Neandertals and moderns mixed,and it matters

Twenty‐five years ago, the Middle‐to‐Upper Paleolithic transition in Europe could be represented as a straightforward process subsuming both the emergence of symbolic behavior and the replacement of Neandertals by modern humans. The Aurignacian was a proxy for the latter, during which enhanced cognitive capabilities explained ornaments and art. The few instances of Neandertal symbolism were deemed to long postdate contact and dismissed as “imitation without understanding,” if not geological contamination. Such views were strengthened by the recent finding that, in southern Africa, several features of the European Upper Paleolithic, including bone tools, ornaments, and microliths, emerged much earlier. Coupled with genetic suggestions of a recent African origin for extant humans, fossil discoveries bridging the transition between “archaics” and “moderns” in the realm of anatomy (Omo‐Kibish, Herto) seemingly closed the case. Over the last decade, however, taphonomic critiques of the archeology of the transition have made it clear that, in Europe, fully symbolic sapiens behavior predates both the Aurignacian and moderns. And, in line with evidence from the nuclear genome rejecting strict replacement models based on mtDNA alone, the small number of early modern specimens that passed the test of direct dating present archaic features unknown in the African lineage, suggesting admixture at the time of contact. In the realm of culture, the archeological evidence also supports a Neandertal contribution to Europe's earliest modern human societies, which feature personal ornaments completely unknown before immigration and are characteristic of such Neandertal‐associated archeological entities as the Châtelperronian and the Uluzzian. The chronometric data suggest that, north of the Ebro divide, the entire interaction process may have been resolved within the millennium centered around 42,000 calendar years ago. Such a rapid absorption of the Neandertals is consistent with the size imbalance between the two gene reservoirs and further supports significant levels of admixture.     

Innovation and technological knowledge in the Upper Paleolithic of Northern Eurasia

The technology of modern humans is unique in the animal kingdom with respect to its complexity and capacity for innovation. Evidence of technological complexity and creativity in the archeological record is broadly coincident with and presumably related to traces of creativity in art, music, ritual, and other forms of symbolism. The pattern of modern human technology is part of a larger package of behavior (sometimes referred to as “behavioral modernity”) that emerges with the appearance of industries in Eurasia classified as Upper Paleolithic, but has deeper roots in the African Middle Stone Age. 1 - 5 .     

Upper pleistocene human remains from Vindija cave,Croatia, Yugoslavia

Human remains excavated from Vindija cave include a large although fragmentary sample of late Mousterian-associated specimens and a few additional individuals from the overlying early Upper Paleolithic levels. The Mousterian-associated sample is similar to European Neandertals from other regions. Compared with earlier Neandertals from south central Europe, this sample evinces evolutionary trends in the direction of Upper Paleolithic Europeans. Compared with the western European Neandertals, the same trends can be demonstrated, although the magnitude of difference is less, and there is a potential for confusing temporal with regional sources of variation. The early Upper Paleolithic-associated sample cannot be distinguished from the Mousterian-associated hominids. We believe that this site provides support for Hrdli?ka's “Neandertal phase” of human evolution, as it was originally applied in Europe.     

欧洲旧石器时代晚期石器类型学评介及类型学相关问题探讨

类型学是考古材料描述与分析的基础。近年来,学者们对类型学尤其是旧石器时代石器类型学的反思较多,涉及类型学的理论基础、分类原则、类型学的考古解释能力等各个方面,然而少有中国学者系统介绍西方常用的旧石器考古类型学体系。鉴于此,本文主要介绍D. de Sonneville-Bordes与J. Perrot建立且在欧洲、西亚及北非应用较为普遍的旧石器时代晚期石器类型学,并思考旧石器考古学中类型学应用的相关问题。由于文化的区域多样性,描述中国的旧石器考古学材料时显然不能照搬欧洲的类型学体系,但可参考它并建立适宜于中国旧石器时代考古材料描述的体系。若此,一方面,我们可以更好地将中国的旧石器晚期考古材料与其他地区的相关材料进行对比;另一方面,可以揭示中国旧石器时代晚期石器类型的区域多样化。     

关于“中国旧石器时代中期”的探讨

本文探讨了中国旧石器时代中期考古学研究的若干问题,包括研究历史、资料现状、年代学手段、石器技术的特点及发展变化,以及与西方旧石器时代考古学的历史渊源及现状比较。通过对“中国旧石器时代中期”这一术语的来源及其所涵盖的时限及文化内涵的演变,对这一时代界定所采取的原则和方法,以及中国旧石器时代文化特点的考察,作者认为“中国旧石器时代中期”不是一个严格和有意义的学术概念,因而中国旧石器时代考古学应摒弃传统的3期断代模式,而改为早、晚两期的2分法。文章并对中国旧石器时代早期延续时间的长久和晚期出现新的文化内容的动因进行了讨论。     

Upper Paleolithic Figurines Showing Women with Obesity may Represent Survival Symbols of Climatic Change

Figurines of women with obesity or who are pregnant (“Venus figurines”) from Upper Paleolithic Europe rank among the earliest art and endured from 38,000 to 14,000 BP (before present), one of the most arduous climatic periods in human history. We propose that the Venus representation relates to human adaptation to climate change. During this period, humans faced advancing glaciers and falling temperatures that led to nutritional stress, regional extinctions, and a reduction in the population. We analyzed Paleolithic figurines of women with obesity to test whether the more obese figurines are from sites during the height of the glacial advance and closer to the glacial fronts. Figurines are less obese as distance from the glaciers increases. Because survival required sufficient nutrition for child‐bearing women, we hypothesize that the overnourished woman became an ideal symbol of survival and beauty during episodes of starvation and climate change in Paleolithic Europe.     

The early upper Paleolithic of eastern Europe reconsidered

Artifacts of Paleolithic age were first recognized in eastern Europe during the 1870s. Archeologists have struggled ever since to integrate them into the better known record of western Europe, where the interpretive framework of Paleolithic archeology was originally developed. The essential elements of both the Middle and Upper Paleolithic were recognized quickly in eastern Europe, and a close connection with a major middle Upper Paleolithic industry of central Europe (Gravettian) was established many years ago. The early Upper Paleolithic (EUP) has remained a major challenge, however; it is represented primarily by a bewildering array of local archeological cultures that exhibit limited similarity to contemporaneous industries of western and central Europe.6-9.     

De la géographie sociale en archéologie paléolithique : concepts et apports du Magdalénien des Pyrénées

Landscape archaeologies that pay attention to cultural importance of place have become increasingly common in recent years in many parts of the world. However, these approaches have largely failed to make inroads into Pleistocene European hunter-gatherer archaeology. This is partly due to a focus on economics, survival, and neo-liberal assumptions of “efficiency” in early modern human behavior. With evidence of lithic use drawn from cave sites, survey, and open-air excavation, I argue that Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers left clues to the importance of certain places in the landscape. Lithic tools in particular have been undervalued for their symbolic meaning, which goes well beyond style and ethnicity models. Raw material has been seen as evidence of mobility and trade, but possible cultural motives behind material choices have been downplayed or ignored.     

水洞沟遗址第2地点古人类“行为现代性”及演化意义

解剖学意义上的现代人及其行为的演化与扩散是古人类学和旧石器考古学关注的重大科学问题。本文对水洞沟第2地点生态、技术、经济社会组织和象征行为方面的行为特征进行分析,于不同的文化层揭示出了不同的创新行为,它们分别预示了不同的演化意义。距今4~2万年间中国北方连续发展的石片石器技术系统从人类行为角度支持中国古人类连续演化的假说,在此理论背景下,探求中国古人类的行为创新需要关注人类行为的演化历程,进而总结创新表现,而非将总结自欧非等地区的现代行为清单与中国的考古学材料简单比对,进而讨论行为的现代与否。现代人出现后中国古人类行为的特殊性和多样性,促使研究者更多地关注行为变异性及不同适应策略产生的原因,而非将一系列的特征总称为现代行为;同时提醒学者们不应以总结自旧大陆西部的现代行为清单衡量和定性中国乃至东亚旧石器时代晚期人群的生物学属性和社会行为能力。     

Hommes et environnements au Paléolithique supérieur en Ukraine : introduction aux recherches interdisciplinaires menées sur le site de Mezhyrich

Research conducted under the ANR project “Mammouths”, about “the end of the mammoth steppe: Man/Environment relationship during late Pleniglacial in Eastern Europe”, is the subject of several contributions. A first part was published in the Volume 118 (issue 5, November–December 2014) in the journal L’Anthropologie. We present in this second volume seven articles dedicated to the Upper Paleolithic site of Mezhyrich in Ukraine.     

Stress physiologique et état de santé des plus anciens Hommes anatomiquement modernes du sud-est de l’Europe (données dentaires,couche 6-1, Buran-Kaya III,Crimée)

Buran-Kaya III site, in Crimea, provides an exceptional stratigraphic sequence, extending from Middle Paleolithic to Neolithic. Among the archaeological layers allocated to the Gravettian (sensu lato), more than 170 anthropological remains have been discovered in the layer 6-1. They represent the oldest Upper Paleolithic modern humans from Eastern Europe in a well-documented archaeological context. The aim of this article, based on dental remains and enamel dental hypoplasias in particular, is to evaluate the health of the modern humans, which lived more than 32,000 years BP ago in Crimea. This study puts into the light the low frequency of hypoplasias (occurring in the two youngest individuals). This article complete the rare studies concerning the presence of this physiological stress during the Early Upper Paleolithic and confirm the scarcity of enamel dental hypoplasias and dental pathologies, such as caries, at this period.     

Nonhuman primate hybridization and the taxonomic status of Neanderthals

The present study examines the taxonomic status of Middle Paleolithic Neanderthals by comparing their observed minimum genetic divergence from Upper Paleolithic modern humans in Europe with that observed between macaque species from Sulawesi that are known to hybridize and fully intergrade in the wild. The genetic divergence, and differentiation between Neanderthals and Upper Paleolithic modern humans, as indicated by pairwise minimum genetic distances and F(ST) values calculated from the estimated minimum genetic relationship (R) matrix derived from craniometric data, are significantly greater than those observed both between hybridizing and noninterbreeding Sulawesi macaque species, suggesting that mate recognition and the possibility of gene flow between Neanderthals and Upper Paleolithic modern humans might have been greatly reduced. These results support a species-level taxonomic distinction for the Neanderthals as suggested by proponents of the replacement model. Furthermore, assumptions regarding the monophyletic origin of modern humans from outside Europe are likely valid.     

Is human longevity a consequence of cultural change or modern biology?

Increased longevity, expressed as the number of individuals surviving to older adulthood, represents a key way that Upper Paleolithic Europeans differ from earlier European (Neandertal) populations. Here, we address whether longevity increased as a result of cultural/adaptive change in Upper Paleolithic Europe, or whether it was introduced to Europe as a part of modern human biology. We compare the ratio of older to younger adults (OY ratio) in an early modern human sample associated with the Middle Paleolithic from Western Asia with OY ratios of European Upper Paleolithic moderns and penecontemporary Neandertals from the same region. We also compare these Neandertals to European Neandertals. The difference between the OY ratios of modern humans of the Middle and Upper Paleolithic is large and significant, but there is no significant difference between the Neandertals and early modern humans of Western Asia. Longevity for the West Asian Neandertals is significantly more common than for the European Neandertals. We conclude that the increase in adult survivorship associated with the Upper Paleolithic is not a biological attribute of modern humans, but reflects important cultural adaptations promoting the demographic and material representations of modernity.     

Evolutionary trends of stature in upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic Europe

Long bone lengths of all available European Upper Paleolithic (41 males, 25 females) and Mesolithic (171 males, 118 females) remains have been transformed into stature estimates by means of new regression equations derived from Early Holocene skeletal samples using "Fully's anatomical stature" and the major axis regression technique (Formicola & Franceschi, 1996). Statistical analysis of the data, with reference both to time and space parameters, indicates that: (1) Early Upper Paleolithic samples (pre-Glacial Maximum) are very tall; (2) Late Upper Paleolithic groups (post-Glacial Maximum) from Western Europe, compared to their ancestors, show a marked decrease in height; (3) a further, although not significant, reduction of stature affects Western Mesolithics; (4) no regional differences have been observed during both phases of the Upper Paleolithic; (5) a high level of homogeneity has also been found in the Mesolithic, both in Western and Eastern Europe; (6) the internal homogeneity found during the Mesolithic in Western and Eastern Europe is associated with marked inter-regional variability, with populations of the latter region showing systematically significantly greater stature than their Western contemporaries. Evaluation of possible causes for the great stature of the Early Upper Paleolithic samples points to high nutritional standards as the most important factor. Results obtained on later groups clearly indicate that the Last Glacial Maximum, rather than the Mesolithic transition, is the critical phase in the negative trend affecting Western European populations. While changes in the quality of the diet, and in particular decreased protein intake, provide a likely explanation for that trend, variations in levels of gene flow probably also played a role. Reasons for the West-East Mesolithic dichotomy remain unclear and lack of information for the Late Upper Paleolithic of Eastern Europe prevents insight into the remote origins of this phenomenon. Analysis of regional differentiation of stature, particularly well supported by data from Mesolithic sites, points to the absence of today's latitudinal gradients and suggests a relative homogeneity in dietary, cultural and biodemographic patterns for the last hunter-gatherer populations of Western Europe.     

Le paléolithique supérieur au sud du Portugal : le site de Vale Boi

Before the 90s, data on Paleolithic human occupation of southern Portugal was very scarce. During the last decade, the knowledge of the Upper Paleolithic of Algarve increased substantially due to the work of a research team based at the University of Algarve. The present paper is a report on the recent results from Algarve, focusing specially on the site of Vale Boi. It will present the chronology and stratigraphy of different human occupations from the early Upper Paleolithic up to the early Neolithic. It will focus on aspects of zooarchaeology and the exploitation of large and medium mammals as well as on marine fauna. In addition, we will present new data on stone and bone tools. Finally, we will also refer to the social and symbolic aspects present at the site, base on shell and teeth pendants and to an engraved plaquette with animal motifs.     

Y chromosome genetic variation in the Italian peninsula is clinal and supports an admixture model for the Mesolithic-Neolithic encounter

The Italian peninsula, given its geographical location in the middle of the Mediterranean basin, was involved in the process of the peopling of Europe since the very beginning, with first settlements dating to the Upper Paleolithic. Later on, the Neolithic revolution left clear evidence in the archeological record, with findings going back to 7000 B.C. We have investigated the demographic consequences of the agriculture revolution in this area by genotyping Y chromosome markers for almost 700 individuals from 12 different regions. Data analysis showed a non-random distribution of the observed genetic variation, with more than 70% of the Y chromosome diversity distributed along a North-South axis. While the Greek colonisation during classical time appears to have left no significant contribution, the results support a male demic diffusion model, even if population replacement was not complete and the degree of Neolithic admixture with Mesolithic inhabitants was different in different areas of Italy.     

朝鲜半岛旧石器时代晚期的有柄尖刃器

有柄尖刃器是朝鲜半岛旧石器时代晚期代表性狩猎工具,1964年在公州石壮里遗址中首次发现。原料多选择硅质页岩或与之相似的石料,多见于25,000-15,000 BP之间。之后随着石镞等复合工具的出现,有柄尖刃器逐渐被取代。本文观察和研究的305件有柄尖刃器来自朝鲜半岛33个遗址,通过分析其形态属性及工业类型,揭示有柄尖刃器的制作技法,探讨其与相邻地区的关系。在中国旧石器时代遗存中虽然也有关于有柄尖刃器的零星报道,但鲜有确凿者,望本文能为中国的相关研究提供有价值的参考资料。     

The oldest anatomically modern humans from far southeast Europe: direct dating, culture and behavior

Background

Anatomically Modern Humans (AMHs) are known to have spread across Europe during the period coinciding with the Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition. Whereas their dispersal into Western Europe is relatively well established, evidence of an early settlement of Eastern Europe by modern humans are comparatively scarce.

Methodology/Principal Finding

Based on a multidisciplinary approach for the study of human and faunal remains, we describe here the oldest AMH remains from the extreme southeast Europe, in conjunction with their associated cultural and paleoecological background. We applied taxonomy, paleoecology, and taphonomy combined with geomorphology, stratigraphy, archeology and radiocarbon dating. More than 160 human bone remains have been discovered. They originate from a well documented Upper Paleolithic archeological layer (Gravettian cultural tradition) from the site of Buran-Kaya III located in Crimea (Ukraine). The combination of non-metric dental traits and the morphology of the occipital bones allow us to attribute the human remains to Anatomically Modern Humans. A set of human and faunal remains from this layer has been radiocarbon dated by Accelerator Mass Spectrometry. The direct-dating results of human bone establish a secure presence of AMHs at 31,900+240/−220 BP in this region. They are the oldest direct evidence of the presence of AMHs in a well documented archeological context. Based on taphonomical observations (cut marks and distribution of skeletal elements), they represent the oldest Upper Paleolithic modern humans from Eastern Europe, showing post-mortem treatment of the dead as well.

Conclusion/Significance

These findings are essential for the debate on the spread of modern humans in Europe during the Upper Paleolithic, as well as their cultural behaviors.     

Brachial and crural indices of European late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic humans

Among recent humans brachial and crural indices are positively correlated with mean annual temperature, such that high indices are found in tropical groups. However, despite inhabiting glacial Europe, the Upper Paleolithic Europeans possessed high indices, prompting Trinkaus (1981) to argue for gene flow from warmer regions associated with modern human emergence in Europe. In contrast, Frayer et al. (1993) point out that Late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic Europeans should not exhibit tropically-adapted limb proportions, since, even assuming replacement, their ancestors had experienced cold stress in glacial Europe for at least 12 millennia. This study investigates three questions tied to the brachial and crural indices among Late Pleistocene and recent humans. First, which limb segments (either proximal or distal) are primarily responsible for variation in brachial and crural indices? Second, are these indices reflective of overall limb elongation? And finally, do the Late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic Europeans retain relatively and/or absolutely long limbs? Results indicate that in the lower limb, the distal limb segment contributes most of the variability to intralimb proportions, while in the upper limb the proximal and distal limb segments appear to be equally variable. Additionally, brachial and crural indices do not appear to be a good measure of overall limb length, and thus, while the Late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic humans have significantly higher (i.e., tropically-adapted) brachial and crural indices than do recent Europeans, they also have shorter (i.e., cold-adapted) limbs. The somewhat paradoxical retention of "tropical" indices in the context of more "cold-adapted" limb length is best explained as evidence for Replacement in the European Late Pleistocene, followed by gradual cold adaptation in glacial Europe.     

Bone and ivory points in the Lower and Middle Paleolithic of Europe.

The existence of shaped bone and ivory points, to be used as awls or with wooden hafts, has been suggested for the Lower Paleolithic sites of Torralba and Ambrona and for several Middle Paleolithic sites, such as Vaufrey, Combe Grenal, Pech de l'Azé I and Camiac. The use of hafted bone and ivory points would imply a spear armature technology similar to that well documented in the Upper Paleolithic, often considered an innovation introduced to Europe by anatomically modern humans.The controversial ivory points from the two Spanish sites, whose fracture morphology is considered natural by G. Haynes (1991), have been reanalyzed, checking for putative traces of human manufacture and utilization as described by Howell & Freeman (1983), i.e., polish, flaking of stem, ground edges, striations from manufacture and contact with a haft or binding. We have been able to study 19 new proboscidean tusk tips from the ongoing Ambrona excavations by a Spanish team. For these and nine other Middle Paleolithic bone and antler points we use optical and SEM microscope analysis, taphonomic analysis, comparative observations of Upper Paleolithic bone points, experimental observations of manufacturing traces, modern tusk samples, and data on several bone and antler pseudo-points from carnivore accumulations.We show that none of the objects we have studied can be interpreted as an intentionally shaped point. The absence of hafted bone points in the Middle Paleolithic of Europe is contrasted with evidence of the use of hafted stone points since OIS 5 or earlier in Eurasia and Africa. We suggest that the absence of organic spear armatures in the Middle Paleolithic is not due to a deficiency in the technology of Neandertals but may be tied to the organizational strategies of the hunters and to patterns of game choice and capture.