Incidence of Induced Abortion in Uganda, 2013: New Estimates Since 2003

BackgroundIn Uganda, abortion is permitted only when the life of a woman is in danger. This restriction compels the perpetuation of the practice in secrecy and often under unsafe conditions. In 2003, 294,000 induced abortions were estimated to occur each year in Uganda. Since then, no other research on abortion incidence has been conducted in the country.MethodsData from 418 health facilities were used to estimate the number and rate of induced abortion in 2013. An indirect estimation methodology was used to calculate the annual incidence of induced abortions ─ nationally and by major regions. The use of a comparable methodology in an earlier study permits assessment of trends between 2003 and 2013.ResultsIn 2013, an estimated 128,682 women were treated for abortion complications and an estimated 314,304 induced abortions occurred, both slightly up from 110,000 and 294,000 in 2003, respectively. The national abortion rate was 39 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15–49, down from 51 in 2003. Regional variation in abortion rates is very large, from as high as an estimated 77 per 1,000 women 15–49 in Kampala region, to as low as 18 per 1,000 women in Western region. The overall pregnancy rate also declined from 326 to 288; however the proportion of pregnancies that were unintended increased slightly, from 49% to 52%.ConclusionUnsafe abortion remains a major problem confronting Ugandan women. Although the overall pregnancy rate and the abortion rate declined in the past decade, the majority of pregnancies to Ugandan women are still unintended. These findings reflect the increase in the use of modern contraception but also suggest that a large proportion of women are still having difficulty practicing contraception effectively. Improved access to contraceptive services and abortion-related care are still needed.     

Incidence of Induced Abortion and Post-Abortion Care in Tanzania

Background

Tanzania has one of the highest maternal mortality ratios in the world, and unsafe abortion is one of its leading causes. Yet little is known about its incidence.

Objectives

To provide the first ever estimates of the incidence of unsafe abortion in Tanzania, at the national level and for each of the 8 geopolitical zones (7 in Mainland plus Zanzibar).

Methods

A nationally representative survey of health facilities was conducted to determine the number of induced abortion complications treated in facilities. A survey of experts on abortion was conducted to estimate the likelihood of women experiencing complications and obtaining treatment. These surveys were complemented with population and fertility data to obtain abortion numbers, rates and ratios, using the Abortion Incidence Complications Methodology.

Results

In Tanzania, women obtained just over 405,000 induced abortions in 2013, for a national rate of 36 abortions per 1,000 women age 15–49 and a ratio of 21 abortions per 100 live births. For each woman treated in a facility for induced abortion complications, 6 times as many women had an abortion but did not receive care. Abortion rates vary widely by zone, from 10.7 in Zanzibar to 50.7 in the Lake zone.

Conclusions

The abortion rate is similar to that of other countries in the region. Variations by zone are explained mainly by differences in fertility and contraceptive prevalence. Measures to reduce the incidence of unsafe abortion and associated maternal mortality include expanding access to post-abortion care and contraceptive services to prevent unintended pregnancies.     

Recurrent spontaneous abortion and polycystic ovarian disease: comparison of two regimens to induce ovulation.

OBJECTIVE--To determine whether pituitary suppression before induction of ovulation reduces the rate of spontaneous abortion in women with polycystic ovarian disease and primary recurrent spontaneous abortions. DESIGN--Closed, randomised, sequential trial. Pairs of women were allocated to each treatment by the toss of a coin. SETTING--Supraregional clinic for women who had had recurrent spontaneous abortions. SUBJECTS--Forty two women with polycystic ovarian disease and primary recurrent spontaneous abortions. INTERVENTIONS--Ovulation was induced by clomiphene or pituitary suppression with buserelin followed by pure follicle stimulating hormone. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES--Preference for a particular treatment was noted. A preference occurred when one woman in a pair had a successful pregnancy (defined as one of over 12 weeks'' gestation) and one had a spontaneous abortion; the preference was for the treatment resulting in the successful pregnancy. RESULTS--Spontaneous abortions occurred in 11 of 20 women given clomiphene compared with two of 20 who had pituitary suppression. Eleven preferences were found for buserelin and two for clomiphene. In seven pairs both women had successful pregnancies. One pair was discarded because one of the women did not become pregnant. The ratio of luteinising hormone concentration to follicular diameter was found to be a possible diagnostic indicator of spontaneous abortion. CONCLUSION--Pituitary suppression before induction of ovulation significantly reduces the risk of spontaneous abortion in women with polycystic ovarian disease and primary recurrent spontaneous abortions.     

Alpha-fetoprotein in Abortion

The clinical value of maternal serum alpha-fetoprotein (AFP) as a guide to the outcome of threatened abortion was assessed. After the thirteenth week of gestation, abortion occurred more frequently (10/12) in women with abnormal serum AFP levels than in those (2/12) whose AFP concentrations were within the normal range. Low levels were present in women with blighted ovum and high concentrations were associated with intrauterine fetal death. In legal first and second trimester abortions, the circulating maternal AFP levels in postabortion samples were often higher than before abortion, irrespective of whether abortion was performed instrumentally or induced with prostaglandins. Maternal serum AFP levels provide a new means for prediction of the outcome of threatened abortion.     

Abortion-seeking behaviour among Nigerian women

This study used data from a community-based survey to examine women's experiences of abortion in Nigeria. Fourteen percent of respondents reported that they had ever tried to terminate a pregnancy, and 10% had obtained an abortion. The majority of women who sought an abortion did so early in the pregnancy. Forty-two percent of women who obtained an abortion used the services of a non-professional provider, a quarter experienced complications and 9% sought treatment for complications from their abortions. Roughly half of the women who obtained an abortion used a method other than D&C or MVA. The abortion prevalence and conditions under which women sought abortions varied by women's socio-demographic characteristics. Because abortion is illegal in Nigeria except to save the woman's life, many women take significant risks to terminate unwanted pregnancies. Reducing the incidence of unwanted pregnancy and unsafe abortion can significantly impact the reproductive health of women in Nigeria.     

Therapeutic abortion and its psychological implications: the Canadian experience.

Approximately 9 months after a legal therapeutic abortion, 188 Canadian women were interviewed. One half were single and the rest were married, separated or divorced. They were matched closely for a number of demographic variables with control women who had not had abortions. Neurotic disturbance in several areas of personality functioning was assessed from questionnaire responses. Out of 27 psychological scales, differences between the abortion and control groups were found on only 3: in general, women who had had abortions were more rebellious than control women, abortion tended to be associated with somewhat greater depression in married women, and single women who had had abortions scored higher on the shallow-affect scale. However, all the personality scores were well within the normal range. Perceived social support was strongly associated with favourable psychological reactions after abortion. Use of contraceptives improved greatly after the abortion, when over 90% of women reported using contraceptives regularly.     

Induced abortion potential among Indian women

Information on abortion is limited and inaccurate, especially in the developing world, which has led to speculation on the prevalence of abortion in these regions. A rise in prevalence of abortion is mostly counted in terms of increase in the prevalence of induced abortions which reflects on the reproductive health of women. With the growing concern for the reproductive health of women, the study of abortion has drawn the attention of researchers world-wide. This paper is an attempt to assess the induced abortion potential among Indian women by utilizing information on proportion of unwanted and ill-timed pregnancies obtained through National Family Health Survey, India. This exercise may facilitate a better understanding of the exact prevalence of induced abortion, which necessarily should be less than the estimated potential depending on the levels of unwanted and ill-timed fertility.     

Barriers to Rural Induced Abortion Services in Canada: Findings of the British Columbia Abortion Providers Survey (BCAPS)

Background

Rural induced abortion service has declined in Canada. Factors influencing abortion provision by rural physicians are unknown. This study assessed distribution, practice, and experiences among rural compared to urban abortion providers in the Canadian province of British Columbia (BC).

Methods

We used mixed methods to assess physicians on the BC registry of abortion providers. In 2011 we distributed a previously-published questionnaire and conducted semi-structured interviews.

Results

Surveys were returned by 39/46 (85%) of BC abortion providers. Half were family physicians, within both rural and urban cohorts. One-quarter (17/67) of rural hospitals offer abortion service. Medical abortions comprised 14.7% of total reported abortions. The three largest urban areas reported 90% of all abortions, although only 57% of reproductive age women reside in the associated health authority regions. Each rural physician provided on average 76 (SD 52) abortions annually, including 35 (SD 30) medical abortions. Rural physicians provided surgical abortions in operating rooms, often using general anaesthesia, while urban physicians provided the same services primarily in ambulatory settings using local anaesthesia. Rural providers reported health system barriers, particularly relating to operating room logistics. Urban providers reported occasional anonymous harassment and violence.

Conclusions

Medical abortions represented 15% of all BC abortions, a larger proportion than previously reported (under 4%) for Canada. Rural physicians describe addressable barriers to service provision that may explain the declining accessibility of rural abortion services. Moving rural surgical abortions out of operating rooms and into local ambulatory care settings has the potential to improve care and costs, while reducing logistical challenges facing rural physicians.     

The relation of son preference and religion to induced abortion: the case of South Korea

This paper explores the factors that influence the practice of induced abortion in a very low fertility society, with particular emphasis on son preference and three distinct religions: Confucianism, Buddhism and Christianity. Using multivariate logistic regression models fitted by the generalized estimating equation (GEE) method, this paper analysed the data collected by the 2000 Korea National Fertility and Family Health Survey of 6348 married women aged 15-49 years with a total of 1217 pregnancy outcomes. The results showed that the likelihood of induced abortions in women with two or more children, compared with those with one child, was significantly influenced by the sex composition of the previous children: odds ratio (OR)=12.71 (95% CI=5.49, 29.42) for women with only son(s), and OR=3.91 (95% CI=1.67, 9.14) for women with only daughter(s). At parity two, women with two sons were much more likely to have induced abortions than women with two daughters (OR=5.88, 95% CI=2.70, 12.85). Although Buddhist women were not significantly different from Confucian women in induced abortion practice, Christian women were much less likely than Confucian women to have an induced abortion (OR=0.39, 95% CI=0.18, 0.88 for women with only sons and OR=0.44, 95% CI=0.24, 0.81 for women with two children). This suggests that even in this very low fertility society, son preference and religious affiliation are significant predictors of women's practice of induced abortion.     

Abortion and the NHS: the first decade.

Analysis of statistics published since the Abortion Act showed that from 1972 about half the abortions carried out on residents of England and Wales had been performed within the National Health Service. Regional variations in the proportions of abortions performed within the NHS had persisted. In some health regions fewer abortions were being carried out than before. In 1975 about 40% of abortions on single women and women with no existing children were performed within the NHS. Trends in the concurrent sterilisation rate, gestational age at operation, duration of stay in hospital, and mortality and complication rates suggested a steady improvement in the effectiveness and efficiency of abortion services. Nevertheless, the NHS still compares poorly with the private sector and some other countries.     

Fertility and legal abortion in England and Wales: performance indicators for family planning services.

The relation between fertility rates and legal abortion rates was investigated in a sample of health authorities in England and Wales to see how these varied. Total period fertility rates and total period legal abortion rates were derived from the average number of live births or legal abortions that would be experienced per woman if women experienced the age specific rates of the year in question throughout their childbearing years. The sample of 30 health authorities was selected by taking the districts with the highest and lowest fertility rates in each English region and in Wales in 1986. Total period fertility rates varied from 1.37 in Riverside to 2.42 in Tower Hamlets, while abortion rates varied from 0.25 in East Yorkshire to 0.99 in Riverside. When the two rates were added to provide a potential fertility rate it became clear that some districts with similar potential fertility rates had very different underlying component rates. Such comparisons can be used for service monitoring, indicating the need for better abortion and family planning services in districts with high fertility rates and for better family planning services in those with high abortion rates.     

Why restricting access to abortion damages women’s health

Dr. Caitlin Moyer discusses the implications, for women globally, of restricting access to abortion care.

In late June, the landmark Roe v. Wade ruling was overturned by the United States Supreme Court, a decision, decried by human rights experts at the United Nations [1], that leaves many women and girls without the right to obtain abortion care that was established nearly 50 years ago. The consequences of limited or nonextant access to safe abortion services in the US remain to be seen; however, information gleaned from abortion-related policies worldwide provides insight into the likely health effects of this abrupt reversal in abortion policy. The US Supreme Court’s decision should serve to amplify the global call for strategies to mitigate the inevitable repercussions for women’s health.Upholding reproductive rights is crucial for the health of women and girls worldwide, and access to a safe abortion is central to this, yet policies in several countries either severely limit or actively prevent access to appropriate abortion care and services [2]. However, there is little to suggest that those countries and jurisdictions with abortion bans or heavily restrictive laws see fewer abortions performed. According to a modeling study of pregnancy intentions and abortion from the 1990s to 2019, rates of unintended pregnancies ending in abortion are broadly similar regardless of a country’s legal status of abortion, and unintended pregnancy rates are higher among countries with abortion restrictions [3]. Abortion is widely considered to be a low-risk procedure. Abortion-related deaths most likely occur in the context of unsafe abortion practices and are reported to account for 8% (95% UI 4.7–13.2%) of maternal deaths [4], making them a top direct contributor to maternal deaths globally, alongside hemorrhage, hypertension, and sepsis. Restrictive abortion policies may not lower the overall rates of abortion, but they can drive increasing rates of unsafe abortions, as women resort to seeking abortions covertly. Such abortions are often performed by untrained practitioners or involve harmful methods. Perhaps unsurprisingly, most abortions that take place in countries with restrictive abortion access policies are not considered safe [5], potentially contributing to maternal morbidity and mortality. A study of 162 countries found that maternal mortality rates are lower in countries with more flexible abortion access laws [6], suggesting that changes in abortion policies could have grievous implications for maternal deaths.It is not yet known if the reneging of federal protection of abortion rights will impact maternal deaths in the US; however, in the years following the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, numbers of reported deaths associated with illegal abortions, defined as those performed by an unlicensed practitioner, declined, hovering between zero and 2 deaths from the 1980s to 2018, down from 35 in 1972 [7] and 19 reported in 1973 [8]. It is possible that limits on access to timely and safe abortion care could drive this number back up and add to the already unacceptably high maternal mortality rate in the US, potentially exacerbating the persistent disparities in maternal mortality based on socioeconomic deprivation, race and ethnicity, and other factors [9].Legal and social barriers that impede access to safe abortions are detrimental to the health and survival of women and girls; thus, constructing policies ensuring access to safe abortion services should be an urgent priority. Placing undue hurdles between women and access to abortion care is associated with undesirable health outcomes. For example, a 2011 change to medication abortion laws in one US state that involved increased medication costs and restricted the timing and location where abortion services could be provided was associated with an increase in rates of women requiring additional medical interventions [10]. Lending international weight to this argument, dissolution of barriers to safe abortion access was emphasized in the March 2022 update of WHO guidance on abortion care [11], echoing a 2018 comment on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights released by the United Nations Human Rights Committee [12] that called on member states to remove existing barriers and not enact new restrictions on provision of safe abortion services so that pregnant women and girls do not need to turn to unsafe abortions.In jurisdictions where prohibitive policies exist, more could be done to counter the impacts of new barriers by changing how abortion care is delivered and increasing accessibility. Protocols for the safe self-management of abortion can be implemented alongside provision of information and provider support. WHO guidance [11] suggests expanding the breadth of practitioners authorized to prescribe medical abortions to include nurses, midwives, and other cadres of healthcare workers. The guidelines also mention telemedicine as an approach to circumvent obstacles to seeking safe abortion services [11]. For those with access to the necessary technology, telemedicine services together with self-management of medication abortion can overcome travel-related barriers and ensure the privacy of those seeking treatment. Demands for telehealth services increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, and, according to one study, remote provision of abortion services in the US may be a promising option to counteract barriers and facilitate access [13].In 2022, restrictive policies or outright bans on abortion services are discriminatory against women, obstructing their right to maintain autonomy over their own sexual and reproductive health. A post-Roe legal landscape that renders abortion more difficult or impossible to obtain safely will exacerbate an increasingly bleak picture of maternal health in the US; however, the US is just one example where increased effort is needed to overcome barriers to improving women’s healthcare. The reality is that such barriers continue to represent a threat to the health of women worldwide. Evidence-based changes to policy and practice that break down barriers and build new roads are required to enable women to access the healthcare they need.     

The relationship between legal abortion and marriage.

A study using the abortion-birth ratios for residents of each U.S. state for the second half of 1970 and for all of 1971 was done to determine if legal abortions reduced marriages. Data showed that trends were consistent with the hypothesis that a relationship exists between l egalized abortion-birth ratios and trends in crude marriage rates among states between 1967 and 1971 with reduction in crude marriage rates in the states with the relatively high abortion-birth ratios. Change in po licy on induced abortions may be responsible for the increased trend in the U.S. crude marriage rate from 1959-1970 and for its levelling off in 1971 and 1972. Analysis of data also suggested that there is a relation ship between less restrictive abortion policies and a decline in crude marriage rates. An estimation of the number of marriages postponed for at least one year following legal abortion indicated that about 1 abortion in 10 delays a marriage when all the decline in marriage rates were caused by increased abortions and when no legal abortions were subs titutes for illegal abortions. Results were obtained employing general measures for variables, but stronger relationships might be produced if more refined measures which consider race, age, parity, and marital status were introduced.     

Abortion as a backup method for contraceptive failure in China

Contraceptive failure rates for modern methods including sterilization are reported to be high in China, but little is known about the consequence of contraceptive failure and characteristics of women who decide to have an abortion if a contraceptive failure occurs. Using 6225 contraceptive failures from the 1988 Chinese Two-per-Thousand Fertility Survey, this study examines the resolution of contraceptive failure and assesses the impact of some women's sociodemographic characteristics on the decision to terminate contraceptive failure in abortion. This study has three important findings: (1) The abortion rate was 50.1%, 75.3% and 80.2% for IUD, condom and pill failures, respectively; (2) The abortion rates differed by contraceptive method and women's social and demographic characteristics. In particular, a woman with just one child was most likely to have the contraceptive failure aborted; (3) Some women experienced repeated abortions because of contraceptive failure. The results suggest that abortion was a backup method if contraception failed in China and the correlates of aborting an unwanted pregnancy reflect the strong impact of the Chinese family planning programme.     

Clandestine induced abortion: prevalence,incidence and risk factors among women in a Latin American country

Background

Clandestine induced abortions are a public health problem in many developing countries where access to abortion services is legally restricted. We estimated the prevalence and incidence of, and risk factors for, clandestine induced abortions in a Latin American country.

Methods

We conducted a large population-based survey of women aged 18–29 years in 20 cities in Peru. We asked questions about their history of spontaneous and induced abortions, using techniques to encourage disclosure.

Results

Of 8242 eligible women, 7992 (97.0%) agreed to participate. The prevalence of reported induced abortions was 11.6% (95% confidence interval [CI] 10.9%– 12.4%) among the 7962 women who participated in the survey. It was 13.6% (95% CI 12.8%– 14.5%) among the 6559 women who reported having been sexually active. The annual incidence of induced abortion was 3.1% (95% CI 2.9%– 3.3%) among the women who had ever been sexually active. In the multivariable analysis, risk factors for induced abortion were higher age at the time of the survey (odds ratio [OR] 1.11, 95% CI 1.07– 1.15), lower age at first sexual intercourse (OR 0.87, 95% CI 0.84– 0.91), geographic region (highlands: OR 1.56, 95% CI 1.23– 1.97; jungle: OR 1.81, 95% CI 1.41– 2.31 [v. coastal region]), having children (OR 0.82, 95% CI 0.68– 0.98), having more than 1 sexual partner in lifetime (2 partners: OR 1.61, 95% CI 1.23– 2.09; ≥ 3 partners: OR 2.79, 95% CI 2.12– 3.67), and having 1 or more sexual partners in the year before the survey (1 partner: OR 1.36, 95% CI 1.01– 1.72; ≥ 2 partners: OR 1.54, 95% CI 1.14– 2.02). Overall, 49.0% (95% CI 47.6%– 50.3%) of the women who reported being currently sexually active were not using contraception.

Interpretation

The incidence of clandestine, potentially unsafe induced abortion in Peru is as high as or higher than the rates in many countries where induced abortion is legal and safe. The provision of contraception and safer-sex education to those who require it needs to be greatly improved and could potentially reduce the rate of induced abortion.In most developing countries, induced abortion is legal only if the pregnancy threatens the health or life of the mother. Many women, therefore, seek clandestine abortions, which are too often unsafe and place the woman at risk of complications and death.¹Forty percent of women live in countries where abortion is legally restricted.² In 2003, an estimated 55% of induced abortions in developing countries were unsafe, and 97% of all unsafe abortions were in developing countries.³ Induced abortion is highly restricted in most countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.¹ According to the World Health Organization (WHO), the region of Latin America and the Caribbean has the same estimated incidence of clandestine induced abortions as Africa (3% per year among women aged 15–44 years).⁴ It also has the highest proportion of maternal death from unsafe abortion (12%).⁵ Women who have complications from clandestine abortions may not seek medical help for fear of being reported to legal authorities by health care workers.^6,7Elimination of unsafe abortions is a key component of sexual and reproductive health care.⁸ There is a public health need to determine more accurately the burden of, and risk factors for, clandestine induced abortion in different countries. Because of data limitations, the WHO reports only regional estimates.⁴ The lack of official records and underreporting by those involved make this task difficult, requiring that estimates calculated by different methods be compared.Rates of clandestine induced abortion are estimated with the use of either direct methods, such as population-based surveys and surveys of providers of illegal abortions, or indirect methods, such as the application of multipliers to recorded rates of hospital admission or death attributed to induced abortions.^4,9We performed a large, representative, population-based survey to determine the prevalence and incidence of, and risk factors for, induced abortion in an urban population of a Latin American country where access to abortion services is legally restricted.     

Hospital Admission following Induced Abortion in Eastern Highlands Province,Papua New Guinea – A Descriptive Study

Background

In Papua New Guinea abortion is restricted under the Criminal Code Act. While safe abortions should available in certain situations, frequently they are not available to the majority of women. Sepsis from unsafe abortion is a leading cause of maternal mortality. Our findings form part of a wider, mixed methods study designed to identify complications requiring hospital treatment for post abortion care and to explore the circumstances surrounding unsafe abortion.

Methods

Through a six month prospective study we identified all women presenting to the Eastern Highlands Provincial Hospital following spontaneous and induced abortions. We undertook semi-structured interviews with women and reviewed individual case notes, extracting demographic and clinical information.

Findings

Case notes were reviewed for 56% (67/119) of women presenting for post abortion care. At least 24% (28/119) of these admissions were due to induced abortion. Women presenting following induced abortions were significantly more likely to be younger, single, in education at the time of the abortion and report that the baby was unplanned and unwanted, compared to those reporting spontaneous abortion. Obtained illegally, misoprostol was the method most frequently used to end the pregnancy. Physical and mechanical means and traditional herbs were also widely reported.

Conclusion

In a country with a low contraceptive prevalence rate and high unmet need for family planning, all reproductive age women need access to contraceptive information and services to avoid, postpone or space pregnancies. In the absence of this, women are resorting to unsafe means to end an unwanted pregnancy, putting their lives at risk and putting an increased strain on an already struggling health system. Women in this setting need access to safe, effective means of abortion.     

The relationship between abortion rates and economic fluctuations

We analyze the relationship between abortions and economic fluctuation at the U.S. state level for the 1995–2016 period. We do not find a statistically significant association between the overall abortion rate and the unemployment rate across the full sample period. However, we observe a procyclical association from approximately 2004 to 2010, during which a one percentage point increase in the unemployment rate is associated with a roughly 5% decrease in the abortion rate. This procyclical association is confirmed when we subsample our data to the 2005–2016 period. Our subgroup analysis indicates a procyclical association for the abortion rates for younger women, while we do not observe statistically significant associations when the analysis is stratified by race or ethnicity. The associations we observe for the younger age groups are especially pronounced in states with restrictions on Medicaid funding of abortions. Our analysis suggests that economic conditions may be an important factor in the reproductive choices by women.     

Pregnancy and the risk of autoimmune disease

Autoimmune diseases (AID) predominantly affect women of reproductive age. While basic molecular studies have implicated persisting fetal cells in the mother in some AID, supportive epidemiological evidence is limited. We investigated the effect of vaginal delivery, caesarean section (CS) and induced abortion on the risk of subsequent maternal AID. Using the Danish Civil Registration System (CRS) we identified women who were born between 1960 and1992. We performed data linkage between the CRS other Danish national registers to identify women who had a pregnancy and those who developed AID. Women were categorised into 4 groups; nulligravida (control group), women who had 1st child by vaginal delivery, whose 1st delivery was by CS and who had abortions. Log-linear Poisson regression with person-years was used for data analysis adjusting for several potential confounders. There were 1,035,639 women aged >14 years and 25,570 developed AID: 43.4% nulligravida, 44.3% had their first pregnancy delivered vaginally, 7.6% CS and 4.1% abortions. The risk of AID was significantly higher in the 1st year after vaginal delivery (RR = 1.1[1.0, 1.2]) and CS (RR = 1.3[1.1, 1.5]) but significantly lower in the 1st year following abortion (RR = 0.7[0.6, 0.9]). These results suggest an association between pregnancy and the risk of subsequent maternal AID. Increased risks of AID after CS may be explained by amplified fetal cell traffic at delivery, while decreased risks after abortion may be due to the transfer of more primitive fetal stem cells. The increased risk of AID in the first year after delivery may also be related to greater testing during pregnancy.     

Induced abortion in Sri Lanka: who goes to providers for pregnancy termination?

The sociodemographic characteristics of abortion seekers and the reasons they give for procuring termination were studied in 356 clients selected from two abortion clinics in the city of Colombo. Nearly 80% were Buddhists and about 10% were Christians. Almost all had some formal education but only 20% were employed outside the home. Over 95% were currently married and at the peak of their childbearing age. More than one-half were aged 30 years or over, while adolescents only constituted about 3%. Fourteen per cent were nulliparous and about two-thirds had one or two living children at the time of obtaining the abortion. A significantly high proportion also had a very young child. In total, the 356 women had had 1130 pregnancies, and the mean rate of abortion was 42 per 100 pregnancies. Over one-quarter had had more than one abortion and about 10% had had three or more. Almost all abortions were performed within the first trimester with a mean gestation period of 6 weeks. About one-third of the clients were using some method of contraception at the time they became pregnant. The most common reasons cited for the present abortion were 'pregnancy too soon after previous delivery', 'no more children desired' or 'curtailment of opportunity for foreign employment'. Unmarried women constitute a special group of abortion seekers who have different needs and behave differently from married women. Their needs are not currently being met by reproductive health programmes in Sri Lanka, and it is important that they should be given special attention in the future. An interesting finding is that a significant minority of the abortion seekers answered negatively to the question regarding providing medical facilities for abortions without difficulty. This underscores the ambivalence many people have to abortion.     

Does the karyotype of a spontaneous abortion predict the karyotype of a subsequent abortion? Evidence from 273 women with two karyotyped spontaneous abortions.

At least two spontaneous abortions were karyotyped in 273 women during cytogenetic surveys in New York City and Honolulu. These pairs were analyzed using maximum-likelihood logistic-regression analysis to adjust for maternal age and location. There was a significantly increased risk for a chromosomally normal spontaneous abortion after a previous abortion with a normal karyotype. There was no increased risk for trisomy in a second spontaneous abortion following either a previous trisomic abortion or an abortion with another abnormal karyotype. This is unexpected, given the increased risk for trisomy found among live births and at prenatal diagnosis in young women with a previous trisomic birth. The most likely explanation is that the increased recurrence risk for trisomy is restricted to trisomy for only one or a few chromosomes, for reasons such as parental trisomy mosaicism. These data predict no increased risk of chromosome abnormality in future pregnancies after either (1) spontaneous abortions with trisomies of a kind that are always lethal in utero or (2) multiple early abortions in the presence of normal parental karyotypes.