What’s the matter with technology? Long (and short) yams,materialisation and technology in Nyamikum village,Maprik district,Papua New Guinea

Things are not just consumable, they are made so. They acquire their ‘materiality’ not only through engagements with them as finished products, but also through processes that make them material, i.e. technical activities. This field of study in anthropology, rejected by dominant trends because of its deterministic connotations, is a useful way to explore processes of materialisation and to investigate the ‘inbuilt’ relationality of things and activities. This paper focuses on yam gardening in Nyamikum, an Abelam village of the East Sepik. Once harvested, long (and short) yams emerge not solely as phallic symbols, but also as artefacts, representations, living beings, ancestors, artworks, valuables and, mostly, food. Starting observations at the beginning of the operational sequences (‘chaînes opératoire’, Lemonnier 1992 ) within gardening techniques, a combination of gestures, body, materials, energy, tools, knowledge and behaviours takes us across domains of experience (embodiments, transformations, sociality, narratives) to illuminate how yams are made into ‘relational’ entities. They demonstrate that techniques create a web that materialises social and cultural values, condensing networks of relations into things. As the results of these (known or imagined) processes, things can demonstrate the material validities of representational—or ideological—components of technological phenomena and may be used to generate sociality.     

Documenting discontent: Struggles for recognition in the Purari Delta of Papua New Guinea

Within the context of the Purari Delta’s transforming materialities of resource extraction, and the legacy of the Tom Kabu iconoclastic modernist movement (1946–69), I examine the processes of materialisation bound up with two related but different things: heirlooms (eve uku) and documents (Incorporated Land Group (ILG) forms). Eve uku (‘hand head’) lie within a continuum of things (names, relations, totemic ancestral spirit‐beings and sites in the environment) through which ancestral actions are shown to have happened, and descent groups’ identities manifest. However, given the ambiguous status of the traditional past among the I’ai, the power of these forms is circumscribed to the village thus making them ineffectual tokens in the bid to secure royalties from resource extraction. Instead, highly coveted documents known as ILG certificates have emerged as efficacious things by which royalties can be secured. Examining these certificates as objects, I investigate how these documents help materialise anew descent groups, communities’ relations to their environment and thus their aspirations for development with its attending materialities. The problem for the I’ai, however, remains how to obtain these documents and, as with eve uku, how to control them.     

Sacred materialism: Things and relations in a US Pagan community

Ever since Marcel Mauss wrote The Gift, the notion that things exchanged as gifts take a personalised social form, and that they partake of and mediate relational sociality, has held an important place in anthropology. Examining material practices among contemporary Pagans in the Reclaiming tradition, this article shows how they seek to imbue things with personhood, exploring the sacredness of things as alive, active and participating in social relations. In doing so, these Pagans work to forge an alternative economy founded on gift exchange and generous labour, which they hope might form a basis for a different kind of sociality from the capitalist system dominant in the United States. In practice, the encounter between gift and commodity forms in this community is a source of both conflict and emergent forms of sociality, as these alternative economic practices are fashioned around the margins of mainstream economic life.     

The Q2 Mitochondrial Haplogroup in Oceania

Many details surrounding the origins of the peoples of Oceania remain to be resolved, and as a step towards this we report seven new complete mitochondrial genomes from the Q2a haplogroup, from Papua New Guinea, Fiji and Kiribati. This brings the total to eleven Q2 genomes now available. The Q haplogroup (that includes Q2) is an old and diverse lineage in Near Oceania, and is reasonably common; within our sample set of 430, 97 are of the Q haplogroup. However, only 8 are Q2, and we report 7 here. The tree with all complete Q genomes is proven to be minimal. The dating estimate for the origin of Q2 (around 35 Kya) reinforces the understanding that humans have been in Near Oceania for tens of thousands of years; nevertheless the Polynesian maternal haplogroups remain distinctive. A major focus now, with regard to Polynesian ancestry, is to address the differences and timing of the ‘Melanesian’ contribution to the maternal and paternal lineages as people moved further and further into Remote Oceania. Input from other fields such as anthropology, history and linguistics is required for a better understanding and interpretation of the genetic data.     

Mitochondrial and nuclear genetic relationships among Pacific Island and Asian populations.

Mitochondrial and autosomal short tandem-repeat (STR) genetic distances among 28 Pacific Island and Asian populations are significantly correlated (r=.25, P<.01) but describe distinct patterns of relationships. Maternally inherited-mtDNA data suggest that Remote Oceanic Islanders originated in island Southeast Asia. In contrast, biparental STR data reveal substantial genetic affinities between Remote Oceanic Islanders and Near Oceanic populations from highland Papua New Guinea and Australia. The low correlation between maternal and biparental genetic markers from the same individuals may reflect differences in genome-effective population sizes or in sex-biased gene flow. To explore these possibilities, we have examined genetic diversity, gene flow, and correlations among genetic, linguistic, and geographic distances within four sets of populations representing potential geographic and cultural spheres of interaction. GST estimates (a measure of genetic differentiation inversely proportional to gene flow) from mtDNA sequences vary between 0.13 and 0.39 and are typically five times greater than GST estimates from STR loci (0.05-0.08). Significant correlations (r>.5, P<.05) between maternal genetic and linguistic distances are coincident with high mtDNA GST estimates (>0.38). Thus, genetic and linguistic distances may coevolve, and their correspondence may be preserved under conditions of genetic isolation. A significant correlation (r=.65, P<.01) between biparental genetic and geographic distances is coincident with a low STR GST estimate (0.05), indicating that isolation by distance is observed under conditions of high nuclear-gene flow. These results are consistent with an initial settlement of Remote Oceania from island Southeast Asia and with extensive postcolonization male-biased gene flow with Near Oceania.     

Modernizing Evolutionary Anthropology

Evolutionary anthropology has traditionally focused on the study of small-scale, largely self-sufficient societies. The increasing rarity of these societies underscores the importance of such research yet also suggests the need to understand the processes by which such societies are being lost—what we call “modernization”—and the effects of these processes on human behavior and biology. In this article, we discuss recent efforts by evolutionary anthropologists to incorporate modernization into their research and the challenges and rewards that follow. Advantages include that these studies allow for explicit testing of hypotheses that explore how behavior and biology change in conjunction with changes in social, economic, and ecological factors. In addition, modernization often provides a source of “natural experiments” since it may proceed in a piecemeal fashion through a population. Challenges arise, however, in association with reduced variability in fitness proxies such as fertility, and with the increasing use of relatively novel methodologies in evolutionary anthropology, such as the analysis of secondary data. Confronting these challenges will require careful consideration but will lead to an improved understanding of humanity. We conclude that the study of modernization offers the prospect of developing a richer evolutionary anthropology, by encompassing ultimate and proximate explanations for behavior expressed across the full range of human societies.     

Anthropologists only need apply: challenges of applied anthropology

The application of anthropology is attracting increasing attention, where once it was thought at best a dubious enterprise. The resurgence of applied anthropology reflects the discipline's broad spread, with persons seeking applications in an array of areas. In this article I reflect on some contentious issues that I have encountered in trying to take up the challenge of applying anthropology, notably in the context of 'indigenous knowledge' in development inquiries, issues that demand attention to take this work forwards. A brief historical review suggests that a failure to deal with these arguably hindered previous attempts to establish an applied anthropology. They include definition of the subject we seek to apply, the implications of interdisciplinarity for the social sciences, and the matter of expert status. Other considerations concern giving ethnographic methods an applicable edge, engaging, for example, with the challenging demands of participatory research. I outline five ways to envisage applying anthropology: facilitating others' exploitation of exogenous know-how; using knowledge of local understanding to further development; transferring people's learning and practices cross-culturally; seeking ways to assist market use of knowledge; and finally radical ethno-criticism of development. They all present us with challenges. And signal interesting times for anthropology.     

Deciphering past human population movements in Oceania: provably optimal trees of 127 mtDNA genomes

The settlement of the many island groups of Remote Oceania occurred relatively late in prehistory, beginning approximately 3,000 years ago when people sailed eastwards into the Pacific from Near Oceania, where evidence of human settlement dates from as early as 40,000 years ago. Archeological and linguistic analyses have suggested the settlers of Remote Oceania had ancestry in Taiwan, as descendants of a proposed Neolithic expansion that began approximately 5,500 years ago. Other researchers have suggested that the settlers were descendants of peoples from Island Southeast Asia or the existing inhabitants of Near Oceania alone. To explore patterns of maternal descent in Oceania, we have assembled and analyzed a data set of 137 mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) genomes from Oceania, Australia, Island Southeast Asia, and Taiwan that includes 19 sequences generated for this project. Using the MinMax Squeeze Approach (MMS), we report the consensus network of 165 most parsimonious trees for the Oceanic data set, increasing by many orders of magnitude the numbers of trees for which a provable minimal solution has been found. The new mtDNA sequences highlight the limitations of partial sequencing for assigning sequences to haplogroups and dating recent divergence events. The provably optimal trees found for the entire mtDNA sequences using the MMS method provide a reliable and robust framework for the interpretation of evolutionary relationships and confirm that the female settlers of Remote Oceania descended from both the existing inhabitants of Near Oceania and more recent migrants into the region.     

Affinities among Melanesians,Micronesians, and Polynesians: a neutral biparental genetic perspective

The human colonization of Remote Oceania, the vast Pacific region including Micronesia, Polynesia, and Melanesia beyond the northern Solomon Islands, ranks as one of the greatest achievements of prehistory. Many aspects of human diversity have been examined in an effort to reconstruct this late Holocene expansion. Archaeolinguistic analyses describe a rapid expansion of Austronesian-speaking "Lapita people" from Taiwan out into the Pacific. Analyses of biological markers, however, indicate genetic contributions from Pleistocene-settled Near Oceania into Micronesia and Polynesia, and genetic continuity across Melanesia. Thus, conflicts between archaeolinguistic and biological patterns suggest either linguistic diffusion or gene flow across linguistic barriers throughout Melanesia. To evaluate these hypotheses and the general utility of linguistic patterns for conceptualizing Pacific prehistory, we analyzed 14 neutral, biparental genetic (short tandem repeat) loci from 965 individuals representing 27 island Southeast Asian, Melanesian, Micronesian, and Polynesian populations. Population bottlenecks during the colonization of Remote Oceania are indicated by a statistically significant regression of loss of heterozygosity on migration distance from island Southeast Asia (r = 0.78, p < 0.001). Genetic and geographic distances were consistently correlated (r > 0.35, p < 0.006), indicating extensive gene flow primarily focused among neighboring populations. Significant correlations between linguistic and geographic patterns and between genetic and linguistic patterns depended upon the inclusion of Papuan speakers in the analyses. These results are consistent with an expansion of Austronesian-speaking populations out of island Southeast Asia and into Remote Oceania, followed by substantial gene flow from Near Oceanic populations. Although linguistic and genetic distinctions correspond at times, particularly between Western and Central-Eastern Micronesia, gene flow has reduced the utility of linguistic data within Melanesia. Overall, geographic proximity is a better predictor of biparental genetic relationships than linguistic affinities.     

mtDNA lineage analyses: origins and migrations of Micronesians and Polynesians

The islands of Micronesia and Polynesia collectively comprise the last major region of the globe to be settled by humans. Both of these groups of islands were colonized within the last 4,000 years by Austronesian-speaking agriculturists. Based on biogeographic and linguistic patterns, central-eastern Micronesia and Polynesia are included by many in a single category called Remote Oceania. Similarities of biologic, linguistic, and cultural traits within Remote Oceania highlight a question central to Oceanic studies: Are similarities among islands due to a common origin of isolated communities, to ongoing interactions among islands, or both? Analyses of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences reveal that most remote Oceanic populations are polyphyletic. These polyphyletic populations violate the assumptions of many genetic distance and population demography models and so are problematic to interpret. The majority of mtDNA sequences from Micronesian and Polynesian populations are derived from Asia, whereas others are inferred to have originated in New Guinea. These data support an Island Southeast Asian origin and a colonization route along the north coast of New Guinea. The Marianas and Yap proper (main island) appear to have been independently settled directly from Island Southeast Asia, and both have received migrants from Central-Eastern Micronesia since then. Palau clearly demonstrates a complex prehistory including a significant influx of lineages from New Guinea. Thus genetic similarities among Micronesian and Polynesian populations result, in some cases, from a common origin, and in others, from extensive gene flow.     

‘Follow me,and I will make you fishers of men’: the moral and political scales of migration in the central Mediterranean

This article offers recent dynamics of unauthorized migration and interception in the central Mediterranean as an example of historical anthropology of transnational region formation. It exemplifies how we can rescale classical themes in Mediterraneanist anthropology – hospitality, in this case – to illuminate transnational processes. I argue that anthropologists actually share with human rights advocates and European officials these ways of thinking about the scales of the moral and the political dimensions of migration, and I offer an alternative understanding of the scales of action, responsibility, and sovereignty as well as a clue about how regions come to life.     

Domestic Transitions, Desiccation, Agricultural Intensification, and Livelihood Diversification among Rural Households on the Central Plateau, Burkina Faso

ABSTRACT   Understanding how and why domestic groups alter their function and form has long been a theme within anthropology. Numerous accounts have detailed the processes that drive household transformations and their underlying mechanisms. Mostly, these studies describe how domestic groups fission and fuse between extended and nuclear forms. In recent years, scholars have emphasized that these transformations should be understood within larger contexts of social and environmental change. Mossi communities on the Central Plateau of Burkina Faso provide an excellent opportunity to explore such processes because the large extended households documented 30 years ago were predicted to decline and eventually disappear. In this study, I examine dynamics of household transformations and test the validity of this prediction. I use perspectives from sustainability science and computer-simulation modeling to understand how regional desiccation, agricultural intensification, and livelihood diversification articulate with domestic transitions.     

Hacking anthropology

This essay outlines how the ‘hack’ might offer a model for anthropological research in the face of the distributed relations evidenced by digital data. The argument builds on fieldwork with citizens and activists and looks at their attempts to understand and make use of the data produced by energy sensors and monitors. Drawing on their experiences, I suggest that ‘the hack’ emerges as an important form of practice that helps people navigate the place of data in social relations. Taking the hack not just as ethnographic observation but also as a methodological proposition, I use my ethnographic material on the practice of the hack to reconsider the anthropological challenge of doing ethnography of processes that are only perceptible through numerical or digital data. To explore the value of the hack for anthropology, I introduce an example of an attempt to do ethnography in the mode of the hack. The essay ends with reflections on how the hack might provide us with new ways of getting to grips with the anthropological implications of systemic and emergent relations that are both brought to light and remade through data.     

Balancing on a Planet: Toward an Agricultural Anthropology for the Twenty-First Century

Robert Netting had a central role in establishing agricultural anthropology. Many people rightly remember him as an astute ethnographer of farming communities, focused on analyzing the empirical details of changing patterns of household composition, land holding size and labor use. Yet, during his career he was increasingly concerned about the sustainability of smallholder vs. conventional industrial agriculture models on a global scale. Thus, Netting also had an important role in laying the foundation for the development of an agricultural anthropology for the twenty-first century, an anthropology that shows how smallholders balancing on an Alp can help us to understand how we might balance on this planet. This paper analyzes Netting's contribution to the future of agricultural anthropology in three key areas: the environment, population, and agriculture relationship; farmer knowledge and epistemology; and models for global sustainability.     

Big brains, small worlds: material culture and the evolution of the mind

New developments in neuroimaging have demonstrated that the basic capacities underpinning human social skills are shared by our closest extant primate relatives. The challenge for archaeologists is to explain how complex human societies evolved from this shared pattern of face-to-face social interaction. We argue that a key process was the gradual incorporation of material culture into social networks over the course of hominin evolution. Here we use three long-term processes in hominin evolution-encephalization, the global human diaspora and sedentism/agriculture-to illustrate how the cultural transmission of material culture allowed the 'scaling up' of face-to-face social interactions to the global societies known today. We conclude that future research by neuroimagers and archaeologists will need to investigate the cognitive mechanisms behind human engagement with material culture as well as other persons.     

Uncloaking a Lost Cause: Decolonizing ancestry estimation in the United States

Since the professionalization of US-based forensic anthropology in the 1970s, ancestry estimation has been included as a standard part of the biological profile, because practitioners have assumed it necessary to achieve identifications in medicolegal contexts. Simultaneously, forensic anthropologists have not fully considered the racist context of the criminal justice system in the United States related to the treatment of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color; nor have we considered that ancestry estimation might actually hinder identification efforts because of entrenched racial biases. Despite ongoing criticisms from mainstream biological anthropology that ancestry estimation perpetuates race science, forensic anthropologists have continued the practice. Recent years have seen the prolific development of retooled typological approaches with 21st century statistical prowess to include methods for estimating ancestry from cranial morphoscopic traits, despite no evidence that these traits reflect microevolutionary processes or are suitable genetic proxies for population structure; and such approaches have failed to critically evaluate the societal consequences for perpetuating the biological race concept. Around the country, these methods are enculturated in every aspect of the discipline ranging from university classrooms, to the board-certification examination marking the culmination of training, to standard operating procedures adopted by forensic anthropology laboratories. Here, we use critical race theory to interrogate the approaches utilized to estimate ancestry to include a critique of the continued use of morphoscopic traits, and we assert that the practice of ancestry estimation contributes to white supremacy. Based on the lack of scientific support that these traits reflect evolutionary history, and the inability to disentangle skeletal-based ancestry estimates from supporting the biological validity of race, we urge all forensic anthropologists to abolish the practice of ancestry estimation.     

Dynamic models and large scale field experiments in environmental impact assessment and management

Abstract Dynamic numerical models and field experiments play important roles in impact assessment and management. Unfortunately, extreme and simplistic views have developed about whether and how to use these tools, so their complementary values to the manager are often not recognized. We often hear the outrageous claim (or hope) that numerical models can synthesize ‘all’ relevant information for predicting the impact of policy choice, hence making experimental experience unnecessary. From experimentalists, we hear the equally naive criticism that ecological systems are so complex that nothing is predictable without experimental experience. What we usually get from the proponents of these extremes are either models that are dangerously unreliable, or experiments that provide nice scientific answers to the wrong questions. Wise use of modelling begins with the following points: (i) explicit modelling is an excellent way to clarify policy concerns and identify processes that are most likely to be important in making predictions about policy effects; (ii) we can do a very good job of modelling some processes and relationships, particularly those having to do with basic spatial and temporal scales of impact as related to physical transport, chemical transformations, and life history characteristics of indicator populations (longevity, delays and response times due to age structured rates of reproduction and mortality); and (iii) there are some important dynamic processes, such as long-term accumulation of toxic materials in the environment, that unfold over such large space and time scales as to preclude direct experimental study (leaving only the issue of which models to use in making predictions, not whether to model - unless the processes are simply ignored). But points (i) and (ii) represent steps that a good experimentalist will take anyway: be clear about what practical results an experiment is intended to produce, and do not waste effort on experiments to measure things that can be predicted reliably from existing knowledge. The key to successful use of modelling and experimentation in management is in making good judgements about the interface between points (ii) and (iii); that is, in making good judgements about both what variables cannot be reliably predicted, and of these, which to treat experimentally and which to gamble on predicting from models.     

Alternative statistical approaches to the use of data as evidence for hypotheses in human behavioral ecology

In their ambitious Evolutionary Anthropology paper, Winterhalder and Smith 1 review the history, theory, and methods of human behavioral ecology (HBE). In establishing how HBE differs from traditional approaches within sociocultural anthropology, they and others laud its hypothetical‐deductive research method. 1 - 3 Our aim is to critically examine how human behavioral ecologists conduct their research, specifically how they analyze and interpret data as evidence for scientific hypotheses. Through computer simulations and a review of empirical studies of human sex ratios, we consider some limitations of the status quo and present alternatives that could strengthen the field. In particular, we suggest that because human behavioral ecologists often consider multiple hypotheses, they should use statistical approaches that can quantify the evidence in empirical data for competing hypotheses. Although we focus on HBE, the principles of this paper apply broadly within biological anthropology.