean Americans as model minorities, and implicitly distance themselves from those whom they perceive as less financially successful. In contrast, Korean Americans in multiethnic congregations use religion to emphasize the commonality Korean Americans have with other minorities. By using a cultural framework that allows for the agency of individuals in identity and group boundary construction, this work more generally shows the potential for new Americans to use the cultural resources of local organizations to change existing ethnic and racial boundaries in the United States.     

Containing political instability in a poly‐ethnic society: The case of Mauritius

In a continent whose political record has been largely marred by almost three decades of post‐independence political turmoil verging on genocidal proportions, the small state of Mauritius has devised a sociopolitical system that has largely succeeded in containing some of the worst excesses of bloody political confrontation usually associated with poly‐ethnic societies, for example, the Nigerian Civil War of the 1960s; the Tutsi/Hutu conflict in Burundi in 1988–89, and so on. In this article it is argued that Mauritius has devised and maintained a three‐pronged strategy to safeguard political stability, namely: (1) the adoption of constitutional safeguards to accommodate ethnic divisions; (2) a spoils system of (ethnic) parliamentary representation designed to ensure that no section of the population is alienated, thereby respiting in the politicization of ethnic divisions; (3) a ‘national patronage’ system through which massive social welfare spending has been maintained since independence. This has functioned to dampen the possibility of political violence nourished by general poverty and the resultant alienation. Finally, the commitment of the various ruling coalitions to the parliamentary process has had the effect of impelling the major opposition parties to seek to gain power through peaceful constitutional means rather than through violent political confrontation.     

Ethnic and civic dealings with newcomers: naturalization policies and practices in twenty-six immigration countries

Over the last decade or so, the comparative study of nationalism has produced a large number of cogent critiques of classifying nations according to how ethnic or civic they are. In fact, these critiques have been so convincing that many scholars today seem to agree that any mention of the words ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ is unwarranted. This is unfortunate, because the distinction still offers a useful heuristic device to compare and classify different nation-building practices. This article analyses naturalization policies in twenty-six Western immigrant-receiving democracies in order to show that the distinction constitutes a valuable analytical tool to explore how different countries deal with newcomers. The naturalization policy index developed in this article proves to have a high degree of face validity, to be a good predictor of actual naturalization practices, and to match up well with previous classifications of ethnic and civic nation-building practices.     

Ecological and evolutionary responses in complex communities: implications for invasions and eco‐evolutionary feedbacks

It is easier to predict the ecological and evolutionary outcomes of interactions in less diverse communities. As species are added to communities, their direct and indirect interactions multiply, their niches may shift, and there may be increased ecological redundancy. Accompanying this complexity in ecological interactions, is also complexity in selection and subsequent evolution, which may feed back to affect the ecology of the system, as species with different traits may play different ecological roles. Drawing from my own work and that of many others, I first discuss what we currently understand about ecology and evolution in light of simple and diverse communities, and suggest the importance of escape from community complexity per se in the success of invaders. Then, I examine how community complexity may influence the nature and magnitude of eco‐evolutionary feedbacks, classifying eco‐evolutionary dynamics into three general types: those generating alternative stable states, cyclic dynamics, and those maintaining ecological stasis and stability. The latter may be important and yet very hard to detect. I suggest future directions, as well as discuss methodological approaches and their potential pitfalls, in assessing the importance and longevity of eco‐evolutionary feedbacks in complex communities. Synthesis The ecology, evolution and eco‐evolutionary dynamics of simple and diverse communities are reviewed. In more diverse communities, direct and indirect interactions multiply, species’ niches often shift, ecological redundancy can increase, and selection may be less directional. Community complexity may influence the magnitude and nature of eco‐evolutionary dynamics, which are classified into three types: those generating alternative stable states, cyclic dynamics, and those maintaining ecological stasis and stability. Strengths and pitfalls of approaches to investigating eco‐evolutionary feedbacks in complex field communities are discussed.     

Toad‐kill: Prey diversity and preference of invasive guttural toads (Sclerophrys gutturalis) in Mauritius

The invertebrate communities of Mauritius host a high degree of endemism, but are also imperilled by an array of factors, including invasive predators. Since their introduction in 1922, guttural toads (Sclerophrys gutturalis) have spread across the island and have been implicated in the decline of a number of endemic invertebrate species. In this study, we examined the feeding habits of the invasive population of guttural toads from three naturally forested locations in Mauritius across multiple years by analysing their stomach content. We also measured the relative abundance of prey items on the landscape using pitfall traps and applied these data to determine prey preference using a Relativised Electivity Index. Insects, malacostracans and gastropods constituted the bulk of the toads' diet (48.7%, 33.4% and 11.8%, respectively), which also included several rare and endemic species. We further determined that insects and malacostracans were also the two most favoured prey taxa, relative to what was available on the landscape. Our investigation has generated several recommendations for future research and provides a fundamental understanding of the diet of guttural toads in the native forests of Mauritius.     

Borders of violence - boundaries of identity: demarcating the Eritrean nation-state

This article explores the concepts of borders and boundaries in the formation of an Eritrean national identity. The dialectical relationship between the State of Eritrea and its borders towards the Sudan and Ethiopia are addressed in order to analyse how this relationship influences the formation of a 'formal' national identity. The cultural, political, religious and historical configuration of the Eritrean frontiers makes it difficult to demarcate a particular Eritrean identity, distinguishing it from Sudanese ethnic and religious identities or historical-politico and ethnic Ethiopian identities. The Eritrean border conflicts with the Sudan and Ethiopia are used as empirical cases to show how state violence through the mobilization of the multi-ethnic national army is employed in order to manifest a significant other that the 'formal' Eritrean national identity may be contrasted against. The article concludes that the Eritrean boundaries of identity and borders of territory are still in the making, and what they will eventually embrace and contain remains to be seen.     

Predicting Positive Citizenship from Adolescence to Young Adulthood: The Effects of a Civic Context

Researchers have theorized that programs to promote positive citizenship should begin with an opportunity for adolescents to participate in civic activities, such as community service or political volunteering. In this article we extend the theory by arguing that a more systemic approach is needed, in which a civic context is developed to promote citizenship. We hypothesize that living within a consistent civic context leads to civic engagement in late adolescence and into young adulthood. We use a diverse, longitudinal dataset to test this hypothesis. We find that social interactions with peers, parent modeling of civic behaviors, and cultural factors, such as ethnicity-specific practices, cumulatively result in a higher level of civic activities among youth and that a continued context that includes these factors results in a higher level of civic activities into adulthood. The implications of our findings are discussed with regard to program and policy development.     

Predicting Positive Citizenship from Adolescence to Young Adulthood: The Effects of a Civic Context

Researchers have theorized that programs to promote positive citizenship should begin with an opportunity for adolescents to participate in civic activities, such as community service or political volunteering. In this article we extend the theory by arguing that a more systemic approach is needed, in which a civic context is developed to promote citizenship. We hypothesize that living within a consistent civic context leads to civic engagement in late adolescence and into young adulthood. We use a diverse, longitudinal dataset to test this hypothesis. We find that social interactions with peers, parent modeling of civic behaviors, and cultural factors, such as ethnicity-specific practices, cumulatively result in a higher level of civic activities among youth and that a continued context that includes these factors results in a higher level of civic activities into adulthood. The implications of our findings are discussed with regard to program and policy development.     

Bringing class back in: class consciousness and solidarity among Chinese migrant workers in Italy and the UK

The growing literature on international migration has a tendency to emphasize homogenous elements such as shared ethnic background, social network and cultural similarities in shaping immigrants' identity. We argue that this underestimates the differences (and sometimes conflicts) of interests between ethnic employers and migrant workers and that class needs to be brought back into the studies of ethnic relationship. Based upon findings from a series of fieldwork in Veneto, Italy and East Midlands, UK, this article contends that class consciousness has co-existed, sometimes uneasily, alongside co-ethnic and cultural relationships among Chinese migrant workers and has played an important part in the making of new Chinese communities. By analysing the perspectives of Chinese migrant workers and their relationship with co-ethnic entrepreneurs, this article illustrates complex factors behind the formation, diffusion and development of class consciousness among Chinese migrant workers.     

The origins of nations

Although the nation, as a named community of history and culture, possessing a common territory, economy, mass education system and common legal rights, is a relatively modern phenomenon, its origins can be traced back to pre‐modern ethnic communities. Such named ethnies with their myths of common descent, common memories, culture and solidarity, and associations with a homeland, are found in both the ancient and the medieval periods in many areas of the world. Two kinds of ethnie are important for the origins and routes of the formation of nations. Territorial, ‘civic’ nations tend to develop from aristocratic ‘lateral’ ethnies through a process of ‘bureaucratic incorporation’ of outlying regions and lower classes into the ethnic culture of the upper classes, as occurred in France, England and Spain. The more numerous ‘ethnic’ nations, on the other hand, have emerged from demotic ‘vertical’ ethnies through processes of cultural mobilization that turn an often religiously defined and passive community into an active, politicized nation. Here the intellectuals and professionals replace the state as agents of popular mobilization, creating new ‘maps’ and ‘moralities’ through the uses of landscape and golden ages of a rediscovered and reconstructed communal past, as in Ireland, Finland and Switzerland. It is from these often ancient ties and sentiments that modern nations draw much of their power and durability today.