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1.
America's race statistics are inadequate to the policy challenges of the twenty-first century, especially for social justice and immigrant incorporation policy. But inertial forces – technical and political – complicate change. Overcome technical barriers by taking advantage of an experiment fielded in 2010. To miss that opportunity would be a huge failure. Political barriers are more difficult. Start with what is familiar – more emphasis on national origin – and add flexibility and granularity, both are politically desirable. Introduce change without disrupting the existing policy practices. Phase in improvements gradually, taking advantage of generational turnover. One generation changes the statistical basis for policy. The next generation, which has grown up with the new statistics, implements the policy changes. An example of how this works is found in the multiple-race option introduced in the 2000 census but probably not put to policy use until after the 2030 census.  相似文献   

2.
In recent years, academic critique has worked toward exposing the underlying ethno-religious biases in official formulations of secular citizenship in Turkey. While such studies have highlighted the contradictions and inconsistencies that emerge in these grand narratives of national belonging, they have tended to privilege statist determinants of the bounds of nationhood. In this article, I offer an intervention into this discussion by exploring how citizens themselves encounter and embrace religion as a marker of national belonging in Turkey. In particular, I discuss the case of the 1950s Bosniak migration to Turkey and explore the salience of the migratory journey in informing their experiences of secular citizenship and national belonging.  相似文献   

3.
Since the beginning of the 1990s, Germany has been taking controversial policy measures that had been quite unimaginable, even in the 1980s. On the one hand, regulations for asylum seekers and ethnic Germans have gradually become restrictive in nature. On the other hand, changes to the Citizenship and Nationality Law of 1913 (Reichs und Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetz) and the Alien Act of 1965 (Ausländergesetz) have dramatically altered the naturalization process. Before the passage of the new German citizenship law in 1999, the acquisition of citizenship in Germany was solely based on the principle of descent (jus sanguinis). This paper attempts to explain why German government altered its citizenship policy and introduced birthright citizenship. It reviews the post-war contextual factors that have shaped the debate on citizenship and asks whether it is external or internal factors, that is international-level norms and institutions or domestic politics, that led to the change. If domestic politics can fully explain the adoption of the new citizenship law, what domestic forces played an important role? Was state action taken in the name of protecting “the national interest” or was it party politics? What role did societal forces play in the making of new citizenship policy? Did the act seek to mitigate anti-foreigner sentiment growing in Germany since the 1990s? Using archival and documentary research and secondary data on socio-economic and demographic trends in Germany, this paper concludes that domestic politics explain the changes in the citizenship law. I argue that granting and withholding national citizenship, including birthright citizenship, is exclusively in the hands of a nation state. Considering a purely ethnocultural understanding of nation-hood now includes legal and territorial components, the new German citizenship law is a major reform at the both theoretical and conceptual level. However, the practical consequences of the new naturalization process remain to be seen. The main question for the future research agenda is whether the new naturalization and citizenship laws will bring full integration of foreigners living in German society.  相似文献   

4.
Dominant majorities often use idealized categories to validate the ‘goodness’ and deservingness of minority citizens. For Palestinian citizens of Israel, this category is the ‘good Arab’. Since its origins in early Jewish settlement of Palestine, it has become a powerful and controversial metaphor in Israeli public discourse. As an experienced condition of limited inclusion, the ‘good Arab’ exemplifies the Palestinian dilemma of accessing socioeconomic opportunities in Jewish Israeli spaces that stigmatize and fend off their ethnonational identity. Combining a historical genealogy of the ‘good Arab’ with ethnographic research among Palestinians in Tel Aviv, this article shows how a historically evolved logic of settler colonial control and indigenous erasure continues to define liberal frameworks of conditional citizenship and inclusion. Theorized through the emerging concept of conditional inclusion, these insights open up new avenues for analysis and comparison in anthropological debates surrounding indigenous struggles, settler colonialism, urban inclusion, and citizenship.  相似文献   

5.
This article focuses on the Vision Documents of the Arab civil society organizations in Israel as an act of citizenship and an expression of the politics of contention used by the Palestinians in Israel. We argue that these documents challenge both the political inclusiveness of the identity of Israel as a ‘Jewish and democratic’ state, and the political continuity of collective identity of the Palestinian people. With these documents, the Arab civil society organizations reclaim responsibility over their political future by clinging to the Israeli citizenship framework, but at the same time attempt to change its nature from within, by re-associating the Palestinians in Israel with the core issues of the stumbling peace process, especially in regard to the ‘Right of Return’. The paper contends that for the Palestinians in Israel, the national and the civic frameworks do not circulate in separate orbits, but constitute and reframe each other.  相似文献   

6.
Based on the experiences of the Black Hebrews in Israel, this article introduces "soul citizenship," an alternate discourse that asserts the right of individuals and groups to match their self–defined identities with existing states. After years of living in the Jewish State as an illegal yet tolerated presence, the African Hebrew Israelite Community (AHIC) gained temporary residence status, or according to the postnational model of membership, de facto citizenship. Nonetheless, having reformulated their claims in terms of Jewish cultural pluralism instead of race, the Black Hebrews continue to demand full Israeli citizenship. Rejecting postnational splits among identity, legal status, and territory, their soulful claims suggest a model of citizenship that opens new space for misplaced peopled) to gain membership in the states that meet their cultural aspirations and nourish their souls. [Keywords: citizenship, Black Hebrews, Israel, diasporas]  相似文献   

7.
The article outlines some of the main dimensions in which gender relations are crucial in understanding and analysing the phenomena of nations and nationalism, and the specific boundaries of inclusions and exclusions that they construct. Three major dimensions of nationalist projects that relate to citizenship, culture and origin are differentiated. In each of them gender relations play specific roles and have mobilized specific struggles. The article looks at the dualistic nature of women's citizenship, as both included and excluded from the general body of citizens. Even when there is a formal equality of women in their political rights as citizens, other modes of exclusion in the political, social and civil spheres continue to operate. The particular ways in which the entry of women into the military has been linked to struggles for women's equality as citizens are examined in this context. In relation to national cultures, both secular and religious, the article examines the ways in which women play the roles of cultural transmitters as well as cultural signifiers of the national collectivity. The last part of the article examines the role of women as biological reproducers of ‘the nation’ and how a variety of means are taken in order to ensure that the biological reproduction will fall within the legitimate boundaries of the collectivity.  相似文献   

8.
Aim To develop the first national databases on land use and agricultural land use intensity in Canada for a wide variety of environmental monitoring applications. Location Canada. Methods In this paper, we describe a new system for the construction of both land use and land use intensity (within agricultural regions) called LUCIA (land use and cover with intensity of agriculture). Our methodology combines the highly detailed Canadian Census of Agriculture and recent growing season composites derived from the SPOT4/VEGETATION sensor. Census data are of much coarser resolution than the remotely sensed data but, by removing non‐agricultural pixels from each census sampling area, we were able to refine the census data sufficiently to allow their use as ground truth data in some areas. The ‘refined’ census data were then used in the final step of an unsupervised classification of the remotely sensed data. Results and main conclusions The results of the land use classification are generally consistent with the input census data, indicating that the LUCIA output reflects actual land use trends as determined by national census information. Land use intensity, defined as the principal component of census variables that relate to agricultural inputs and outputs (e.g. chemical inputs, fertilizer inputs and manure outputs), is highest in the periphery of the great plains region of central Canada but is also very high in southern Ontario and Québec.  相似文献   

9.
This article discusses the growing tension between constitutionally defined citizenship and socially accepted practices of “we–they dichotomies” as a turbulent component of the national question discourse in Nigeria. It examines the adoption of dual citizenship across the country as well as how this generates violent ethnic conflict. Importantly, while citizenship refers to one’s full membership of a sovereign political community acquired either by birth, naturalisation or any other process legitimised and recognised by the supreme law of the state, indigeneship, on the other hand, is a discriminatory policy employed by local or provincial governments for protecting the rights of their so–called indigenous populations to employment, political power and other resources of the regions or states against domination by alien populations and outsiders. It is argued that while such distinctions have been made possible inter alia by Nigeria’s multi–ethnic character, the ensuing struggles and tensions have been driven by the normless competition over resource allocation. These have especially been the case in instances where ethno–territorial cleavages have been the primary beneficiaries and targets of such resource allocation. This article discusses land as a major economic resource over which heated ethnic conflicts have taken place in Nigeria. Drawing on the conflicts between Hausa–Fulani pastoralists and Yoruba farmers in South–Western Nigeria, it examines the question of how disputed access to land and water has underlain an almost permanent basis of conflict in Nigeria as well as their implications for the country’s fledgling democracy. How does the struggle over land affect the articulation of the citizenship question in Nigeria? How have scarcity and competition over resources affected the contest over citizenship and the forging of nationhood among natives and settlers in South–Western Nigeria? How have colonial framings of socially accepted practices of indigeneship entrenched an understanding of the state in Nigeria as a representation of permanently defined subnational conceptions of ethnic citizenship? What role can the state in Nigeria play towards transforming the multiplicities of traditional societies into coherent political societies as a basis for (i) eliciting deference and devotion from the individual to the claims of the state, and ultimately for (ii) increasing cultural homogeneity, political integration and value consensus? Drawing on data generated from an ethnographic study carried out in South–Western Nigeria between October 2009 and March 2015, this study interrogates these questions.  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT  In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, the register of slang has historically been embraced to forge salient social and spatial distinctions, demarcating the physical space of the favela (shantytown) and naturalizing the exclusion of its residents. In this article, I examine the ongoing enregisterment of slang in Rio's current context of profound social inequality, democratic instability, heightened urban violence, and geographic proximity. Within this climate of fear and insecurity, newly vulnerable and newly marginalized city residents draw on and reify salient speech repertoires to negotiate rights to the city and to the nation-state that have become increasingly threatened along socioeconomic, racial, and residential lines. I argue that the enregisterment of slang constructs newly emergent citizenship categories that both challenge and reinforce Brazil's entrenched regime of differentiated citizenship, illuminating the productive role of linguistic differentiation in the modern nation-state. [Keywords: slang, crime, citizenship, marginality, Brazil]  相似文献   

11.
As part of the book symposium on Getting Respect by Lamont et al., this essay explores the micro-politics of recognition and their context-specific varieties in the U.S., Brazil and Israel. The essay scrutinizes the action-theoretical assumptions inherent in the authors’ phenomenological exploration of experiences of, and responses to, ethno-racial exclusion among ordinary people. Furthermore, it critically discusses the role of groupness, classification systems and idioms of nationhood, respectively, for explaining variations in the micro-politics of recognition. Finally, it argues that the book’s nuanced comparative analysis highlights fundamental tensions between citizenship and national belonging, thus calling to reconsider the ambivalence of individual and group rights for struggles over recognition in culturally diverse and divided societies.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines racial classifications on United States population census schedules between 1890 and 1990 to provide insights on the changing meanings of race in US society. The analysis uses a sociology of knowledge perspective which assumes that race is an ideological concept that can be interpreted most productively by relating its definition and measurement to the larger social and political context. Four themes are identified and discussed: (i) the historical and continuing importance of skin colour, usually dichotomized into white and non‐white, in defining race and counting racial groups; (ii) a belief in ‘pure’ races that is reflected in a preoccupation with categorizing people into a single or ‘pure’ race; (iii) the role of census categories in creating pan‐ethnic racial groups; and, (iv) the confusing of race and ethnicity in census racial classifications. Each theme demonstrates the potential or actual role of official statistics, exemplified by census racial data, in reflecting and guiding changes to the meaning and social perceptions of race. A detailed examination of racial classifications from the 1980 and 1990 Censuses shows that the influence of political interests on racial statistics is particularly important. The article concludes with a discussion of whether official statistical recorders such as population censuses should categorize and measure race, given the political motivations and non‐scientific character of the classifications used.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Negative attitudes towards Muslims have increased substantially in Europe, but European Muslims’ perceptions of discrimination vary across national contexts. Three separate approaches explain perceptions of discrimination: social psychological theories at the micro-level, migration theories at the social structural level, and citizenship theories at the macro-level. We know less about how these approaches fit together to explain variation in perceptions of discrimination across national contexts. To evaluate this question, this article combines survey data of European Muslims (n?=?1,618) with indices of policy commitments to immigrant integration in four countries. Contrary to hypothesized findings, this article identifies a striking puzzle: (1) Muslims report more experiences of discrimination in more inclusive contexts and (2) native-born Muslims are more likely to perceive societal hostility than Muslim immigrants in more inclusive contexts. To make sense of this puzzle, I offer an integrated approach that explains how macro-level contexts condition individual-level perceptions of exclusion through cultural knowledge.  相似文献   

14.
Interspecific competition in small rodents: from populations to individuals   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
The role of interspecific competition in shaping animal and plant communities has formed one of the major issues in ecology for decades. Small mammals, mainly rodents, have been among the model systems used for research on interspecific competition. Most studies within small mammal systems in the past have examined effects of competition on population attributes such as on population size, habitat use, or population dynamics. Population-level responses are the cumulative effects of individual responses, however, the influence of competition on individual life-history traits has rarely been studied. Research on life-histories may bridge gaps between population biology and effects of competition on individual behaviour. In this paper, we review recent research approaches to interspecific competition in rodents based on census data and species assemblages, that use regression analysis, time series analysis, removal and exclusion experiments, and showcase our own experimental research on the effects of interspecific competition on individual life-history traits in boreal voles.  相似文献   

15.
Citizenship representations within national populations have mainly been deduced from state policies on migration. Yet, at the individual level, no studies have investigated whether citizenship representations are reliably associated with preferences for specific migration policies (i.e. the underlying assumption for deducing citizenship representations from state policies). Because several studies have shown that state policies may not reflect understandings of citizenship within national populations, it may be more relevant to study citizenship representations at the individual level, in relation to personal preferences regarding migration policies. This study examined how ethnic, cultural and civic citizenship representations relate to migration policy preferences at the individual level among majority group high-school students (N = 1,734) in seven EU countries. Findings add to the understanding of citizenship representations and may have implications for the implementation of migration policies.  相似文献   

16.
In the past decade, the 2001 anthrax incident in the U.S. and the 2003 SARS epidemic have highlighted the biological threat to civilian populations. The risk posed by the natural or manmade spread of biological agents among the population dictates a need for better national preparedness. One key component of this preparation is the establishment of a Strategic National Stockpile (SNS) of pharmaceuticals that would provide appropriate medical countermeasures in case of an outbreak. However, to reduce the expense of such a stockpile and to make it worthwhile, there is also a need for a shelf-life extension program (SLEP) through which pharmaceuticals could be extended beyond manufacturer-ascribed shelf life, as long as they meet regulation standards. In this article, we review the Israeli experience with the national ciprofloxacin stockpile procurement and shelf-life extension program.  相似文献   

17.
Basque nationalism is singled out in the literature as a case of minority nationalism that faces an ongoing struggle between those in support of a liberal-inclusive definition of the nation and those favouring an exclusive-racialist one. Nevertheless, Basque nationalist parties have been welcoming of immigration and have legislated to create a regional citizenship based on residence rather than ethnicity. This article argues that, at least in part, the ‘positive’ response of Basque nationalists to the immigration wave that began in the early 2000s is an attempt to strengthen national solidarity by contrasting Basque values of openness and tolerance against the restrictive nature of the reforms to the immigration law in Spain that were initiated in 2000. This argument challenges the notion that sub-state nationalists are hostile to immigration because of the threat diversity poses to the nationalist project.  相似文献   

18.
B Kestenbaum 《Social biology》1987,34(3-4):244-248
The enigmatic seasonality of births in the US has been analyzed extensively, but gaps in the knowledge of this phenomenon exist along dimensions not accessed by the national vital registration system. Live births in the US have for some time followed a pattern of spring trough and summer peak--at least since the initiation of the national birth registration system in 1933. The pattern is known to be more pronounced for the South than for other regions and for blacks than for whites. In this study it has been shown that this pattern existed as far back as the 1890's, and currently is more pronounced for lower than for higher socioeconomic groups. These findings come from an analysis of census population data, rather than vital registration data. In this way census data have been used in an innovative way to address 2 aspects of the phenomenon which had heretofore not been adequately treated.  相似文献   

19.
Hebrewism, Globalized Israeliness and Mizrakhiut are examined as three major variants of Israeliness that struggle between them over dominance in the Israeli field of national culture. By discussing typical styles of literature and popular music associated with each variant, it is demonstrated how each is committed, albeit in a different way, to the belief in the idea of 'one nation - one culture', and to the construction of one, unique 'Israeli Culture'. Israel serves as a case to support a general argument about contemporary national cultures being a 'Bourdieusian' field in which invented tradition, global culture and sub-national / 'ethnic' culture are the major types of positions, struggling between them to define the dominant national cultural capital.  相似文献   

20.
In this article, I draw on anthropological and feminist scholarship on the body and the nature/culture divide as a framework for understanding the place of surrogate mothers in a conceptual ideology that connects motherhood with nature. I explore links between the medicalization of childbirth in Israel and the personal agency of surrogate mothers as relayed through interviews. Taking the patriarchal context of the Israeli surrogacy law of 1996 into consideration, I underscore surrogates' imaginative use of medical metaphors as tools for the subversion of surrogacy's threatening social connotations. By redefining the surrogate body as "artificial" and locating "nature" in the commissioning mother's body, surrogates adopt medical rhetoric to transform surrogacy from a transgressive act into an alternative route toward achieving normative Israeli national reproductive goals.  相似文献   

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